Erdogan Research Articles

Cord Blood Albumin; A Predictor of Neonatal Jaundice

Objective: To determine significance of cord blood albumin as predictor of neonatal hyperbilirubinemia. Methodology: This cross-sectional was conducted in 6 months from 24-4-2021 to 23-9-2021 at Department of neonatology, Recep Tayyip Erdogan Hospital, Muzaffargarh. Early preterm, late preterm and term neonates, age less than 1 week were included in the study. Patients were divided in three groups on basis of gestational age. Group 1 was included early preterm; group 2 was included late preterm and group 3 was including term neonates. Cord blood samples were taken in sterile vials for serum albumin at birth. Patients were followed from 2nd to 7th day of life for development of jaundice. Patients who had transcutaneous bilirubin more than 5mg/dl were selected for serum bilirubin level estimation. Results: A total of 73 newborn babies were studied; with an average age of approximately 4.94+1.68 days. There were 52.1% male and 47.9% female babies. There were no significant differences in average blood cord albumin and direct bilirubin levels among these groups. However, significant variations were observed in terms of total bilirubin and indirect bilirubin levels, with early and late preterm babies displaying higher levels compared to term babies. Moreover, the study established significant inverse correlations between cord blood albumin levels and both total bilirubin (r ? -0.389, p = 0.001) and indirect bilirubin levels (r ? -0.313, p = 0.007). Conclusion: Study provides compelling evidence to support the role of cord blood albumin as a predictor of neonatal jaundice through its observed inverse correlations with bilirubin levels. The findings underscore the potential clinical utility of cord blood albumin as an early diagnostic marker for identifying newborns at risk of developing jaundice.

Displays of anger in Turkish political discourse: a hard choice between cultural norms and political performance of anger

Abstract This paper examines the influence of cultural display rules on how high-status individuals, such as political leaders, publicly express anger. Specifically, it focuses on Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who has been the Turkish leader since 2003. The study aims to understand the extent to which Erdoğan’s expression of anger is influenced by cultural display rules, the religious context stemming from his conservative electoral support, and his position as a long-term populist political leader. Using extended conceptual metaphor theory (ECMT) supported by corpus-assisted discourse analysis, the paper seeks to identify the contextual factors that shape anger expressions (both direct and metaphorical) in the political discourse of a populist leader in a collectivist culture. By comparing the conceptualization of ascribed anger and inscribed anger expressions, the analysis reveals that Erdoğan’s discourse presents two distinct scenarios for expressing anger toward ‘us’ and ‘others’. Additionally, it demonstrates how anger is strategically employed in culture-specific ways to navigate the challenges posed by conflicting contextual factors.

Hand Hygiene Compliance and Its Associated Factors Among Health Care Workers at Mogadishu Somali Turkiye Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Training and Research in a Tertiary Care Hospital.

Hand hygiene is a critical preventive measure for controlling infections, particularly in underdeveloped nations. A cross-sectional study was conducted in a hospital in Mogadishu, Somalia, from January to March 2024. This study aimed to assess compliance with hand hygiene practices and related factors among healthcare professionals. The study population comprised 52% men and 47.3% women. Most participants held bachelor's degrees, with the majority being nurses or midwives. A significant proportion had over five years of work experience. Almost all participants were knowledgeable about hand hygiene. Most reported cleaning and drying their hands before, during, and after contact with bodily fluids during aseptic procedures. Age, gender, educational status, marriage, working experience, type of occupation, receiving hand hygiene training and knowledge, and having the availability of water, soap, alcohol, and gloves significantly affected the overall uptake of infection control measures in Mogadishu (p<0.05). The findings highlight an urgent need for targeted interventions to enhance hand hygiene practices in Somalia. Addressing training gaps and resource shortages is crucial for reducing infection rates and safeguarding patient health in this high-risk setting.

The Evaluation of the Efficacy of C-reactive Protein-to-Albumin Ratio as a Marker for Hashimoto’s Thyroiditis

Aim: Hashimoto's thyroiditis (HT), the leading cause of hypothyroidism in developed nations, is an autoimmune condition characterized by the progressive destruction of the thyroid gland through various cell- and antibody-mediated immune mechanisms. C-reactive protein-to-albumin ratio (CAR) is a known inflammatory marker easily obtained from a routine blood test. In this context, this study aims to investigate the efficacy of CAR instead of conventionally used thyroid antibodies in predicting the diagnosis and prognosis of HT. Materials and Methods: The participants in this prospective cross-sectional study were adults aged 18 years and above diagnosed with Hashimoto's thyroiditis (HT), seeking medical care at the Internal Medicine and Family Medicine Departments of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan University Training and Research Hospital in Rize, Turkey, during the period from April to July 2022. An age- and gender-matched control group was created from healthy individuals who applied to the outpatient clinics for routine check-ups. The patient and control groups were compared based on C-reactive protein (CRP), hemoglobin, and albumin serum levels of free triiodothyronine (FT3), free thyroxine (FT4), and thyroid stimulating hormone (TSH). Results: The patient and control groups comprised 142 HT patients and 62 healthy individuals. CRP level and CAR value were significantly higher. However, albumin and hemoglobin levels were significantly lower in the patient group than in the control group. [1.5 (0.4-5.6) mg/dL vs. 0.98 (0.3-2.6) mg/dL, p&lt;0.001; 58 (11.5-193.1) vs. 29.5 (8.1-72.2) p&lt;0.001; 2.9 (2.1-4.1) g/dL vs. 3.3 (2.3-4.2) g/dL, p&lt;0.001; and 12±1.1 g/L vs. 12.7±1.760 g/L, p=.005; respectively]. The multivariate analysis revealed CRP, CAR, albumin, FT3, and hemoglobin as significant predictors of HT, with CAR being the most promising one among them [Odds Ratio (OR): 1.11, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.38-1.19, p=0.003]. Conclusions: This study’s findings indicated that CAR is an easily measurable, reliable, and cost-effective marker of HT that can be used as an alternative to conventional thyroid antibodies in primary care centers.

Another Defeat for Turkey’s Opposition

ABSTRACT: In May, Turkey re-elected President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. His Justice and Development Party (AKP) has become increasingly authoritarian over his twenty years in power. In the run-up to the election, there was some hope a united front could unseat the president. But political divisions, along with significant state repression, resulted in yet another defeat for the opposition.

Another Defeat for Turkey's Opposition

ABSTRACT: In May, Turkey re-elected President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. His Justice and Development Party (AKP) has become increasingly authoritarian over his twenty years in power. In the run-up to the election, there was some hope a united front could unseat the president. But political divisions, along with significant state repression, resulted in yet another defeat for the opposition.

Evaluation of the nutritional status of patients hospitalized in a university hospital

Aim: Malnutrition is a common condition in hospitalized patients. This study aimed to evaluate the nutritional status of patients hospitalized in the Recep Tayyip Erdoğan University Medical Faculty Training and Research Hospital and to determine physicians' awareness of this issue. Methods: In this study, patients hospitalized in different wards were evaluated prospectively. The 485 patients over the age of 18 who were hospitalized in different wards were included in the study. The chronic disease history of the patients was evaluated. The patients were evaluated twice, at admission and on the 7th day of hospitalization. Height, weight, body mass index, and upper arm circumference were measured with the NRS 2002 (Nutritional Risk Scoring) screening test to determine the nutritional status of the patients. Descriptive statistical methods were used in the evaluation of the data, and the chi-square test was used in the comparison of qualitative data (p&lt;0.05). Results: Of the patients included in the study, 42% were female and 58% were male. There was no statistical difference in the comparison of the presence of malnutrition by gender. According to the first NRS 2002 measurements of the patients, malnutrition was not found in 78.1% of all patients, while the presence of malnutrition was found in 21.9% of the patients. 100 of the 105 patients with malnutrition were found to be over 65 years old. According to the second NRS 2002 measurements, while 31.2% of patients over 65 years of age had malnutrition, 3.1% of patients under 65 years of age had malnutrition. Conclusion: The rate of malnutrition increased as the presence of chronic disease and age increased. It was seen that most of the patients who were found to have malnutrition in the first evaluation were not provided with nutritional support, and the rate of noticing and treating malnutrition by physicians was not sufficient. How to cite this article: Bardak S, Beyazal Polat H. Evaluation of the nutritional status of patients hospitalized in a university hospital. J Med Dent Invest 2023; 4: e230357. https://doi.org/10.5577/jomdi.e230357

Determination of Radioactivity Levels in Soil Samples of Recep Tayyip Erdogan University Campus in Rize Province

Bu çalışmada, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Üniversitesi Zihni Derin Yerleşkesinden alınan 15 adet toprak örneğinde yüksek saflıkta bir germanyum dedektörü (HPGe) kullanılarak yapay (137Cs) ve doğal (226Ra, 232Th and 40K) radyonüklidlerin miktarları belirlenmiştir. 226Ra, 232Th, 40K ve 137Cs için aktivite değerleri sırasıyla 43.78 ile 62.58, 29.85 ile 41.61, 132.48 ile 346.44 ve 3.90 ile 202.94 Bq kg-1 arasında değişmiştir. UNSCEAR (2000) tarafından verilen dünya ortalama değerleri ile karşılaştırıldığında, toprak numuneleri için ortalama 226Ra, 232Th aktivite değerlerinin daha yüksek olduğu fark edilmiştir. 40K ve 137C için ortalama aktivite konsantrasyonlarının, UNSCEAR (2000) tarafından bildirilen dünya ortalama değerlerinden daha düşük olduğu gözlemlenmiştir. Bunun yanı sıra radyolojik tehlike indeksleri hesaplanarak bu indeksler uluslararası izin verilen değerlerle karşılaştırılmıştır. Yapılan bu araştırma, çalışma alanında toprak örneklerine maruz kalanlar açısından herhangi bir sağlık sorunu olmadığını göstermiştir.

THE JUDICIAL RULINGS PERTAINING TO THE HAGIA SOPHIA IN TURKEY AND THE BABRI MOSQUE IN INDIA: An Analysis

&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Abstract: &lt;/strong&gt;On November 9, 2019, the Supreme Court of India issued a ruling allowing for the construction of a temple dedicated to the Hindu deity Ram on the site of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, Uttara Pradesh. Similarly, on July 10, 2020, the State of Council, the highest administrative court in Turkey, issued an order to convert the status of Istanbul's Hagia Sophia from a museum back into a mosque. The court's decision in both nations has been regarded as a transformative political development within their respective contexts. This decision has garnered praise from certain individuals, while also attracting criticism from others, both domestically and internationally. This article is thematically based, library-focused, and qualitative. The article examines and evaluates both cases based on the existing evidence pertaining to the historical structures, and endeavours to propose the most persuasive perspective to adopt in such situations. The study's findings suggest that the judicial decision under scrutiny exhibits a greater inclination towards political considerations rather than rational ones.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Keywords:&lt;/strong&gt; Hagia Sophia, Babri Mosque, Judicial Rulings, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Narendra Modi&lt;/p&gt;

Applied Quantitative Analysis of R.T. Erdogan’s Multi-Vector Foreign Policy in 2014-2022

The study is devoted to the applied analysis of the concept of multi-vector in the foreign policy of Recep Tayyip Erdogan during his presidency from 2014 to 2022. Türkiye’s foreign policy is of particular interest to researchers. Ankara is actively involved in regional and world politics. Turkish foreign policy is characterized as multi-vector, but different approaches to the definition of Turkish multi-vector are used in scientific research. The purpose of the study is to identify the main vectors of R.T. Erdogan’s personal diplomacy during his presidency. The relevance of the work lies in the application of a quantitative method that allows identifying the main vectors of R.T. Erdogan’s foreign policy on the basis of the collected database of his foreign policy contacts. The method is different in that it is free from the influence of the researcher’s personal preferences in analyzing foreign policy and the influence of individual high-profile, but isolated events. The database covers the entire period of the presidency of R.T. Erdogan from 2014 to the end of 2022 and includes all foreign policy contacts published on the website of the President of Türkiye. The developed methodology allows not only to see the main vectors of foreign policy, but also to assess their depth on the basis of mathematical calculations. As a result of the analysis, the main macro-regional vectors and countries in each of the vectors were identified, and the depth and quality of contacts with these countries were measured and presented. It was also found that the Turkish President actively interacts with the local level of government. Moreover, he implements the diplomacy of the second track. It covers the main macro-regional vectors from the side of public diplomacy. The database and the method allow us to assert that the policy of the Turkish president is indeed multi-vector, but the multi-vector nature of this policy is much deeper and goes beyond relations with countries. During the work, promising areas for future theoretical and applied research were identified.

Курдская проблема в современной политике Ирака, Сирии и Турции: опыт комплексного анализа

Currently, the Middle East is undergoing significant changes, often due to a mixture of global and regional factors. The study is devoted to the current policies in the Middle East, in the ethnogeographic area of Kurdistan. The study researches numerous parties (political entities) of the Kurds of Iraq, Syria and Turkey, considers the events that took place in Kurdistan in 2022 and 2023. The central government of Iraq receives new levers of pressure on the leadership of the Kurdish Autonomy. At the same time, the Turkish leadership refuses to resume oil exports. Although the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan pursues its own goals, in this case the actions of Ankara and Baghdad coincide. Relations between the Kurdish Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan remain tense on a number of issues. During the adoption of the budget law, the latter actually opposed the idea of Kurdish autonomy in Iraq. In Syria, the autonomy of the Kurds (Rojava) will exist as long as the United States maintains its presence. The Syrian government is promoting the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Syria as a precondition for restoring relations with Ankara. Turkey refuses, because the Syrian Democratic Forces are not controlled by the Damascus. Thus, the Syrian Kurds are the stumbling block of the post-war settlement in Syria. In Turkey, there is a split between the opposition and pro-government Kurds. The opposition is divided into legal and illegal. Because the government of R. T. Erdoğan won a landslide victory in the presidential elections, there is no reason to believe that a softer course will be adopted against the Turkish Kurds.

Traditional origins of populist political discourse in Türkiye: a visual discourse analysis on Erdoğan’s Instagram posts

ABSTRACT Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is recognized as one of the world’s populist politicians who are steadily increasing in number around the world. During Erdoğan’s 22 years in power, Türkiye first experienced a period of significant economic and democratic growth, which was then significantly reversed with the 2016 coup attempt and the presidential government system that Türkiye adopted based on a referendum. Simultaneously with this regression in Türkiye, the content and opportunities offered by social media applications have improved. Appropriately, politicians attach more importance to these platforms for political communication. Although the number of studies in the field of political communication is increasing, visual political communication is not being widely researched. Erdoğan’s Instagram posts are important examples of his populist political understanding within the scope of visual political communication. Hence, in this study, 242 image posts shared by Erdoğan via his Instagram account in 2022, which constitute a total of 685 photos due to Instagram’s feature of sharing multiple photos per post, were analyzed. It was found that Erdoğan made significant use of Instagram visuals in constructing his image as “one of the people” and as a tool to maintain his claim to masses that he was “one of them.”

The United States facing allies’ populist blackmail: Why the Philippines and Turkey threatened to realign with China and Russia

Abstract Given China and Russia’s increasingly aggressive behaviour, balance of threat theory posits that formal US allies should close ranks behind the United States. The literature on alliance politics reinforces this logic by showing that alliances deter aggression and reduce the occurrence of war. Recent developments, however, have somewhat undermined these claims, as the president of the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte, and the president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, publicly threatened to break ranks with Washington and to realign with China and Russia respectively. How can we make sense of such defiant behaviour? This article argues that populist blackmail elucidates this phenomenon and compares it to three alternative propositions: conventional bandwagoning, bandwagoning for profit, and hard hedging. Based on empirical evidence, the article reveals that the provocative statements of Duterte and Erdogan were not a genuine push for realignment with Beijing and Moscow, but rather political strategies designed to enhance their bargaining power with Washington in the hopes of securing certain concessions, while simultaneously galvanising domestic support to justify their raison d’être and to secure their hold on power. Furthermore, the article infers that two concomitant factors – political grievances and the perceived lack of security assurance – propelled both presidents to resort to blackmail.

Critical analysis of the construction of Turkish national identity

This paper investigates the relationship between argumentation and political discourse. More specifically, this study focuses on the discursive and argumentative strategies employed by one of the most prominent Turkish leaders and current ruling president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The aim is to shed light on linguistic elements that fuel the sense of national identity after the coup attempt of 2016 through employing the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) for unveiling the use of specific argumentative strategies in the translated version of Erdogan’s 2016 Republic Day speech. English's growing presence in politics highly influences translation practices (House 2013). Not all politicians are proficient in English, thus, their speeches undergo translation from their native language. These translated speeches are intended for a global audience, which underscores the pivotal role of English analysis in both political discourse and the field of translation studies. Although the original language of the speech is Turkish, the examination of its English translation serves to highlight the significance of analysing translated political speeches and making these analyses accessible to a wider audience. The findings emphasise the importance of argumentative topics (topoi), such as the topos of History, Definition, Comparison, Threat and Favoruable Time in the advocation of national sentiment at various linguistic and structural levels within the translated political speech of Erdoğan. The implications of this research extend to the understanding of the intricate interplay between argumentative language and concepts of national sentiment within political discourse. Future research can further explore the application ofDHA in the analysis of political discourse, allowing for deeper insights into the communicative strategies employed by political leaders.

TURKIYE'S CONFLICT: POST-SWEDEN HOSTS KURDISTAN WORKERS’ PARTY MILITANTS

This study aims to explain the impact of the ongoing conflict between Turkiye and Sweden after the country hosted militant members of the Kurdistan Workers' Party, which is considered a terrorist group by Turkiye, the European Union (EU), and even the United States (US). This qualitative descriptive research method uses the theory of interdependence that emerged from a liberalist perspective. This research gets information from various sources, such as journal articles, official reports from websites, and online media. The study’s results show that Sweden’s willingness to accept militant members of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party has cost the country Turkiye’s vote to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The recent burning of the al-Quran in front of the Turkish Embassy in Stockholm has also made things worse between the two countries. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan stated in his speech that Sweden should seek support from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party militant group to keep their country safe rather than Turkish backing.

Grandiose dreams, mega projects: Ottoman nostalgia in ‘new Turkey’

AbstractIn January of 2015 Turkey's president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan hosted the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas at the newly built extravagant and highly controversial presidential palace. Sixteen warriors representing all of the former Turkic empires in full costume were present at the welcoming ceremony. This paper uses Volkan's psycho‐political framework to understand state‐led efforts of historical revisionism which manifest itself in historical glories and nostalgia for the Ottoman Empire. The central argument posits that grandiose or mega projects strategically serve historical revisionism in Turkey, amplifying selected glories of Turkish society to bolster support for authentic and national narrative, known as “yerli ve milli (domestic and national)”

A Study of the Relationship between University Students' Food Neophobia and Their Tendencies towards Orthorexia Nervosa.

Food neophobia, known as an avoidance of the consumption of unknown foods, can negatively impact nutritional quality. In orthorexia nervosa, there is an excessive mental effort to consume healthy food. Individuals exhibiting symptoms of food neophobia and orthorexia nervosa may experience food restrictions. This study aimed to assess food neophobia levels and orthorexia nervosa tendencies among university students, investigate the potential association between the two constructs, and explore the effect of the demographic characteristics of the participants on the variables. This is a descriptive cross-sectional study. The study sample consisted of 609 students enrolled at Recep Tayyip Erdoğan University. The data were collected through Google Forms using a sociodemographic information form, the Food Neophobia Scale, and the ORTO-11 scale. Ethics committee approval and institutional permission were obtained for the study. Of the students participating in the survey, 71.9% were female, 14.6% were classified as neophobic, and 47.1% had orthorexia nervosa symptoms. The mean scores from the Food Neophobia Scale (39.41 ± 9.23) and the ORTO-11 scale (27.43 ± 5.35) were in the normal range. Food neophobia was significantly higher among those who did not consume alcohol. Orthorexia nervosa symptoms were significantly more common among married people. In the correlation analysis, no significant relationship was found between age, food neophobia, and orthorexia nervosa. It can be said that food neophobia in this study is similar to in other studies conducted on university students. In addition, about half of the participants had symptoms of orthorexia nervosa. This result is higher compared to other studies conducted with university students. The findings of this study indicate that the participants care about the healthfulness of food.

Erdoğan's Bid to Re‐Establish Dominance After His Pyrrhic Victory

AbstractThis article examines President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's actions since he barely survived the May 2023 election. It argues that although Erdoğan's authoritarian personality and conservative Islamist ideology drive his foreign policy, his pyrrhic victory and Turkey's economic problems have forced him to rebalance the country's regional and bilateral relations with Arab and Western states. The analysis first explains Erdoğan's re‐election strategy to demonstrate his authoritarian personality and desire to retain power. It then shows how the election results and Turkey's economic challenges have shaped Erdoğan's pragmatic U‐turns in foreign policy since the campaign. From there, the article assesses the president's near‐term strategies for municipal elections and other challenges in domestic politics. It concludes that Erdoğan's overconfidence is constrained by Turkish economic stresses, though the direction of foreign policy remains unclear.

Forensic analysis of the Turkey 2023 presidential election reveals extreme vote swings in remote areas

Concerns about the integrity of Turkey’s elections have increased with the recent transition from a parliamentary democracy to an executive presidency under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Election forensics tools are used to identify statistical traces of certain types of electoral fraud, providing important information about the integrity and validity of democratic elections. Such analyses of the 2017 and 2018 Turkish elections revealed that malpractices such as ballot stuffing or voter manipulation may indeed have played a significant role in determining the election results. Here, we apply election forensic statistical tests for ballot stuffing and voter manipulation to the results of the 2023 presidential election in Turkey. We find that both rounds of the 2023 presidential election exhibit similar statistical irregularities to those observed in the 2018 presidential election, however the magnitude of these distortions has decreased. We estimate that 2.4% (SD 1.9%) and 1.9% (SD 1.7%) of electoral units may have been affected by ballot stuffing practices in favour of Erdoğan in the first and second rounds, respectively, compared to 8.5% (SD 3.9%) in 2018. Areas with smaller polling stations and fewer ballot boxes had significantly inflated votes and turnout, again, in favor of Erdoğan. Furthermore, electoral districts with two or fewer ballot boxes were more likely to show large swings in vote shares in favour of Erdoğan from the first to the second round. Based on a statistical model, it is estimated that these shifts account for 342,000 additional ballots (SD 4,900) or 0.64% for Erdoğan, which is lower than the 4.36% margin by which Erdoğan was victorious. Our results suggest that Turkish elections continue to be riddled with statistical irregularities, that may be indicative of electoral fraud.

Foreign Policy Issues of the Republic of Turkey and the United States in the Period after the End of the Cold War until the 2020

At the beginning of the 21st century, in 2002, a new political era began with the arrival of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Islam-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) at the head of the Republic of Turkey, which was gradually followed by changes in both foreign and domestic policy of the country.&#x0D; The main ideologist of modern Turkey’s foreign policy is one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party and Erdogan’s ally, former Foreign Minister and Prime Minister Professor Ahmet Davutoglu, who outlined the strategic priorities of Turkey’s foreign policy in his pioneering work Strategic Depth. In his doctrine, Ahmet Davutoglu argues that Turkey has “strategic depth” that allows it to pursue an independent foreign policy and claims to be the leading state in the region.&#x0D; As we know, the Republic of Turkey is located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia. According to the doctrine, precisely because of its geographical position and historical ties, it has a desire to influence all these regions (the Middle East, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf, and the Black Sea), what is considered the core of neo-Ottoman ideology.&#x0D; Neo-Ottomanism implies a shift of the Turkish political vector from West to East. Since the beginning of the 21st century, neo-Ottomanism as an ideology has become a force responsible for the shape of political life of Turkey. According to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism, the Republic of Turkey must get rid of the subordination of the United States, which will allow it to put itself on a par with such states as Britain, France, Russia, and China.&#x0D; Neo-Ottomanism is the main ideological direction of the new foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. One of the arguments used by Erdogan and his party in moving from a parliamentary to a presidential model is the fact that the country needs a government that is almost as strong and centralized as the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, the president himself and his entourage constantly emphasize that the Turks are the “heirs of the Ottomans” and that the country must return to its former glory and strengthen its political, economic and cultural influence in the former territories of the Ottoman Empire.&#x0D; Thus, neo-Ottomanism is part of the official ideology of the Justice and Development Party and the basis of the country’s new identity, shaped by the political elite over the years. Although there is no direct indication of Turkish regional hegemony in the “strategic depth”, most analysts, especially in the West, believe that the expansion of spheres of influence mentioned in the doctrine is, in fact, nothing more than the restoration of Turkey’s monopoly hegemony in the region, but this times by means adapted to the modern era, in particular through the use of political, economic and cultural expansion and other “soft power” tools.