How do citizens respond to political violence during election campaigns? Previous research suggests such events can increase support for the victim's party through a “rally ‘round the flag” effect, where the public unites against perceived threats, or an “empathy effect,” where individuals sympathize with the victim. Yet it remains unclear whether these effects vary across contexts. This study examines regional variation in public opinion following the 2022 assassination of former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, which occurred two days before the national election. Using over 640,000 daily responses from a Voting Advice Application (VAA), we estimate changes in support for Abe's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Applying the generalized synthetic control method (GSCM), we find no significant change in public opinion in the area surrounding the assassination site. By contrast, in Abe's home region, support for the LDP temporarily increased and support for rights restrictions declined, suggesting that psychological proximity to the victim briefly influenced public opinion. However, surveys conducted 8 to 9 months later reveal no persistent regional effects, suggesting that neither physical nor psychological proximity to the victim produced lasting changes in political attitudes.

Last month's parliamentary elections ended Prime Minister Viktor Orbán's 16-year rule, giving Hungary something more consequential than a change of government: a chance to show the world how to rebuild science after political control. With a two-thirds parliamentary majority, the new leadership has the mandate and the constitutional power to rebuild Hungary's scientific enterprise around merit, and resistance against future interference. If Hungary gets this right, it will offer a model that matters far beyond its borders.

Abstract This article offers an overview of the statuary dedicated to Cavour erected in Italy during the first 50 years after unification (1861–1915), focusing on the most significant cases. Promoted by moderate circles close to the former prime minister, the construction of public monuments to the so-called ‘‘weaver of unification’’ responded to the requirements of patriotic education. Pursuing a policy of unveiling monuments throughout central and northern Italy, liberal elites sought to strengthen the population’s sense of national identity, while simultaneously promoting the memory and myth of Cavour as a founder of the unified state, champion of liberty and master diplomat. This was no easy task, given Cavour’s limited popularity, and it involved citizens’ committees, mayors, and accomplished artists in an effort to establish an effective and enduring iconographic model.

Integral Humanism is a doctrine propounded in the backdrop of an evolving democratic India. After Bharat became independent, questions arose about the futuristic mode of development. One such significant doctrine was mooted by Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhyaya, the leader of Jan Sangh, the precursor of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Integral Humanism is a synthesis of diverse Indian traditions of holistic development. Integral Humanism opposes not only capitalism but also socialism and promotes a composite ideology which contains all elements of humanism. It encourages the adoption of an indigenous mode of production and other elements of statecraft. It believes in the traditional Indian version of humanism, which incorporates the philosophical notion of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam . It also focuses on bringing genuine social justice and human rights. In broader terms, it is dedicated to transcending India from a police state to a welfare state. Under the stewardship of former Prime Minister Vajpayee and current Prime Minister Modi, the BJP is dedicated to implementing the vision of Dr Upadhyaya. In 2025, the BJP is in power at the centre, and it has been ruling since 2014. A majority of states have also been ruled by the BJP for the last 11 years. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has pledged to make Bharat Viksit by 2047. This article intends to investigate how much of Dr Upadhyaya’s views expressed through ‘Integral Humanism’ have been put into effect by the BJP under the guidance of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi-led governments. Moreover, the relevance of this doctrine in contemporary India will be examined, particularly in the context of the evolving Viksit Bharat, in which all stakeholders of the society must be empowered with the notion of social justice and human rights.

ABSTRACT The Kurultáj is a biannual Central Asian cultural festival that takes place in central Hungary. Rooted in the Turanism movement, which ethnically and historically links Hungarian culture to the ancient nomadic warriors of the Central Asian steppe, the Kurultáj is part cultural festival, part countercultural movement, and part populist political performance. This festival, along with Turanist ideology, was co-opted within Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s anti-European rhetoric, Eastern Opening policy, and broader heritage populism. Turanism relies on heritage nostalgia, which is also crucial to revisionist populist discourse, making it ideal fodder for a Hungary in the midst of an identity crisis. With myriad traditional games and physical practices – including horse wrestling, bull-whipping demonstrations, and invented martial arts, among other eccentricities – the Kurultáj, hailed as the pinnacle exhibition of Turanism, is both ethnonationalism and heritage nostalgia on display. Using Clifford Geertz’s (1972) interpretation of ‘deep play’ as a framework for understanding cultures, we examine how Turanist physical culture and heritage nostalgia is used within Orbán’s strongman politics to influence the Turul generation, a disaffected cohort of ‘deep Hungarians’ grasping for a sense of identity and national pride within the disorder of globalisation, modernisation, and European integration.

Among the legends of north-east England is the story of the pickled parson of Sedgefield in County Durham. Telling of the surprising posthumous fate of the parish rector, the tale is traditionally thought to originate in the eighteenth century. This article presents and analyses newly uncovered manuscript evidence which dates it a century earlier, to the period of the English civil war, and suggests that the story of the pickled parson may plausibly have a basis in real events. This article also provides a previously unknown identity for the clergyman (who was also the direct ancestor of two British prime ministers). In the light of this discovery, the article uncovers the political and religious context of a story which provides a remarkable micro-history of the turbulence that affected the English parish during the 1640s and 1650s.

On the 13th of November 2015, Dr Chris Sarra delivered a groundbreaking lecture to the Australian Senate on Indigenous policy. In that lecture, Sarra tells us how, the then Prime Minister, Malcom Turnbull had asked him to list three things the government could do to make a difference in the Indigenous policy space. Sarra admits here that he was somewhat distracted by the fact that it was the day of the NRL Grand Finals and his beloved Cowboys were playing the Broncos, but he did promise to get back to the PM, and he did so with the following three points, which have since become known as the ‘Sarra Trilogy’. They are Acknowledge, embrace and celebrate the humanity of Indigenous Australians. Bring us policy approaches that nurture hope and optimism rather than entrench despair. Do things with us, not to us! In what follows, we first give a short summary of our philosophical and methodological orientation. Then we will proceed with a commentary on each of the elements of Dr Sarra’s Trilogy, which we will argue constitutes a relational and policy manifesto that marks a vital and necessary departure from current policy settings.

ABSTRACT This paper presents a discursive analysis of crisis communication by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during COVID-19 pandemic. Employing critical discourse analysis, the study examined 239 speeches delivered between March 2020 and December 2021. It discursively analyzed crisis communication emphasizing tone, the language used, frequency, and consistency, by Modi in communicating with the public through speeches, press conferences and media releases during the key stages of the crisis: the start of COVID-19; the peak of the pandemic in India; and post-peak. These stages help understand his broader responses and assist in analyzing the tone and language used at different stages of the crisis. While Modi effectively communicated through various mediums, expressing national pride and blending persuasive, authoritative, and informative tones, he often did not address inequalities, potentially influencing the pandemic’s impact on different communities within India. While generally most leaders in situations of crisis would focus on unifying populations, Modi used even the pandemic to encourage divisiveness as indicated through the analysis of his communication as often his messages were interwoven with undertones of religious nationalism. The study suggests that Modi could have placed greater emphasis on community building, public engagement, and addressing challenges, including the impact on marginalized communities.

The growth of illiberal and authoritarian political parties and governments has given the notion of patriotism fresh political impetus. This article explores how Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orbán, used patriotic discourse during Hungary’s Presidency of the Council of the European Union from July to December 2024. It draws from an analysis of Orbán’s speeches and interviews from this period that shows patriotism was used as a powerful signifier of illiberal ambition. We ask whether the Presidency was utilised by Orbán to further his stated aim of ‘conquering’ the EU on behalf of a European political right. The example of Hungary, though historically, culturally and geographically specific, provides insights into permutations of patriotism and its use in political discourse. The analysis contributes to understanding the intersection of nationalism and populist-patriotism in illiberal and authoritarian states.

On March 19, 2026, the Prime Minister of Japan and the President of the United States held a Japan–U.S. summit meeting at the White House. What were the outcomes of this meeting? Historically and economically, Japan and the United States have cultivated a close diplomatic relationship, exemplified by the Japan–U.S. Security Treaty. Particularly in today’s rapidly evolving international environment, the roles expected of both countries are of considerable importance. What issues were addressed at this summit? What positions were articulated and achieved? Furthermore, what implications might this meeting have for the future of global affairs? This paper focuses on the words and actions of Sanae Takaichi, analyzing them from a sociolinguistic perspective. It examines her visit to the United States, the range of arguments both supporting and opposing her summit meeting with Donald Trump, as well as Japan’s internal sense of “crisis” regarding the issue of the Strait of Hormuz and the China–Taiwan issue. It also explores her rapport-oriented communicative style in her interactions with Trump. This analysis is situated within the broader context of future Japan–U.S. relations and the evolving international order. As primary sources, this study draws upon major newspapers, online materials, and television reports to examine the actual circumstances surrounding the summit.

Alexandru Marghiloman was a prominent member of the Conservative Party, a minister multiple times, and in 1918, during the war, he became Prime Minister of Romania. He accomplished one of the most important acts in our history: the Union of Bessarabia with Romania on March 27, 1918, but he was forced to sign the Treaty of Peace of Bucharest (May 1918), a painful treaty, yet considered by him a strategic necessity. However, he also left us: Marghiloman Coffee, as well as a solid equestrian legacy or Political Notes.

Alexandru Marghiloman was one of the Romanian political figures who defined Romanian political life at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. He was a minister in several governments seven times and prime minister between March 5 and October 24, 1918. He signed the painful peace with the Central Powers in Bucharest in May 7, 1918, as well as the Union of Bessarabia with Romania on March 27, 1918. Along with his political achievements, he left behind the model of an exceptional political orator, whose Parliamentary Speeches can still constitute an example of elegance, clarity, logic and stylistic vibration of the message in the parliamentary debate today. The present material aims to bring to attention the opinions of some contemporaries of the illustrious politician from Buzău, relative to his oratorical talent, but also to exemplify this, through a few excerpts from these speeches.

Alexandru Marghiloman’s assumption of political leadership during the final year of the First World War constituted a notable act of political resolve, undertaken amidst the collapse of the old European order and the emergence of a new geopolitical landscape. During his tenure as Prime Minister, from 5 March to 24 October 1918, Marghiloman demonstrated composure in navigating a series of complex challenges: negotiations with the Central Powers, the signing of the Treaty of Bucharest, and most significantly, the unification of Bessarabia with Romania, a defining achievement of his mandate. A pressing issue confronting his administration was the economic exploitation of the occupied territories of the Old Kingdom, especially the persistent demands for grain requisitions from Bessarabia. These demands prompted Marghiloman to engage in sustained efforts to limit the requisitioning imposed by the German military authorities, as food shortages in the occupied regions had reached critical levels. The safeguarding of the monarchy remained a consistent priority throughout his administration. This commitment became particularly visible during the controversy surrounding Crown Prince Carol’s secret and abrupt marriage to Miss Ioana Maria Valentina Lambrino (Zizi) in Odessa on 31 August / 13 September 1918. The prince’s unauthorized marriage posed a threat to the legitimacy of the monarchy and, by extension, to Marghiloman’s broader political project. However, disp laying astute political judgment, he used the dynastic crisis as leverage in justifying to the German authorities the continued postponement of the treaty’s ratification. The strategy of delay, pursued in coordination with King Ferdinand, was effectively employed through the introduction of new points of negotiation, including the proposed entry of the Romanian army into Dobruja at a time when Bulgaria had already been occupied by Entente forces. These maneuvers ultimately succeeded in creating the diplomatic space necessary for Romania to reenter the war on the side of the Entente on 10 November 1918, just one day before the signing of the Armistice of Compiègne. Marghiloman’s role as a transitional, and ultimately sacrificial, head of government came to an end on 6 November 1918, only days before this final strategic realignment, concluding a politically and diplomatically consequential episode in Romania’s wartime governance.

Alexandru Marghiloman was, without a doubt, one of the political personalities who marked the political and social life of Romania from the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. The present study aims to reveal to the readers the image of the young and ambitious politician, when he was in full ascension of his political career, which will culminate with the appointment, by King Ferdinand I, as prime minister on March 5, 1918. Alexandru Marghiloman was a strong character, educated at the French school, with a brilliant speech and also a remarkable figure in the socio-cultural life of Romania, a true „wallah lord” as Nicolae Peneș called him in his book.

Alexandru Marghiloman was the president of the Conservative Party (1914–1925), of the “Red Cross” Society (1914–1925) and prime minister (March–October 1918). Through his multilateral activity, he was portrayed by political friends and enemies, as well as by contemporaries from other fields. Lupu Kostaki was Minister of the Interior (November 1916 – May 1918), and Alexandru Tzigara-Samurcaș was the head of the Capital Police (November 1916 – November 1918), so they collaborated closely with Marghiloman. The two memorialists had the mission of easing the situation of their compatriots, collaborating with the “Red Cross” Society, led by the leader of the Conservative Party. Both had the same opinion about the head of government from March to October 1918: he willingly accepted to sacrifice himself to save the country, saved what could be saved, achieved the Union of Bessarabia with Romania, and after the danger passed he was removed. Although attacked from all sides by the “winners”, Marghiloman stoically endured the attacks and responded, elegantly and professionally, from the rostrum of Parliament.

Our paper aims at analizing the way the press of the time (1925) covered the death of Alexandru Marghiloman, a Romanian politician. As an exhaustive analysis of the entire Romanian press is not possible, we have selected seven publications we considered significant for our survey: one partisan newspaper (Opinia), two opposition newspapers (Mișcarea and Viitorul) and four “neutral” ones (Universul, Neamul românesc, Dimineața and Adevărul). In the articles dedicated to the death of Alexandru Marghiloman, we have identified two major topics of interest: details about the event – such as the date (May 10, 1925), cause of death, testamentary dispositions, the organization and conduct of the funeral ceremony –, and the presentation of Alexandru Marghiloman’s personality, biographical and professional data, political activity and so forth. All publications emphasized his culture, refinement, oratorical talent, and perseverance, qualities that justify the political rise of the conservative leader. Alexandru Marghiloman was a happy man prior to becaming a Prime Minister and signing the Peace Treaty of Bucharest, event that changed everything in his life. Nevertheless, at the time of his death, the language of the press wa s characterized by decency and they no longer considered Marghiloman a traitor. Prominent names, such as N. Iorga and C. Bacalbașa, p ortrayed Alexandru Marghiloman as a man of sacrifice, who was forced to accept the solution imposed in the given historical context.

At the beginning of July 1900, the characteristics of a strong financial crisis that prompted the resignation of the Cantacuzino government and the formation of the Petre P. Carp cabinet, in which the foreign policy portfolio was assigned to Alexandru Marghiloman. The task of the new government invested at the suggestion and insistence of King Carol of Romania was clear, the recovery of the Romanian economy, but the prime minister Petre P. Carp was to face two other political crises in which the minister of foreign affairs, Alexandru Marghiloman, had a major contribution, a fact less known in Romanian historiograph y. The first, the Romanian-Bulgarian crisis, was caused by the assassination of professor Stefan Mihaileanu and had the effect of replacing the theme Boris Sarafov, the leader of the Macedonian Revolutionary Secret Committee from the leadership of this an archist/ terrorist organization. The second was related to the religious rights of the Aromanians in Macedonia, the Ottoman prov ince in which the Greeks, the Serbs and the Bulgarians were carrying devastating propaganda whose effect was the pillage of member s and the killing of leaders of the Aromanian communities by the Serbian cetnic gangs, Bulgarian comitagists and Greek antartists guerrilla groups, from the confrontation of which the Romanian population in the Balkan Peninsula suffered greatly.

The purpose of this study was to examine the reaction of the press of the time (1925) to the news of the death of the Romanian politician Alexandru Marghiloman. The study demonstrated that the Romanian press marked this case, some newspapers publishing broad positive comments about the deceased (e.g., Gazeta Dorohoiului), other newspapers had critical opinions about the former Prime Minister of Romania Alexandru Marghiloman (e.g., Universul). Taken as a whole, the newspapers of the time highlighted the great personality of the Buzoian Alexandru Marghiloman.

Abstract Both advocates and critics of the ‘presidentialization’ thesis agree that the British Prime Minister’s power depends on the effective use of the institutional and personal resources at his or her disposal. A good Parliamentary Private Secretary (PPS) can help them achieve that. Yet surprisingly little has been written about the role. Focusing on Ian Gow, PPS to Margaret Thatcher during her first term, allows us to explore the potential inherent in the job—one that, in addition to acting as a two-way conduit between prime minister and party, involves writing speeches, helping to appoint and control ministers, and advising on policy and general election timing. As such, it deserves more attention from those interested in the premiership and in parliament—and in the relationship between the two—than it has so far been accorded.

The rapid expansion of internship programs across India has created a need for intelligent systems capable of efficiently matching students with relevant opportunities. The Prime Minister Internship Scheme aims to provide large-scale internship access to youth across diverse academic backgrounds and industries. However, the effectiveness of such initiatives depends heavily on accurate candidate–internship matching. Traditional filtering methods based on degree, location, or basic qualifications often fail to capture deeper relationships between candidate skills, interests, and company requirements. This research proposes an Artificial Intelligence based Internship Recommendation Engine designed to improve internship allocation within the PM Internship Scheme ecosystem. The system leverages natural language processing for resume analysis, machine learning techniques for candidate–role matching, and hybrid recommendation strategies combining content-based and collaborative filtering. By analyzing candidate profiles and internship descriptions, the model generates personalized internship recommendations ranked by relevance scores. Experimental evaluation demonstrates that the proposed system improves recommendation accuracy and increases the likelihood of successful internship placements. The framework also supports scalability for large datasets, making it suitable for national-scale internship platforms. The study highlights how AI-driven recommendation systems can enhance employability initiatives by optimizing internship discovery and improving alignment between student competencies and industry needs.