As a pivotal patriarch of the Pure Land school, Shandao 善導 (613–681) played a decisive role in shaping Pure Land Buddhism and the broader history of Chinese Buddhism. A direct disciple of Daochuo 道綽 (563–645), he championed the dual framework of Dingshan 定善 and Sanshan 散善 practices together with Nianfo 念佛 (Skt. buddhānusmṛti), especially Chiming nianfo 持名念佛 (vocal recitation of Amitābha’s name). Existing scholarship has already demonstrated that Shandao was not a master concerned exclusively with vocal recitation but also a systematic exegete of Guanfo 觀佛, visualisation, and samādhi. This article therefore does not present that recognition as its own innovation. Instead, it reconstructs the internal architecture by which Shandao’s Guanjing si tie shu 觀經四帖疏 (Commentary on the Contemplation Sūtra in Four Fascicles) integrates contemplative practice with three doctrinal commitments: the efficacy of ‘birth through ten recitations’ against the Yogācāra charge of Bieshi yi 別時意 (Skt. kālāntarābhiprāya, the identification of Amitābha’s land as a reward land, and the thesis that ordinary beings (Skt. pṛthagjana) may enter that land. Drawing also on the Guannian Amituo fo xianghai sanmei gongde famen 觀念阿彌陀佛相海三昧功德法門 (Method of Contemplating Amitābha Buddha’s Ocean-like Marks in Samādhi and Its Meritorious Virtues) and the Wangsheng lizan 往生禮讚 (Liturgy of Praise for Birth in the Pure Land), the article argues that Shandao’s originality lies less in any single doctrine than in the way these doctrines mutually support one another as a coherent programme of exegesis, practice, and Pure Land soteriology.

Eczema, or atopic dermatitis, is a chronic, relapsing inflammatory skin disease characterized by intense itching and erythematous lesions. It imposes a significant psychosocial burden as conventional medicine currently offers no definitive cure. While biomedical models focus on epidermal barrier dysfunction and immune dysregulation, the Buddhist framework of the Guan Yin Citta Dharma Door identifies the root cause as the ripening of killing karma and the presence of spirits from past harm to sentient beings (note: spirit is the soul of dead human or animal). Therefore, this study presents a case of a patient with a seven-year history of treatment-resistant sole eczema who achieved a complete and smooth recovery by applying the Five Golden Buddhist Practices of Guan Yin Citta Dharma Door. By prioritizing the Amitabha Pure Land Rebirth Mantra to ascend the small spirits and eliminate killing karma by performing Five Golden Buddhist Practices, the practitioner addressed the spiritual origins of the illness, demonstrating that sincere cultivation can resolve even the most persistent physical ailments.

This article aims to illustrate how to translate the Buddhist concept of self-negation into the language of modern educational theories. While Buddhism is recognized as an alternate resource of educational theorizing in Asia, it can remain marginal or subsidiary to Western theories unless examined in relation to the context of local modernization. Instead of directly applying Buddhist ideas to educational theories, this article examines how these ideas are translated into the language of modern education by Kyoto School thinkers in Japan from the 1910s to the present. While earlier philosophers of the School—Nishida Kitarō, Tanabe Hajime and Kimura Motomori—practice Zen and/or possess a deep understanding of Pure Land Buddhism, their postwar successors in education—Mori Akira and Yano Satoji—less frequently or only indirectly refer to Buddhist sources. Nevertheless, these prominent postwar education scholars inherit the Buddhist-derived logic of absolute affirmation through self-negation. This ongoing process of translation of Buddhist ideas into modern educational theories contributes to the development of alternative forms of modernity and postmodernity, providing a basis for dialogue on education and modernization in East Asia.

This paper draws on Michel Foucault’s analysis of disciplinary power to examine the history of penal punishment and Buddhist chaplaincy at Lüshun Prison in Dalian during Japan’s colonial rule (1905–1945). The goal is to call into question the dominant understanding of Japanese prison system as simply an apparatus of naked colonial oppression by exploring the contradictions and limitations in the penitentiary system of Japan as an empire and a modern nation-state. The research is based on official prison documents, True Pure Land Buddhist Honganji sect archival sources, local Chinese publications, oral testimonies from the 2000s, interviews with descendants, and fieldwork at Lüshun Prison. The first part introduces the history of Lüshun Prison and the second explains the prison as a modern criminal justice institution embodying the Benthamian panopticon principle and modern disciplinary power. The third part examines the brutal corporeal punishment at Lüshun Prison and explores how the prison combined deliberate strategies of disciplining manipulation with bodily punishment to (re)create disciplined and subjected individuals. The fourth and fifth parts focus on Buddhist chaplaincy at Lüshun Prison as a disciplining practice. The fourth considers the limits of Buddhist chaplaincy by showing the depoliticized Buddhist doctrine deployed by chaplains was unable to discipline prisoners as it failed to make them repent and be loyal subjects of imperial Japan. The notion of public good used to justify Buddhist chaplaincy in Japan loses its political meaning when applied to the colonial penitentiary setting of Lüshun Prison. The fifth part further explores this ambiguity in Buddhist chaplaincy by focusing on examining the case of Ahn Jung-geun, the Korean independence activist who assassinated the Japanese statesman Ito Hirobumi and was imprisoned and executed at Lüshun Prison in 1910. Rather than transforming Ahn, prison chaplains ended up being transformed by him. This reversion betrays not just a tension between the private and the public, or the individual and the social, but at the same time a tension between the supposedly homogenized nation-state and the multi-ethnic empire.

This article presents a comprehensive analysis of the legal and institutional foundations of prison chaplaincy in Japan’s penitentiary system. The study focuses on the historical evolution of religious guidance in correctional institutions — from its origins during the Meiji era (1868—1912), through postwar reforms, to current practices, particularly within the framework of the National Federation of Prison Chaplains. The article explores the legal codification of religious activities in places of detention, analyzing key legislative acts that define the rights and functions of religious instructors. Particular emphasis is placed on the contributions of monks from the True Pure Land tradition (Jôdo Shinshû), who played a leading role in the establishment and expansion of prison chaplaincy. These monks not only initiated the practice but also worked systematically to institutionalize it. The article examines how Buddhist schools sought to preserve their social relevance and maintain integration within the state system by utilizing religious instruction in prisons as a continuation of their traditional public functions. Attention is given to the sectarian monopolization of this activity and to the conflict surrounding the appointment of the Christian reformer Tomeoka Kôsuke at Sugamo Prison — a pivotal moment in the broader debate over religious policy in the penal sphere. A separate section is dedicated to the work of Ogawa Shigejirô, a prominent reformer of Japan’s juvenile justice system, who significantly contributed to the adaptation of the German penitentiary model, which combined religious instruction, education, and discipline. His concept of “protective education” formed the basis of the Prison Act (1908), which institutionalized moral and ethical rehabilitation as a core element of penal practice. The article also underscores the continuing significance of spiritual and moral guidance as a distinct component of Japan’s correctional philosophy. It highlights the contemporary collaboration between religious organizations — primarily through the National Federation of Prison Chaplains — and state institutions under the constitutional principle of secularism, reflecting the ongoing evolution of Buddhism’s social role in modern Japanese society.

In 1934, D. T. Suzuki visited China and met the renowned Pure Land Buddhist Master Yinguang, who was then retreating at Baoguo Temple in Suzhou. They conversed in-depth on the practices of the Pure Land and Chan/Zen traditions in China and Japan. This conversation deepened their respective understandings on the diverse developments of Pure Land and Chan in both countries. In this article, we introduces the historical context of Suzuki’s visit to China and his encounter with Yinguang, and then describes Suzuki’s impressions of Chinese Chan Buddhism during his visit. what is more, we compares and contrasts Yinguang’s and Suzuki’s views on Chan and Pure Land in China as well as their views on Pure Land and True Pure Land in Japan. Finally, we critically examines Suzuki’s view on the “Other-Power” (他力, 彼の力) and speculates on the significance of this dialogue in the history of the exchange of Buddhism between China and Japan.

Until recently, our view of Chinese Buddhist history was overly influenced by sectarian categories inherited by Japanese Buddhism, which clearly distinguished Zen/Chan, Pure Land, and esoteric Buddhism (mostly Shingon 真言). Recently, scholars have begun to study syncretistic trends known as “esoteric Zen” and “esoteric nenbutsu.” However, the latter has so far been mostly examined within the framework of Shingon Buddhism. This paper will emphasize the importance of nenbutsu in the esoteric Tendai school (Taimitsu 台密), particularly in a secret ritual called “Genshi Kimyōdan” 玄旨帰命壇.

This is a preliminary report on a study of Indic precedents for Pure Land traditions. It contests anglophone scholarship that find those traditions to be predominantly East Asian constructions in discontinuity with Indian Buddhism. The first part, related to previously unpublished research, disputes a common leading point of such arguments that the expression pure land, jingtu, has no Sanskrit antecedents. The article will show that Sanskrit antecedents for jingtu are in fact abundant. The second part summarizes previously published work showing that the cosmology, soteriology, and buddhology of buddhakṣetras have explicit foundations among the heavens and devas. The third part forecasts research for Kenneth Tanaka’s “Other Power” project. ‘Other-power’ has been seen as discordant with Indian traditions, when even abhidharma sources state that, through ‘a single mind of faith in Buddha to the marrow of one’s bones, one can overcome infinite bad karma.’ The salvific power of the names of buddhas is a common concept in Indian Buddhism, declared even by Nāgārjuna. Not discounting Chinese and Japanese creative contributions and acculturation, Pure Land traditions are in strong natural continuity with Indian Buddhist thought.

This paper builds on Tomoko Masuzawa’s influential critique in The Invention of World Religions by analyzing how colonial and theological frameworks shaped Western representations of Pure Land Buddhism. While Masuzawa exposed the Eurocentric foundations of religious studies, this study examines a specific dimension of that legacy: Christian theological interpretations of Pure Land Buddhism. Sixteenth-century Jesuit missionaries in Japan described Pure Land Buddhism through Protestant analogies, framing it as a distorted counterpart to Christianity. This characterization persisted into the twentieth century, notably in Joseph Dahlmann’s writings, which cast Pure Land Buddhism as counterfeit Christianity and an illegitimate form of Buddhism. Later, theologians Karl Barth and Henri de Lubac reinforced this comparative lens, arguing that although Pure Land Buddhism shares certain features with Protestantism, it ultimately falls short of Christian theological standards. By interrogating these misrepresentations and their impact on academic discourse, this paper demonstrates how Western scholars and theologians constructed narratives that misrepresented Pure Land Buddhism and shaped its reception in Western intellectual history.

Japanese Pure Land Buddhism has often been approached through the lens of Kamakura (1192–1333) doctrinal developments, emphasizing the emergence of an exclusive nenbutsu practice. In this article we reconsider pre-Kamakura Pure Land belief by examining setsuwa literature from the Heian period (794–1192) and focus predominantly on narratives with appearances of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva. With analysis of kōsōden, ōjōden, and Buddhist setsuwa collections such as the Hokke genki and the Konjaku monogatarishū, the study demonstrates that aspirations for rebirth in a Pure Land were embedded within a broader religious framework with prevalent practices such as Lotus Sutra devotion and repentance rituals. The figure of Samantabhadra emerges as the protector of Lotus practitioners, as a key ritual and narrative agent associated with the removal of karmic hindrances, primarily through repentance. The co-existence of Lotus Sutra devotion, repentance, and Pure Land practices such as the nenbutsu in these narratives reveals a plural and non-exclusive formation of pre-sectarian Pure Land belief.

Lushan 廬山 and Wutaishan 五臺山 have long occupied important positions in East Asian Buddhism as sacred sites. The wuhui nianfo 五会念仏 and Pure Land philosophy initiated by Fazhao 法照 (746–838) on Wutaishan greatly influenced the development of both rituals and the philosophy of Pure Land Buddhism in Japan. In this paper, I examine how Fazhao’s idea of the wuhui nianfo and salvation in Pure Land Buddhism influenced the transformational movement of Japanese Pure Land Buddhism in the 13th century. Hōnen’s 法然 (1133–1212) disciples, Seikaku 聖覚 (1167–1235) and Shinran 親鸞 (1173–1263), among others, wrote works in response to criticisms of Hōnen from Tendai 天台 and Hossō 法相 monks, in which they cited Fazhao’s wuhui nianfo thought to develop arguments in defense of Hōnen’s teachings. I examine how Hōnen, Seikaku, and Shinran were influenced by Fazhao’s Pure Land thought during the Kamakura-era (1185–1333) when the transformational Pure Land movement developed in Japan. Fazhao’s Pure Land thought responded to criticisms against Pure Land Buddhism of his own time. Similarly, Hōnen, Seikaku, and Shinran carried out their role in their own way, guided by Chinese Pure Land masters such as Shandao 善導 (613–681) and Fazhao. Shinran carefully interprets Fazhao’s thought so that it is not misunderstood as insisting on self-indulgence and antinomianism. Shinran intended to make clear that Fazhao’s intention was to reveal the universal working of Amida’s Vow. Furthermore, Shinran developed the ideas of shinjin 信心 and other power 他力 reflecting on it. Fazhao’s passages inspired Shinran’s deep religious awakening about the meaning of Amida’s Vow, shinjin, and other power. Shinran also composed Japanese hymns in the form of Imayō 今様, which were sung with melodies akin to the wuhui nianfo.

Although Paegam Sŏngch’ong 栢庵性聰 (1631–1700) received orthodox transmission in Sŏn Buddhism in the Puhyu lineage 浮休係 (deriving from Puhyu Sŏnsu 浮休善修, 1543–1615), he is remembered as an important advocate of Huayan 華嚴 doctrinal learning in the mid-Chosŏn period. He collected Buddhist works from the Chinese Jia-xing Canon 嘉興藏 that had washed ashore on Imja Island 荏子島 in Chŏlla Province and published them in more than 190 volumes. In 1686, the first work produced in this endeavor was Precious Writings on the Pure Land (Chŏngt’o posŏ 淨土寶書), in one volume. It is a compilation, in fourteen sections (including the preface), of excerpts and summaries of Pure Land writings and stories published in the supplementary canon section 續藏 of the Jiaxing Canon. The core and longest section of the work is chapter thirteen: “Efficacy of the Fruit of the Pure Land” (Chŏngt’o kwahŏm 淨土果驗). This chapter comprises devotional narratives on cases of rebirth in the Pure Land classified according to the social or birth status of the main figures: monks, kings and ministers, nobles and commoners, nuns, women, evildoers, animals, and so forth. The primary purpose of these narratives is to underscore to virtue of chanting the name of the Buddha Amitābha (yŏmbul, Ch. nianfo 念佛) as a means of rebirth in Sukhāvatī. This work is significant because it demonstrates the value and function of Chinese Pure Land literature in the popularization of Pure Land practice in the mid and late Chosŏn period.

In terms of his reception in East Asia and the legacy of his commentaries and compendia in translation, Vasubandhu 世親 (ca. 320–400 centuries CE) is among the most important figures in the textual history of Indian Buddhism. Although perhaps best known by modern scholars through his works concerning abstruse intellectual ideas presented from the Yogācāra or mind-only and Abhidharma perspectives, his legacy is arguably best represented as an authoritative voice concerning the Pure Land of Amitāyus buddha. Both Nāgārjuna 龍樹 (ca. 150–250 CE) and Vasubandhu are considered to be patriarchs (soshi 祖師) for Jōdo Shin 浄土真宗 Buddhists, following Shinran’s 親鸞 (1173–1263) teachings. In this paper I investigate the textual history of these two Indian masters who are considered to be patriarchs by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists in Japan. No one believes these individuals transmitted some sort of true mind or essential teaching from one to another as in the Chan or Zen 禪宗 tradition; they are recognized because of fundamental texts with key ideas that are ascribed to them. These key texts were never singled out in any Chinese or Indian set of special texts, nor were they highlighted in various catalogs to the Buddhist “canon.” This research demonstrates how the sacred teachings ascribed to Vasubandhu, and to a certain extent Nāgārjuna as well, by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists reveal how and why Pure Land practices were expected to be seen as mainstream Mahāyāna Buddhism and nothing at all like a reformation for a later age.

This study examines the Kwŏnsu-chŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo (勸修淨業往生捷徑圖), a woodblock print created for Pure Land practice during the Chosŏn period. The print served as material evidence demonstrating how Pure Land faith developed within Chosŏn Buddhism, which consolidated various schools under the Sŏn tradition while integrating doctrinal studies and Pure Land faith. Through iconographic analysis of the transformation tableau and examination of its publication colophon, this paper explores how yŏmbul-Sŏn practice evolved from the early Chosŏn period and how this print functioned as a practical medium for daily Buddha recitation practice. The study argues that the Kwŏnsu-chŏngŏp-wangsaeng-ch’ŏpkyŏngdo represents empirical evidence of the synthesis between Sŏn meditation and Pure Land faith, demonstrating the inclusive approach of Chosŏn Buddhist masters who accepted both Mind-Only Pure Land and Western Pure Land concepts for the purpose of widespread religious instruction.

Regarding the functions of Cave 285 at the Mogao Caves 莫高窟 during the Western Wei period, scholars have generally considered it a meditation cave. The main chamber has four small chambers each on the southern and northern walls, believed to serve as meditation spaces. However, a close examination of the architectural features of these eight small chambers reveals that they may have had another purpose, fundamentally different from meditation. Close visual analysis shows that the lintels of each small chamber are adorned with honeysuckle patterns, between which stand two birds forming paired bird images, with considerable variation in the types of birds. The lintel imagery of the eight small chambers in Cave 285 differs from the honeysuckle and lotus-rebirth themes commonly emphasized in the lintel designs of the main niches of contemporaneous caves that highlight the significance of the Pure Land of the Buddha. It also does not align with the flame-pattern-dominated designs seen in other niches on various faces of the central pillar during this period. This indicates a difference in symbolic meaning. At the same time, the paired birds or individual birds appear in depictions of the Pure Land on the truncated-pyramidal ceilings of caves from the same period, alongside images of honeysuckle, lotus-born beings, celestial beings, winged deities, jewels, and animals. Similarly, paired birds (such as parrots, vermilion birds, phoenixes, and bluebirds) found on the walls, heavenly gates, and screens of the Wei and Jin dynasty tombs in Dunhuang symbolize the deceased’s ascension to immortality. The frequent appearance of paired birds on lintels, doors, door frames, and walls outside the doors of tombs from the medieval period signifies the deceased’s ascension to immortality. Considering the funerary nature of the eight small chambers in Cave 285 and the symbolic meaning and development trajectory of paired birds in tombs and caves during the medieval period, the eight pairs of birds on the lintels of these small chambers were meant to aid the deceased’s soul in its ascension to immortality and rebirth in the Pure Land.

This study aims to examine the potential contributions of the similarities between sufism and Japanese Buddhism to the culture of coexistence among communities with different beliefs. The article is based on the central premise that the commonalities between these two religious traditions can strengthen an environment of tolerance and dialogue. It is hoped that this study will offer an original contribution to the field of comparative history of religions. The research focuses on the similarities between the generally accepted approaches of sufism, a mystical interpretation of Islam, and the teachings and practices of Zen Buddhism and Jōdo (Pure Land) Buddhism, which are representative sects of Japanese Buddhism. It is noted that while Buddhism has been widely practiced in Japan alongside Shintoism, a syncretic relationship has developed between the two. The study utilizes a comparative history of religions methodology and a descriptive approach to present the data impartially and objectively. In its concluding section, the article discusses how the similarities between the teachings of sufism and Japanese Buddhism can foster a dialogue based on tolerance, respect, and cooperation. It is argued that these commonalities can encourage a more tolerant approach to different religious beliefs and help establish stronger relationships between societies. Furthermore, by drawing attention to the shared goals of both traditions, it is emphasized that these common points can support individuals' quest for inner peace and happiness and promote a more simple and balanced lifestyle. Finally, the potential of these shared aspects to contribute to the development of a culture of coexistence for people of different faiths and to serve as a global example is evaluated.

This study aimed to elucidate the religious symbolic meanings inherent in the patterns that compose the iconography of the gold thread embroidery of Mireuksaji Temple, through examples of ancient embroidery pieces with similar formal characteristics to the gold thread embroidery of Mireuksaji Temple dating to 639, embroidery pieces from the Famensi temple in Tang Dynasty and Horyuji Temple from the Asuka period, and embroidery statues of Buddha that appeared later. The Mireuksaji gold embroidery uses 4-end complex gauze as the base fabric for the embroidery, and is embroidered with red colored thread. The edges of the embroidery use spiral-wrapped gold strip made of pure gold, and the embroidery pattern is a flower pattern. As a result, the representative embroidered Buddhist statues and embroidered products of East Asia that are extant are largely consistent with the development of the Amitabha faith, and similarities are found across eras and regions in terms of major materials and techniques. Accordingly, it can be assumed that the flower pattern of the gold- embroidered products of Mireuksaji Temple expresses the components of the Pure Land.

中文 大乘净土围绕一定的“差异”与“共性”来论述娑婆、极乐、兜率、药师等净土思想，以定位“他方国土”与“他方佛”的关系。作为印度初期净土的来源，《维摩诘经》所投射的阿閦佛以及妙喜净土成为解明东亚净土的关键。该经虽有“他力”视域，但二十八种菩萨的“因行”赋予净土实践更偏重“自净其心”的“自力”。相较于中国所侧重的“半自力半他力”，以及日本所强调的“纯他力”，该经反应了印度初期净土的“难行道”，但同时又隐藏了《阿閦佛国经》《般若经》等经典的“他力”倾向。故而本文以“病本”为核心，从超克“病本”之心的“六因”以及二十二种“加行”，来反思“因行”与“国土与众生清净”的关系。 English Mahayana Pure Land discusses Pure Land thoughts of Saha , Sukhavati , Tushita , Medicine Buddha , etc., around certain " differences " and " commonalities " to position the relationship between "other lands " and "other Buddhas ." As the source of early Indian Pure Land , the Akṣobhya Buddha and Abhirati Pure Land projected in The Vimalakīrti Sūtra become key to elucidating East Asian Pure Land . Although this sutra has the perspective of " other-power ," the " causal practices " of the twenty-eight bodhisattvas endow Pure Land practice with more emphasis on the " self-power " of " purifying one's own mind . " Compared to China's emphasis on " half self-power , half other-power " and Japan's emphasis on " pure other-power ," this sutra reflects the " difficult path of practice " of early Indian Pure Land , but simultaneously conceals the " other-power " tendency of sutras such as The Akṣobhyavyūha Sūtra and The Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra . Therefore , this paper takes " fundamental illness " as its core , examining the relationship between " causal practices " and " purity of land and sentient beings " through the " six causes " and twenty-two types of " preparatory practices " for overcoming the mind of " fundamental illness ."

This review essay examines four recent titles that deal with esoteric Buddhism in medieval Japan: <em>Kamakura Bukkyō: Mikkyō no shiten kara</em> (Daizō Shuppan, 2023); <em>Rituals of Initiation and Consecration in Premodern Japan: Power and Legitimacy in Kingship, Religion, and the Arts</em> (De Gruyter, 2022); <em>Esoteric Pure Land Buddhism</em> (University of Hawai‘i Press, 2023); and <em>Esoteric Zen: Zen and the Tantric Teachings in Premodern Japan</em> (Brill, 2023). They all helpfully challenge sectarian narratives by showing how esoteric Buddhism permeated various medieval schools. In doing so, these works build upon Kuroda Toshio’s idea of a hegemonic exoteric-esoteric system (<em>kenmitsu taisei</em>), a concept now fifty years old. While Kuroda’s ongoing influence on recent scholarship, including the volumes under review, has been a net positive for the field, my essay raises questions about the definition and coherence of the term “esoteric Buddhism.” It also encourages future scholars to examine other non-esoteric aspects of medieval Japanese religions.

ABSTRACT This paper explores deathwork in Tokyo’s San’ya district, formerly known as one of Japan’s major yoseba (day-labour market) and now as a welfare neighbourhood. It examines the establishment of multi-faith, non-profit collective graves hosted by a Pure Land temple, serving primarily, but not exclusively, rough sleepers and socially disconnected individuals. Supported by a network of local organisations and volunteers, these graves are accompanied by memorial rituals that aim to foster a reciprocal connection, both material and spiritual, between the living and the dead. Central to this work is the concept of shien, which combines the idea of support with the Buddhist notion of en, a bond or karmic connection. By conceptualising this form of deathwork as a neighbourhood-based project, the paper highlights the importance of collective and activist deathwork in fostering connections based on mutual interdependence. Furthermore, it argues that communal graves in San’ya serve as necromaterial infrastructures of care, re-membering the deceased as members of an intentional, interdependent community and thus transcending conventional, family-based memorialisation.