Quantifier Phrases Research Articles

The Case for Referential Quantifier Phrases

AbstractIn this paper, I argue that the referential/attributive distinction that Donnellan introduced for definite descriptions applies to other quantifiers phrases as well. Furthermore, I argue that the referential use of some quantifier phrases is as standard and conventional as the referential use of definite descriptions. This supports the idea that the referential use of some quantifier phrases is a semantic rather than a pragmatic phenomenon.

Plural formation in Istro-Romanian numeral quantifier phrases: inflexional calquing from Croatian?

We explore the effects of prolonged contact with Croatian on the inflexional morphology of number-marking in the Istro-Romanian noun. One result of a reorganization of the nominal system is that certain bisyllabic plural desinences, originally associated with feminine gender, are reassigned to the masculine, and come to exist alongside other modes of masculine plural marking. The resultant variation in masculine plural inflexion becomes subject to new patterns of distribution which are clearly sensitive to Croatian models, including the exaptation of masculine plural morphology to provide distinctive specialized morphological marking of plurals in certain numeral quantifier expressions for ‘smaller’ numbers, in ways clearly reminiscent of Croatian. What is involved is a complex array of ‘pattern’ borrowing, although there is also some evidence for ‘matter’ borrowing of a dialectal Croatian plural ending which Istro-Romanian sometimes uses in numeral quantifier phrases with higher numerals. Overall, we seem to be in the presence of an emergent ‘numerative’. While the creation of numeratives is well known from the internal history of various languages, our data may show that they may also emerge through language contact.

Against a generalized quantifier analysis of certain quantity expressions in Ch’ol

This paper discusses a quantity word alternation in Ch’ol, a Mayan language of southern Mexico. Drawing on fieldwork and additional texts, I show that numerals, pejtyel ‘all,’ and oñ ‘many/much’ may appear with additional possessive morphology. I present evidence against a generalized quantifier analysis of these expressions and provide an analysis where the possessed quantity expressions are adjuncts co-indexed with a null pronoun. I also consider the alternation between oñ ‘many/much’ and its possessed form, meaning ‘most’. While the morphosyntactic distribution is similar, there are certain semantic reasons to not treat the ‘many’/‘most’ alternation in the same way as ‘all’ and the numerals. I suggest that the form corresponding to ‘most’ has arisen via analogy with the other forms. I conclude with some observations on other quantity words in the language and cross-linguistic implications in the study of quantificational phrases.

Scalar Modifiers of Quantifier Phrases

This paper analyzes the syntax and compositional semantics of scalar modifiers of quantifier phrases in expressions like almost every student, absolutely every student and nowhere near every student. The semantics is based on scales (positive and negative) of generalized quantifiers.

Nobody there? On the non-existence ofnobodyin Mandarin Chinese and related issues

AbstractThe present article demonstrates how the so far unchallenged misanalysis within Chinese linguistics of a few, but central, data points has led to a distorted picture biasing,inter alia, the general typology ofwh-in-situ languages as well as the crosslinguistic study of Quantifier Phrases. This is the case forméi yǒu rén‘not exist person’,hěnshǎo yǒu rén‘rarely exist person’, andzhǐ yǒuDP ‘only exist DP’, which are not nominal projections equivalent of ‘nobody’, ‘only DP’, and ‘few people’ as currently assumed, but existential constructions: ‘there isn't anybody’, ‘there is only DP’, and ‘there are rarely people’. In addition, a subset of speakers has reanalyzedhěnshǎo (yǒu) rénwith a covertyǒu‘exist’ as a QPhěnshǎo rén‘few people’. A corpus study highlights the limited distribution ofhěnshǎo rén‘few people’, which shows that it is not on a par with its antonymhěn duō rén‘many people’.

The Intervention Effect in Late Archaic Chinese and Modern Mandarin

AbstractI investigate the Intervention Effect in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC) and modern Mandarin. In LAC, negation displays the Intervention Effect onwh-phrases. There are two types ofwh-items that are subject to the Intervention Effect triggered by negation, namely,wh-arguments andwh-adverbials that are supposed to move to a lower focus position below the negation; and those that have the option to stay in situ. Due to the intervening negative barrier, these c-commandedwh-phrases have to rise to a higher focus position above the negation so as to circumvent the Intervention Effect. I propose that the Intervention Effect in LAC is a consequence of Q-binding as a feature movement of [wh], interacting with movement into the hierarchy of clause-internal positions driven by [Topic] or [Focus] features. By contrast, focus or quantificational phrases do not display the Intervention Effect in LAC. In modern Mandarin, focus phrases, but not negation or quantified structures, impose the Intervention Effect onwh-items; negation, but not focus phrases or quantified structures, imposes the Intervention Effect on temporalwh-adverbials. I also propound three obligatory requirements for the Intervention Effect to take place in LAC, namely, interrogativity ofwh-items, the possibility of featurewh-movement, and a hierarchy of clausal positions. Although the Intervention Effect in LAC and modern Mandarin are triggered by different barriers, it always needs to meet the three requirements. Data from both LAC and Mandarin justify previous analyses regarding feature movement.

Multi-Faceted Aspects of Reconstruction in Korean Scrambling

This paper investigates reconstruction in Korean long-distance scrambling. Saito (1989) argues that in long-distance scrambling, a wh-phrase is undone or radically reconstructed to its underlying position. In this paper, adapting Keine and Poole’s (2018) analysis for the reconstruction of long-distance scrambled universal noun phrases (NPs) and indefinite NPs in Hindi-Urdu, we use Binding Condition (C) as a probe to test the validity of Saito’s (ibid.) thesis regarding the reconstruction of such NPs as well as wh-phrases in Korean. We show that both universal quantificational phrases and wh-phrases in Korean have their quantificational and wh-licensing element/features reconstructed, with the rest of the parts staying in their surface positions and thus being outside the scope of Condition (C). On the contrary, all the indefinite NPs in the language at issue can optionally undergo radical/total reconstruction, thus interacting with Condition (C).

On the scope of quantifier phrases in Chinese passive construction

Abstract Quantifier phrases (QP) can co-occur in a single sentence, which may cause ambiguity in terms of scope relation, viz. wide scope and narrow scope interpretations. Aoun & Li (1993) claim that quantifier scope ambiguity also exists in Chinese passive construction, such as yige nűren bei meige ren ma ‘a woman was scolded by everyone’. Following Lee (1986)’s proposal, it is argued in this paper that the scopal relations of Chinese QPs are not purely syntactic as in Aoun & Li’s analysis, but should be determined by the interaction between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. Based on naturalistic data, it is shown that (i) Chinese QPs can be classified into whQP, distributive-universal QP and group-denoting QP, whose semantic properties determine the scope relations between them; (ii) in general, a QP is devoid of referentiality, yet it can acquire referentiality depending on its co-occurrence with other QPs or contextual factors; (iii) the subject definiteness constraint in Chinese, a language-specific constraint, would affect the interpretation of subject QPs in Chinese passive construction.

Outer negation of universal quantifier phrases

This paper discusses two ways of negating DP quantifier phrases. In one way, NEG modifies the quantifier D directly with the structure [[NEG D] NP] (inner negation). In the other way, NEG modifies the whole DP with the structure [NEG DP] (outer negation). I give evidence based on negative polarity items that negated universal quantifier phrases like not every student involve outer negation (contra Hoeksema in Linguist Anal 16:25–40, 1986; in: ESCOL ’87, pp 100–113, 1987).

An Experimental Investigation of the Scope of Object Comparative Quantifier Phrases

An Experimental Investigation of the Scope of Object Comparative Quantifier Phrases

A new classifier-based plural morpheme in German Sign Language (DGS)

Abstract German Sign Language (DGS) displays variation in the simple plural, the form of which is conditioned by classes of phonological features within the lexicon. As a consequence, the overt realization of the plural marker is restricted to a small set of nouns specified for the appropriate phonological features, while the rest are left bare (Pfau & Steinbach 2005, 2006; Steinbach 2012). Pfau & Steinbach (2005) report a number of ‘alternative pluralization strategies’ available as repairs for this underspecification, including classifier constructions, spatial localization, and number and quantifier phrases. I propose a previously undescribed mechanism for plural marking, the ‘classifier-based plural morpheme’ (CLP), grammaticalized from the classifier system into a morpheme in the grammars of individual DGS signers. Elicitation data show that this morpheme attaches only to nouns which are specified for phonological features that restrict the realization of the canonical plural marker, adding a new option to the range of pluralization strategies available.

Countability, agreement and the loss of the dual in Russian

In this work we investigate the internal syntax and semantics of quantifier phrases (QP) involving cardinal numerals. Concentrating on a set of previously documented puzzles concerning Case and number agreement within the numeral phrase in Russian, we argue that these agreement patterns follow naturally if one recognizes three structural layers in a numeral-based QP: the countability layer, the number layer and the quantificational layer. Our central theoretical claim is that the countability layer is implemented as a (pseudo-)classifier structure whose morphological manifestation obeys a principle of syntactic ‘visibility’. Our specific claim for Russian is that, diachronically, this countability layer has emerged as a result of the loss of the dual number in the course of transition between Old and Modern Russian. We strengthen our conclusions with psycholinguistic evidence from a sentence completion study that tests Russian speakers’ sensitivity to the countability layer.

Montague's treatment of determiner (or quantifier) phrases: A philosophical introduction

AbstractThis paper introduces Richard Montague's theory of determiner (or quantifier) phrases to the philosophically oriented readers who are familiar with Russell's traditional treatment. Determiner phrases include not only quantifier phrases in the narrow sense, such as every man, some woman, and nothing, but also DP conjunctions such as Adam and Betty and Adam or Betty, and even proper names such as Adam and Betty. Montague treats all determiner phrases as belonging to type (e → t) → t, i.e., the type of functions from properties of individuals to truth values. This paper also introduces the simply typed lambda‐calculus for the explication of Montague's theory. Two major problems with Montague's theory, one more philosophical and the other more linguistic, are discussed.

A scope freezing effect with negated quantifier phrases

I document a scope freezing effect found with negated quantifier phrases (distinct from the scope freezing effect discussed in Collins (Nat Lang Semant 24: 291–303, 2016a)). In a sentence with a negated quantifier phrase of the form [NEG DP1], no quantifier phrase DP2 can take scope between NEG and DP1. I show how this scope freezing effect can be explained in terms of the analysis of negated quantifier phrases given in Collins and Postal (Classical NEG raising, MIT Press, Cambridge, 2014) and Collins (2016a).

Predicate Agreement with Quantifier Phrases Containing the Words Polovina or Trett and an Approximative Marker

This paper focuses on predicate agreement with quantified phrases that include bolee, okolo (“about, more than”) and the nouns polovina (a half), tret’ (a third), and numerals. This study based on data from the National Russian Corpus describe the modern standard of predicate agreement with quantified phrases containing okolo, bolee poloviny/treti. The data show that a predicate is most likely to occur in the singular with “bolee, okolo numeral” and in the plural with “okolo, bolee polovina/tret’”. The author proposes an answer to the question of why the standards of agreement for quantified phrases with similar structures are different. The factors that influence the form of the predicate are also examined.

Composition of complex numbers: Delineating the computational role of the left anterior temporal lobe

What is the neurobiological basis of our ability to create complex messages with language? Results from multiple methodologies have converged on a set of brain regions as relevant for this general process, but the computational details of these areas remain to be characterized. The left anterior temporal lobe (LATL) has been a consistent node within this network, with results suggesting that although it rather systematically shows increased activation for semantically complex structured stimuli, this effect does not extend to number phrases such as ‘three books.’ In the present work we used magnetoencephalography to investigate whether numbers in general are an invalid input to the combinatory operations housed in the LATL or whether the lack of LATL engagement for stimuli such as ‘three books’ is due to the quantificational nature of such phrases. As a relevant test case, we employed complex number terms such as ‘twenty-three’, where one number term is not a quantifier of the other but rather, the two terms form a type of complex concept. In a number naming paradigm, participants viewed rows of numbers and depending on task instruction, named them as complex number terms (‘twenty-three’), numerical quantifications (‘two threes’), adjectival modifications (‘blue threes’) or non-combinatory lists (e.g., ‘two, three’). While quantificational phrases failed to engage the LATL as compared to non-combinatory controls, both complex number terms and adjectival modifications elicited a reliable activity increase in the LATL. Our results show that while the LATL does not participate in the enumeration of tokens within a set, exemplified by the quantificational phrases, it does support conceptual combination, including the composition of complex number concepts.

A Review From Denotation To Denoting

Gray’s Elegy is an argument towards meaning and denotation of denoting concepts. Denoting concepts occur in propositions and quantifier phrases occur in the sentences that express those propositions. Russell used this argument to distinguish meaning from denotation. The study will follow this argument comparing two other ideas raised by Makin and Pakaluk. The paper ends up discussing the meaning of a denoting phrase or a complex in a proposition which becomes about the denotation by a chain of objects and ideas. A formulization will be introduced for the proposal at the final step.

Quantifiers, "Again" and the Complexity of Verb Phrases

No abstract.

Witnessable quantifiers license type-e meaning: Evidence from contrastive topic, equatives and supplements

This paper presents three novel ways of testing which plural quantificational phrases can denote individuals (type e). Specifically, it is argued that only type-e expressions can (i) be marked as a contrastive topic in a discourse contrasting individuals, (ii) be equated with another type-e expression in an equative frame, and (iii) anchor supplementing material. The main empirical finding is that the class of quantifiers allowing type-e nominal denotations is larger than assumed on classic accounts like Reinhart 1997. Furthermore, this class is characterizable in semantic terms. The quantifiers that give rise to type-e meanings are "witnessable" in the sense of entailing the existence of an individual satisfying both their restrictor and their nuclear scope.

Impossible interpretations, impossible demands

While there has been much ado about the innumerable ways a speaker can alter the reach of her quantifier phrases, little fuss has been made over the fact that some forms of alteration are, as it were, impossible to pull off. These impossible interpretations cast a shadow over both syntactic and free enrichment approaches to the phenomenon of quantifier domain restriction. Indeed, I argue that these impossible interpretations help to undermine the presupposition that domain restriction is amenable to a uniform theoretical account.