Researchers argue that immigrants pool resources to help their kinfolk and that contacts with kin provide information that reduces the risks of migration (Litwak, 1960; Tilly and Brown, 1967; Choldin, 1973; Taylor, 1986; Massey et al., 1987). Presumably, the presence of relatives and friends at the place of destination lowers the costs, monetary as well as socio-phychological, of immigration. Supposedly, immigrants pool resources to help their kinfolk. Few researchers have questioned the consequences of the reliance of immigrants on social networks during resettlement (Tilly and Brown, 1967; Kritz and Gurak, 1984). The debate, however, has centered around the positive or negative effects of networks on immigrant adaptation, without considering circumstances under which the role of networks has been mitigated, overridden, or even reversed by factors in the receiving context. The underlying assumption that networks always provide a haven of support for immigrants has been left unquestioned. In this study I will examine the dynamics of kinship-based social networks during resettlement of recent Salvadorean migrants to San Francisco. These immigrants invariably obtained substantial assistance from their relatives in the U.S. in order to make the journey north. But whereas in many instances these social relations continued to provide support for these newcomers upon arrival, in as many cases these social relations became conflictive and even broke down. Therefore, instead of lending support to the assumption that kinship-based networks are invariably sources of assistance to the newcomers, I analyze a more complex situation which contains instances of kinship support, but concomitantly illustrates cases where networks fail to provide the expected assistance to the newcomers. Undoubtedly, social networks are shaped by the interplay of specific characteristics of the group in question and broader forces in the receiving context. However, the analysis will demonstrate how immigrant networks are affected by forces in the context of reception - larger processes in the politico-economic arena - as well as community-level factors. Comparative Strategy: Salvadoreans, Vietnamese, and Mexican In order to be able to substantiate the above assertion for the Salvadorean case, I will compare the organization of Salvadorean kinship-based networks with those among recently-arrived Vietnamese and Mexican migrants, whose kinship-based networks do not tend to break down upon arrival to the extent that they do among Salvadoreans. The cases of Salvadoreans, Vietnamese, and Mexicans may seem too different to warrant meaningful comparison, but on close inspection, Salvadoreans parallel the other two groups in ways that motivate comparative analysis. An important common denominator is that Salvadorans, Vietnamese, and Mexicans rely heavily on their social networks in the U.S. to be able to make their U.S.-bound journey. But whereas among Vietnamese and Mexicans these networks continue to be viable sources of support upon arrival, such is not the case for Salvadoreans, for whom these networks weaken during resettlement. This point suggests that the context of arrival may contribute to the change experienced by Salvadoreans. Thus, I will compare the structure of opportunity in the receiving context for Salvadoreans to that experienced by Vietnamese and Mexican. Three major interrelated forces shape the structure of opportunity for these immigrants upon arrival. These include the state's reception to migrants, which alleviates problems that range from psychological traumas to crowded housing; local labor market opportunities; and the receiving community, which includes the history of the particular migration flow and the internal dynamics of the migrant group. Vietnamese have access to state assistance upon arrival which helps them cope economically and reinforces community ties, which sustains the already strong kinship ties among Vietnamese. …
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Oct 1, 2005
Sofia Vikström + 3
Open Access