Reconciliation Policies Research Articles

Social Sustainability and Community Development Practices: The Banff Centre for Arts and Creativity

Abstract The following is a case study of the Banff Centre for Arts and Creativity in Alberta, Canada. The Banff Centre for Arts and Creativity (Banff Centre) is located within the unique setting of the land known as Banff National Park, the first national park established in Canada (Parks Canada, 2018). Banff National Park lies within the traditional territory of the Treaty 7 First Nations, part of Canada’s larger Indigenous population who have been subjected to centuries of racism and exploitation by European settlers and their descendants. Truth and reconciliation policies and processes have received increasing attention in Canadian society, although actual practices often fall short of these principles.An aspiring leader in arts and creativity, the Banff Centre goes beyond its educational programming to engage in community development activities which support the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the principles of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People (UNDRIP). The Banff Centre hosted a Truth and Reconciliation Summit in 2016, and followed up this summit with ongoing speaker series, strengthening relationships between locals and Treaty 7 First Nations who have lived in the area for thousands of years. VIU logo WLCE logo Information Vancouver Island University World Leisure Centre of Excellence © C.S. Collishaw, 2021

The Possibility of Truth and Justice in Ariel Dorfman’s Death and the Maiden

The paper examines the possibility of attaining justice and truth for victims of human rights abuses as represented in Ariel Dorfman’s Death and the Maiden (1991). The paper investigates the validity of the concept of transitional justice, as a national reconciliation policy, in addressing individual sufferings and stories. While analyzing the play, the paper handles certain questions: is transitional justice the appropriate tool to expose the truth and achieve the justice desired by the victims? Is the perpetrators accountability possible? Is retribution more effective if taken by the hands of the victims themselves? Can reconciliation even be possible for the victims? The paper uses theories and definitions of the concept of transitional justice as well as those of Trauma as its main framework of inquiry. The conclusion of the play is open to speculations as it is the case with most of human rights abuses and the process of justice and accountability related to them.

The Possibility of Truth and Justice in Ariel Dorfman’s Death and the Maiden

The paper examines the possibility of attaining justice and truth for victims of human rights abuses as represented in Ariel Dorfman’s Death and the Maiden (1991). The paper investigates the validity of the concept of transitional justice, as a national reconciliation policy, in addressing individual sufferings and stories. While analyzing the play, the paper handles certain questions: is transitional justice the appropriate tool to expose the truth and achieve the justice desired by the victims? Is the perpetrators accountability possible? Is retribution more effective if taken by the hands of the victims themselves? Can reconciliation even be possible for the victims? The paper uses theories and definitions of the concept of transitional justice as well as those of Trauma as its main framework of inquiry. The conclusion of the play is open to speculations as it is the case with most of human rights abuses and the process of justice and accountability related to them.

Effective Policies for Single-Parent Families and Prospects for Policy Reforms in the United States: Concluding Reflections

This conclusion engages two questions catalyzed by the articles in this volume. First, which policies are effective in reducing economic hardship among single-parent families overall and minimizing disparities across subgroups? Second, what are the prospects for related reforms in the United States? We draw four lessons from the articles in this volume and from prior research about effective policy design: (1) work-family reconciliation policies are crucial; (2) strengthening and stabilizing employment is necessary, but not sufficient; (3) it is important to support the accumulation of wealth in addition to shoring up income; and (4) policies can be designed to include and protect those single parents and their children who are especially at risk. Turning to the feasibility of policy change in the United States, we conclude that some factors—especially policy elements that encourage self-reliance, shifting public opinion, the COVID-19 crisis, and federalism itself—may enhance opportunities for policy development in support of single parents.

Class or individual habitus? Willingness to spend more on reconciliation policies in Europe

PurposePublic willingness to pay for extra public benefits and services may demonstrate a tension between the common good (more services) and economic motives (higher taxes for all). In this article, the authors present an analysis of this trade-off by drawing upon the Bourdieusian theory of social reproduction and habitus.Design/methodology/approachEmploying the European Social Survey (2016), the authors first examine the patterns of relationships between the agents' position in the social structure and their attitudes across care regimes in Europe. The authors then analyse whether this link is mediated by agents' individual trajectories and dispositions, such as their beliefs towards equality or tradition, political orientation, or religiosity.FindingsThe findings support the importance of both sociation and individuation in habitus formation, albeit to varying degrees across the regimes. Individual attitudes are therefore shaped not only by interests of reproducing or maximising social positions but also by more reflexive propensities to think about the common good.Originality/valueIn this article, the authors draw upon the theory of social reproduction and habitus by Pierre Bourdieu, who has been thus far rarely employed in the study of welfare attitudes. The article also contributes to the literature that studies the trade-off between the expansion and financing of reconciliation policies.

Rozliczyć przeszłość? O pozornej defaszyzacji Włoch w okresie transformacji (1943-1948)

RECKONING WITH THE PAST? ON THE ILLUSORY DE-FASCISATION OF ITALY IN THE PERIOD OF TRANSFORMATION (1943-1948) This chapter discusses de-fascisation process in Italy during the systemic transformation in 1943-1948. It will examine whether the national reconciliation policy pursued by the Alcide De Gasperi’s governments in the second half of the 1940s contributed to the emergence of a societal vision of Mussolini’s relatively mild dictatorship, which in turn made full reckoning with the fascist legacy impossible. More specifically, the chapter discusses the following issues: 1) illusory de-fascisation of Italy’s administrative apparatus, 2) the Togliatti amnesty and the absence of Italian Nuremberg, 3) anti-fascist milieu narratives on fascism as a closed chapter in national history, and 4) the phenomenon of the renaissance of neo-fascist groups against the background explicit legal norms prohibiting practicing any form of apology for the Mussolini.

The Attitude of Saudi Arabia on the Cyprus Issue

The most important one of the factors that brought Turkish-Saudi relations closer, contrary to the attitude of the West that have been against Turkey in Cyprus Issue, is the fact that Saudi Arabia has been on the side of Turkey and has helped the Turkish Cypriots, . In the Cyprus case, which has been a national problem for Turkey, Saudi Arabia strongly supported Turkey. This attitude has deeply affected the general view of Turkey and thus a new era of good relations has begun. The Cyprus Issue led Turkey to the Arab world and ensured a softer policy towards Arabs. The practical aim in Turkey's policy of rapprochement with Arab countries will be to obtain the support of the Arab states that did not side with Turkey in the 1965 United Nations General Assembly vote on the Cyprus Issue. In this article, the attitude of Saudi Arabia on the Cyprus Issue will be examined and tried to be explained.

No activation without reconciliation? The interplay between ALMP and ECEC in relation to women's employment, unemployment and inactivity in 30 OECD countries, 1985–2018

AbstractComparative welfare state research as examined the outcomes of active labour market policies (ALMP) and work‐family reconciliation policies by and large been separately. As a result, potential complementarities between these policy areas have received scant attention empirically. Using macro‐level data, this study answers the question to what extent, and in which way, governments' efforts in ALMP and in early childhood education and care (ECEC) services are complementary to each other in promoting women's employment rates and reducing women's unemployment and inactivity rates in 30 OECD countries from 1985 to 2018. The article theorises about how the various policies that constitute a welfare state relate to each other, distinguishing between pluralism, complementarity and substitutability. These findings provide support for the notion of welfare pluralism, in the sense that ALMP and ECEC policies work together in improving women's employment rates in slightly different ways: ALMP achieve this through reducing women's unemployment rates, whereas ECEC also achieve lower inactivity rates for women. There was, however, more support for the notion of substitution rather than complementarity: the marginal benefits associated with an increase in either ALMP or ECEC were smaller in the context of large investments in the other policy. In other words, the highest rates of women's employment, and the lowest rates of unemployment and inactivity, are found in countries with large investments in both ALMP and ECEC, but such higher investments are associated with diminishing returns.

Reconciliation policies in COVID times: what role for trade unions in Spain and Italy?

This article aims to interpret trade unions’ role in reconciliation policies during the current pandemic in Italy and Spain. Questions to be answered include whether and to what degree unions have been present in the public debate, have participated in the policy-making process, have acted as policy reform protagonists or have consented to it, and to what extent they have been able to influence the direction of reform. The study proposes a three-level analytical framework of general applicability, signalling the variables that may affect the role played by unions at the micro-, meso- and macro-levels, together with the indicators that could be used. Research results for the Italian and Spanish cases indicate that the most relevant level to explain the role played by unions is the macro one. Unions tended to acquiesce to government policies in both countries, although that does not preclude action or involvement. The article also argues that a better and more nuanced categorisation of union roles should be developed.

Freedom and Gender Equality in EU Family Policy Tools

The aim of this article is to look critically at the implications of gender equality concepts for individual freedom as conceptualised by the philosopher Isaiah Berlin. The scientific literature addressing the problem of freedom and gender equality with regard to public policy is considerably fragmented. Based on contextual literature, this article will offer four concepts of freedom that serve as analytical categories. I will analyse work/family reconciliation policy tools as introduced at the level of the European Union and reconnect them to three traditions of gender equality. The article reflects on historically embedded dichotomy between positive and negative freedom visible in gendered distinction between public and private. The main findings show that the relationship between freedom and equality is mediated by the selected policy tools suggesting that some policy tools expand freedom of all individuals while others indicate a possible limit for freedom.

Gender Equality in the Field of Care: Policy Goals and Outcomes During the Merkel Era

Since the beginning of Angela Merkel’s chancellorship, German care policy changed considerably. Social policy has gained in prominence and this has affected people with caring responsibilities. Against this background, this paper compares childcare and elderly care policies in terms of gender equality. We focus on policy measures introduced and implemented during the Merkel era and we consider Chancellor Merkel’s role in shaping these policies. Based on interviews with parents of young children as well as male and female elderly carers, our analysis discusses the impacts of Merkel-era care policies on lived experiences. We concentrate on effects on caregivers’ employment status (maintaining, reducing, or leaving gainful employment for caring). Furthermore, we focus on gender equality effects depending on socio-economic status (SES). The comparison of both policy fields shows that gender in/equality and the gendered division of labour are essentially moderated by Merkel’s way of facilitating reconciliation policies. We argue that recent childcare and elderly care policies particularly address middle-class caregivers. In both fields, care policies offer a framework that is used, interpreted, and negotiated differently by individuals, couples, and families, depending on their SES and existing gender norms. Consequently, Merkel-era care policies can reinforce or mitigate gender inequalities.

The process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo and the international legal strategies of the EU States, the USA, and Russia(with particular emphasis on the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers)

The aim of this article is to analyse the international legal and political process of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo in terms of its impact on the scope of development directions and strategies of the European Union countries as well as Russia and the USA. Particular emphasis was placed on the treatment of these issues in the light of the activities of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor’s Office. The main theses assumed for the purposes of this article are as follows: firstly, that the policy of reconciliation between Serbia and Kosovo is multidimensional, including the necessity of the process of international criminal liability for the crimes committed by both states, while at the same time influencing the dilemmas of the development directions of individual European countries, but also of the European Union and the United States. In addition, the legal and political stabilization of the Balkan region, especially in the context of relations between Kosovo and Serbia, and the possibility of cooperation with these states as part of intergovernmental international organizations, is strategically extremely important for the EU, the USA, as well as for Russia. The Author critically analyses issues using polemics with the standpoint presented in the doctrine of the subject as well as interpreting selected instruments of international law and Kosovo’s national law. The deliberations resulted in conclusions as to the determinants in terms of the directions of the legal and political development of the EU and Russia resulting from the complicated process of reconciliation and mutual settlement of sins by Serbia and Kosovo.

Uzbekistan: New Milestones of Higher Education Internationalization

Modern Uzbekistan undergoes wide-scale social and economic reforms that include the modernization of higher education system. This paper aims at evaluating the actual and potential impact of the reforms in Uzbekistan’s higher education on the Russian universities’ opportunities to export education to Uzbekistan. Accordingly, the paper traces the evolution of the national higher education system under President Islam A. Karimov (from 1991 to 2016), analyzes the new priorities of higher education policies set by his successor Shavkat M. Mirziyoyev, shows their interlinkages with the transition to a new model of national development, and focuses on the objectives and instruments of higher education internationalization. Theoretically and methodologically, the research relies on the concepts of internal and external internationalization of higher education, Clark’s model of higher education system elements, and Trow’s concept of higher education massification levels. The authors show the scale and interconnectedness of higher education challenges that have been developing in Uzbekistan in the course of the 25 years of its independence. The authors argue that higher education internationalization has become a way to achieve a number of objectives, in particular to improve the quality of higher education, orient it to massification, make it more accessible in the country’s regional centers. The paper shows the parameters of internal and external internationalization of higher education in Uzbekistan that has demonstrated the unprecedented dynamics in post-Soviet countries. The paper underlines that the policy of rapprochement with Russia launched by Tashkent in 2016 has created exceptionally beneficial opportunities for Russian universities to work in Uzbekistan and attract Uzbek students. Four mid-term scenarios of higher education internationalization in Uzbekistan are suggested.

THE ALGERIAN EXPERIENCE IN THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM

The phenomenon of terrorism is one of the most dangerous phenomenon which affects the growth and development of societies negatively. It produces disastrous effects in the population by sowing fear, intimidation, terror, instability and the feeling of insecurity. Terrorism negatively affects development opportunities through the loss of human lives and the destruction of infrastructure. It is a global phenomenon that has not spared states. Algeria is one of the countries that has suffered the scourge of terrorist crime, which has cost its loss of lives and damage to its infrastructure estimated at billions of dollars. In the fight against this phenomenon, Algeria has exceptional experience and practices which deserve to be studied and analyzed. This scourge has been fought by various policies, initially dissuasive and eradicating, such as those carried out by the national army and other security forces, and it ended with a policy of reconciliation. The Algerian state is continuing its efforts, both internally, regionally and internationally to eradicate this phenomenon. Our study of this experience will be an analytical and evaluative study at all levels.

Renewing Relationships? Solitudes, Decolonisation, and Feminist International Policy

In this article we seek to understand how gendered coloniality is re-affirmed and reproduced. It does so by analysing the inter-national relationships formalised through two recent policy initiatives by the Government of Canada: its Feminist International Assistance Policy and ongoing bilateral mechanisms with Indigenous peoples organisations. Using feminist discourse analysis, we argue that the logics underpinning these initiatives are treated as mutually exclusive, with the result being solitudes across policy areas – Indigenous reconciliation and feminist governance – that should instead overlap. Our analysis suggests that in addition to failing to address systemic marginalisation, establishing exclusive domains of feminist and reconciliation policy reproduces gendered coloniality through the building of inter-national relationships. Ultimately, this results in a failure of both policy initiatives.

중국정부의 소수민족정책

China is a multi-ethnic country made up of the Han Chinese and 55 ethnic minorities. Minority ethnic groups account for 8.89% of the total population, but they occupy 64% of the country due to their extensive residential area. In addition, minority ethnic groups take the form of living together with the Han Chinese rather than living alone with their own ethnic groups in isolation. China's ethnic minority policy implemented a policy of reconciliation in the early days of its founding, and a policy of coercion from the Great Leap Forward to the Cultural Revolution before the Cultural Revolution. During the Cultural Revolution, the assimilation policy was promoted, and in the early stage of reform and opening up, the policy of reconciliation and recovery of ethnic minority policies was implemented, and since 1992, Han Chinese-centered integration policy has been implemented. The regional importance of ethnic minorities is that they occupy a large territory even though their population is small. Most of their residences are located at the border, and they have abundant underground resources. It is a strategic point essential for integration and maintaining external status. Among the minority ethnic groups, the Tibetan and Xinjiang Uyghurs are the most threatened ethnic groups in China, and the conflict continues. have. The fundamental solution to minority disputes is to grant autonomy to ethnic minority areas, guarantee religious freedom and cultural identity, examine problems caused by excessive Han Chinese migration, and guarantee improvement of living standards for local residents.

Work-Family Guilt in Spanish Parents: Analysis of the Measurement, Antecedents and Outcomes from a Gender Perspective.

This research work had three objectives: (1) to analyze the psychometric properties of the Spanish version of the Work–Family Guilt Scale, (2) to examine its invariance according to gender, and (3) to study the relationship between work–family guilt (WFG) and the different proposed antecedent (e.g., hours spent working, social support, rumination, and personality) or consequential factors (e.g., life satisfaction), noting any gender differences. The incidental sample comprised 225 parents who were in paid work and had at least one child attending nursery school (49.1% women; age of total sample = 36.88 on average). Multiple-group and confirmatory factor analyses, correlations, multiple regression, and moderation analyses were carried out. The WFGS reflected the same factorial structure in men and women, with two main factors: work interfering with family guilt (WIFG) and family interfering with work guilt (FIWG). No gender differences were found. The discrepancy associated with perfectionism was the only variable that was found to be a predictor of FIWG. The major predictors of WIFG were brooding from rumination and the number of hours spent working. WIFG was also associated with lower life satisfaction in women. The implications of these results are discussed, stressing the need to promote work–family reconciliation policies.

Chinese Government’s Ethnic Minorities Policy and TERRORISM: Focusing on Uyghur's Separation-Independence Movement

Purpose: The reality is that ethnic conflicts exist in a multi-ethnic society. After the Cold War, the issue of ethnic identity and discrimination, which had been suppressed under the socialist system, was rapidly highlighted, and national division began. However, from the perspective of a dominant nation seeking international status as a powerful nation, the separation of ethnic minorities is considered a crisis of national dissolution, so it tries to thoroughly prevent the separation of minorities. In this process, terrorism occurs and government control and pressure become intense. This phenomenon is considered in this paper. Method: Under the socialist system, the Soviet Union and China have controlled multi-ethnic societies with ideology. However, after the Cold War, an independent state began to be established as a wave of separatist nationalism spread in Eastern Europe, including Russia. China has implemented a strengthened one China policy to nip this phenomenon in the bud at home. In particular, it sought to undermine separatist nationalism against the Uyghurs and Tibetans. We examine China s strategy for ethnic minorities and Uyghur s resistance from a historical perspective. Results: Xinjiang is a geopolitical important area. The Chinese government wants to defend against potential Western threats by controlling the region. Some extremist groups of ethnic minorities are also implementing multidimensional policies to fundamentally block armed struggles and attempts to carry out terrorism for secession. The politics of suppression of minorities will continue for the time being because it is not easy to dismantle the cultural and religious identity of minorities. Conclusion: It is a matter that cannot be coerced into assimilating minorities by a dominant ethnic group. If there is no prerequisite for recognizing ethnic differences and policies for national reconciliation, a coercive system will only produce conflict. To ensure that terrorism is not a means of expressing resistance to discrimination, imperial political behavior must be abandoned.

Historical Science in the Countries of the European Union as a Factor of Unification and Reconciliation: Experience for Ukraine in the Context of European Integration

The article deals with the role and significance of the modern European historical science in the process of implementing the policy of reconciliation of nations. Based on the analysis of European countries experience several proposals have been made to establish a dialogue to consolidate the Ukrainian society. For today’s Ukraine it is especially important to pursue such a historical policy that will promote the national historical reconciliation. The problem of vital importance is to develop a common conceptual approach to comprehension of the role of the historical policy and reconciliation policies for the security sphere of the state.

The gender wage gap in Mongolia: Sectoral segregation as a driving factor

AbstractThis paper examines the gender labor market inequality by focusing on changes in the male and female earnings gap in Mongolia, a resource‐rich transition country. Economic growth has accelerated based on a boom in the mining sector since the mid‐2000s. However, the gender wage gap has widened substantially over the past decade. We use published data from the labor force surveys in 2008 and 2018 to investigate gender wage gaps among full‐time workers at the mean and across the entire distribution. We find strong evidence of the glass ceiling, but without a sticky floor. Sectoral gender segregation and work–family reconciliation policies may be the leading causes of the glass ceiling.