ABSTRACT This article assessed the impact of the trade preference program, CBERA, on the SIDS of CARICOM and found that the PTA positively impacted the region’s exports to the US. Our econometric estimations coupled with a market segmentation technique identified that there is a negative relationship between the US GDP per capita and CARICOM’s exports to the country, which is more acute in the high- and medium-quality markets relative to the low-quality market. We argue that the expansion of the US energy industries along with the deindustrialization of some of CARICOM’s non-energy sectors are key factors in this negative relationship.

This record brings together several reports and reflections published in the colloquia and seminars section of the issue. It includes a discussion of the Global System of Trade Preferences and commercial cooperation among Islamic and developing countries; a report on the inter-university and international colloquium “Toward What New World Order?”; reflections on international meetings devoted to Keynes, Schumpeter, economic theory, and policy; and a report on a World Health Organization workshop-seminar held in Lyon. Taken together, these contributions document contemporary debates on international economic relations, development, trade cooperation, economic thought, health systems, and public policy.

This study evaluates the implications of Egypt’s accession to the BRICS+ bloc by integrating a Poisson Pseudo-Maximum Likelihood gravity model with a comprehensive PESTEL analysis. Using panel data on Egypt’s bilateral trade with BRICS+ from 2005 to 2024, our econometric results reveal that partner-country economic size and cultural proximity are the primary drivers of trade, whereas geographical distance exerts a negligible effect. Furthermore, trade policy variables—specifically tariffs, exchange rate fluctuations, and existing preferential trade agreements—significantly shape trade flows, while logistics performance and general trade openness demonstrate limited short-term impact. Beyond trade mechanics, the PESTEL analysis indicates that while BRICS+ membership enhances Egypt’s strategic autonomy and broadens its political influence, tangible economic gains remain heavily constrained by persistent structural trade imbalances and a lack of export diversification. Although the bloc offers valuable opportunities for human capital development and green infrastructure financing, technological cooperation is hindered by capacity disparities, and the soft-law nature of the alliance limits the enforceability of economic agreements. Ultimately, this study concludes that to maximize the benefits of BRICS+, Egypt must implement sustained structural reforms aimed at upgrading industrial competitiveness, diversifying its export base, strengthening domestic technological capabilities, and embedding itself more deeply within global value chains.

ABSTRACT This study examines whether international and national digital standards are associated with China’s digitally delivered services trade from 2005 to 2021. Using an extended gravity model with Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood estimation, the analysis finds that international and national standards are positively associated with exports. Chinese internationally harmonized standards show stronger associations with trade than country-specific standards. Trade associations are strongest when international standards are recognized in preferential trade agreements. The results suggest that emerging economies can enhance digitally delivered services trade by aligning national standards with international norms and embedding standard-recognition provisions in trade agreements.

Trade and biodiversity conservation in Africa: Complementary roles of environmental provisions in preferential trade agreements and property rights

ABSTRACT Although Ireland enjoyed a strong – albeit ultimately informal – external association with the Commonwealth in 1960, this was at an end by 1979. It had abolished all migration exemptions for Commonwealth citizens and the special status Irish citizens still enjoyed in some Commonwealth countries had become at most almost entirely symbolic. Ireland no longer granted or received trade preferences based on ‘Commonwealth’ status and it had severed its relationship with Sterling to join the European Exchange Rate Mechanism. Ireland was no longer an associate of any Commonwealth body and no longer participated significantly in Commonwealth fora. However, although the Sterling rupture highlights how Europeanisation could be disruptive even here, new arrangements had almost invariably been established with the UK – thus highlighting that the ends of Irish Commonwealth association were always primarily focused on this special, although complex, relationship. Ireland’s Commonwealth disassociation primarily traces to the demise of a tangible Commonwealth citizenship and economic framework. At the same time, the Commonwealth experienced a substantial expansion in development cooperation and emerged as a significant North/South (or West/South) forum. Whilst this could have synergised well with Ireland as a Global Citizen, its adoption of a narrowly self-interested approach to its Commonwealth linkages rendered this otiose and ensured the end of its informal external association.

Nearly all preferential trade agreements (PTAs) establish ‘joint bodies’ (JBs), such as a Free Trade Commission or Joint Committee, to facilitate effective implementation. While all joint bodies foresee interactions between governments during implementation, they vary considerably in their degree of institutionalization: Some envisage frequent meetings at more senior levels once the agreement enters into force, and only some are empowered to take binding decisions. What accounts for this variation in institutionalization across joint bodies? We argue that greater institutionalization supports governments by enabling them to better monitor the faithful implementation of commitments, facilitate negotiations over outstanding issues, and reduce the need for renewed domestic ratification during implementation. We find robust support for this argument through a quantitative analysis of original data and a qualitative case study of the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA). Our study contributes to the literature on the design of PTAs and international institutions.

The detailed examination of such a subject will be carried out on the basis of a fundamental problem, which will thus serve as a guideline in the presentation of the ideas which should underlie the approach. In this case, we are talking about the question of trade serving the inclusion and entrepreneurship of women in order to better promote their emancipation. In other words, how do trade standards or rules, through an inclusive and non-exclusivist policy, work to better take into account the role and integration of women in the Multilateral Trading System? Thus the problem of method is at the heart of any scientific work as it is true that the method sheds light on the hypotheses and determines the conclusions, our approach will be ordered with a few exceptions around the use of the analytical and exegetical but also comparative method. It is understood as the analysis, interpretation and explanation of the rules of law, particularly those contained in the various legal texts of the GATT and the WTO. As for the expected results, firstly, like the GSP, special preferences annihilate the MFN clause. If this questioning is justified in the “bananas” jurisprudence by the dismantling of both the Community development cooperation policy and special preferences, it is not justified by the enabling clause. Indeed, know the Lomé convention weighed a sword of Damocles which made the status quo fragile. Long immune to any challenge, Lomé's trade regime was shaken in the early 1990s. Its gradual questioning opened the way to a plethora of litigation which continues to this day. The contentious inflation caused by the “banana” regime revealed the ineffectiveness of a defunct dispute settlement system which pushed the Contracting Parties to strengthen the power of sanction through the creation of an integrated judicial body. As a result, WTO jurisprudence had to deal with a symbolic case which legally established the dismantling of specific preferences. It's the Banana affair. But the preferences were able to be maintained for a transitional period until December 2007, thanks to a waiver granted at the WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha. Indeed, the significance of the Banana affair is considerable for the ACP countries. After a long period of tolerance of special preferences incompatible with the principle of non-discrimination within the framework of the GATT, the WTO recognized their illegality and thus opened a period of renewal of the MFN clause. Then, at the level of special preferences, this dissonance was especially marked in the Lomé Conventions, by an asymmetric system of positive discrimination of the ACP in trade preferences and by a transition regime derogating from the principles of multilateralism and the original trade instruments. The latter takes into account the legal debate for a normalization of EU-WTO relations, namely the conflicts arbitrated by the WTO and the commercial policy according to the Cotonou Agreement, that is to say the exception to normalization. The era of the new WTO will be that of calling into question discriminatory special preferences. Some developing countries rightly do not condone other countries in the same category benefiting from preferential trade arrangements that contradict multilateral trade rules. This is the beginning of the dismantling of special preferences. The European preferential offer has known two eras and two different regimes. If the Yaoundé conventions were symmetrical and based on reciprocity, the Lomé conventions were asymmetrical and implied non-reciprocal trade preferences, discriminatory and contrary to GATT, although tolerated. The observation of the illegality of trade preferences arising from the Lomé conventions placed the European communities before an alternative: maintain the preferences and therefore non-reciprocity

The globalization of supply chains and the rise of digital technologies have made cross-border data flows central to international trade law. At the same time, growing perceptions of data as a national security concern – commonly referred to as ‘data securitization’ – have led states to adopt restrictive measures, including cross-border data flow regulations and local storage or processing requirements. This article examines how international trade law can and should address such measures and the balance it strikes between facilitating data flows and safeguarding national security. It first surveys national approaches to restricting cross-border transfers, highlighting both divergences and common patterns in the regulation of personal and non-personal data. It then analyses exceptions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs), focusing on Essential Security Interests (ESI) and Legitimate Public Policy Objective (LPPO) exceptions. The analysis shows that while these exceptions take different forms, each faces certain limitations, reflecting an inherent trade-off between respecting states’ discretion to safeguard security interests and ensuring predictability in trade relations. To address these limitations, the article proposes avenues for international cooperation: enhancing regulatory transparency, ensuring legitimacy and effectiveness of government access to privately held data, and developing shared understandings of national security concerns and data governance measures. By combining legal safeguards with cooperative frameworks, international trade law can better reconcile the tension between safeguarding security and enabling cross-border data flows.

Research Originality: This study provides novel empirical evidence by introducing the Cross-Border Paperless Trade Index as a proxy for ASEAN Single Window implementation to examine how the depth of digital trade facilitation influences Indonesia’s utilization of the ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement. Research Objectives: This research aims to analyze the impact of ASEAN Single Window implementation on Indonesia’s utilization of the ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement, both at the aggregate level and across sectors. Research Methods: This study uses unpublished Indonesian import panel data from eight ASEAN member countries for the period 2018–2023, and analyzes them using two-way fixed-effects panel data to control for unobserved heterogeneity across product-trading partners and over time. Empirical Results: Higher levels of ASEAN Single Window implementation in partner countries have a positive and statistically significant effect on Indonesia’s ATIGA utilization, indicating that digital trade facilitation reduces transaction costs and administrative barriers. Implications: These findings suggest that strengthening the effectiveness of digital trade facilitation, particularly through the ASEAN Single Window, is crucial for increasing the practical use of preferential trade agreements and supporting deeper economic integration within ASEAN. JEL Classification: F10, F13, F14, F15

Abstract In recent years, claims of ‘national security’ have surged internationally to protect various security interests including public health, economic security and cybersecurity. National industrial strategies for building critical technologies challenge the scope of ‘national security’ in international intellectual property (IP) protection. National security provisions in the WTO are traditionally considered narrowly in the military context or ‘an emergency in international relations' where actions are necessary to safeguard countries' essential security interests. However, it does not appear to reflect the economic and cybersecurity issues emerging from critical infrastructure and new digital technologies beyond wars or emergencies in international relations. On the other hand, many recent Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) have expanded the scope of national security to include cybersecurity‐related measures. We investigate the legal solutions in relevant international trade and investment regimes that aim to tackle the unpredictability and instability created by selected trade measures based on national security and other non‐economic objectives in international intellectual property protection. These measures include trade bans on the export and import of digital technologies and blocking investments to prevent the diffusion of intellectual property. In order to prevent abuse and ensure inclusivity, we propose a conditional right for invoking national security grounds to encompass claims reflecting multi‐faceted security interests and a multistakeholder model for governing critical infrastructure and technologies.

Abstract This paper contributes to the discussion on the link between international trade policy and food and nutrition security by looking at whether and how these concepts are addressed in Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs). We compile a dataset covering almost 600 PTAs that entered into force between 1948 and 2024, and apply textual analysis to show that the number of references to food security has increased over recent decades. To analyse the role of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) in shaping the rules and practices of international food trade, we investigate the placement, function, and significance of food security provisions in four case studies, looking at the extent to which the regulatory approaches of these PTAs align with or diverge from the relevant provisions of the WTO AoA. Our study reveals that, despite the growing prominence of food security and nutrition in PTAs, their regulatory approaches largely align with the AoA and seldom overcome its shortcomings. While some agreements introduce broader and more contemporary understandings of food security, binding commitments remain limited and structural tensions between national and global objectives persist.

Our present volume offers a comprehensive and multilayered analysis of the structural, political, and economic shifts currently redefining Latin America and the Caribbean. From the persistent shadows of institutional fragility to the burgeoning opportunities of the global energy transition, these works collectively map a region in profound transformation. The volume opens with a sobering examination by Luiz Felipe Lacerda, Valentina Campos Cabral, Raúl Gutiérrez Patiño, Silvia Fontana, Lelia Imhof, and Elvin Hernández Rivera, who explore the intersection of socio-environmental corruption and climate urgency. Their research exposes how systemic impunity and state capture not only undermine governance but also exacerbate the vulnerability of populations facing ecological crises, calling for a shift toward “ecological citizenship” as a countermeasure to extractivist models. Moving from territorial governance to the management of people, Luicy Pedroza and Pau Palop-Garcia provide a sophisticated mixed-methods study on emigrant policymaking. By moving beyond simple economic explanations, the authors demonstrate how political culture and bureaucratic practices shape the way states maintain ties with their citizens abroad, offering a stable yet adaptable framework for understanding migration institutions across the region. The focus then shifts to the formal architectures of regional integration. Irma Liliana Vasquez-Merchan and Nicolas De la Peña delve into the depth of labor provisions within preferential trade agreements. Their cross-sectional analysis reveals that the strength of labor standards is determined less by a government's stated political orientation and more by the complex interplay of regime stability, trade union participation, and intra-industrial competition. The challenges of the “Green Transition” are analyzed through two distinct Brazilian lenses. First, Fernando Inti Leal, Erik Eduardo Rego, and Virginia Parente critique the paradox of fossil fuel subsidies in a net-zero context. They argue that current tax wavers for the oil and gas industry conflict with energy justice and suggest a strategic pivot toward direct financial transfers to combat fuel poverty. This piece is complemented by the work of Juliane Santos Lumertz, Edegar Luís Tomazzoni, Juarez Velozo-Silva, and Rina Ricci Cagnacci, who investigate “city diplomacy” in São Paulo. They find that while the metropolis has immense soft power potential through tourism and international events, a lack of institutional cohesion prevents it from fully leveraging these assets on the global stage. Continuing the focus on Brazil but expanding the horizon of social equity, Marcio Giannini Pereira, Harriet Thomson, Neilton Fidelis da Silva, Maria Luiza de M. Galvão, Dannyelle de Souza Nunes Vasconcelo, and Jamila Lorena de Freitas Pereira Brasil propose a novel regulatory framework to accelerate a “just” energy transition. Through field research at wind farms, they demonstrate how targeted social contributions can drastically reduce extreme poverty while advancing renewable energy goals. Moving the focus toward the Caribbean, Kempe Ronald Hope traces Guyana's transition from a state-planned socialist orientation to a market-oriented economy. Set against the backdrop of newfound oil wealth, the author explores how this liberalization has propelled Guyana to become the world's fastest-growing emerging economy, providing a blueprint for sustaining growth in a high-income emerging market. Finally, the collection concludes with an opinion analysis by Armando Chaguaceda, whose essay explains the flexibility and continuity of Cuba's foreign policy toward the Americas. Together, these authors provide an essential toolkit for understanding a region that is simultaneously grappling with the ghosts of institutional malfunctioning and the high stakes demands of a globalized, decarbonized future.

This study aimed to identify changes in beef trade between the European Union and South American countries and to assess the potential economic impact of implementing the EU–Mercosur agreement on the beef market. The research problem asked: How might trade liberalisation under the EU–Mercosur agreement affect the volume, structure, and competitiveness of the beef market between the EU and Mercosur countries? The research used data on beef production, import, export, and consumption in the European Union and South America. The detailed analysis covered the years 2010–2024. In addition, based on USDA data, a forecast of beef production in the EU and Mercosur countries up to 2030 was prepared. The analyses employed descriptive and indicator methods, Spearman’s rank correlation analysis, and the ARDL (Autoregressive Distributed Lags) model. The results indicate that beef production is increasing in the Mercosur countries and declining in the European Union. The ARDL models showed that beef trade depends on previous production and demand, and imports to the EU respond to changes in these areas with a delay. Increasing the tariff quota for beef imports from the Mercosur countries to the EU at a reduced customs rate may increase the share of this meat in the EU market. Preferential trade conditions raise concerns among EU producers, who must comply with stricter environmental standards and higher production costs, while less restrictive practices are applied in Mercosur countries. As a result, European agriculture, especially in Poland, may become less competitive, which calls for support mechanisms and further negotiations on sustainable production.

The inclusion of non-trade issue (NTI) provisions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs)—extending beyond traditional trade matters to encompass labor, environmental, and gender commitments—has become a notable trend in international trade. While existing research has focused on the motivations behind such provisions and their effects on non-trade objectives, there remains a significant gap in understanding their impacts on bilateral trade flows, especially in the context of North–South trade partnerships. Gender provisions, in particular, have fallen outside the main focus of research. To fill this gap, we ask: How do gender-related provisions in US PTAs with developing countries affect trade? We argue that gender provisions decrease US imports by raising production costs for developing countries, with stronger effects in sectors with higher female employment in the US. Using industry-level bilateral data encompassing all US trade with developing countries (1996–2022), we find that gender provisions reduce US imports, especially in female-dominated manufacturing industries. Our study highlights the hidden protectionist potential of deep trade agreements in rich democracies, while contributing to research on gendered policy outcomes and trade and development.

Discussion of trade is increasingly dominated by security-oriented terms and concepts. We examine the tendency of individuals to perceive trade not merely as an economic issue but as a threat to national security, which we term “trade–security equivalence.” While many scholars have studied individual-level support for trade, we show that trade–security equivalence is distinct from trade preferences. We use a survey experiment of US respondents to isolate conditions that lead individuals to perceive trade as a security threat. Treatments vary aspects of hypothetical US trade relationships: military and economic gaps, partner alignment with US foreign policy, and potential macro- and micro-level economic impacts. Our analysis reveals multiple paths to trade–security equivalence, involving both economic and security influences, with the strongest effect from macro-level economic influences. When subjects are told that trade negatively affects the overall US economy, they are especially likely to view trade as a national security threat.

ABSTRACT Labor provisions in preferential trade agreements are becoming increasingly relevant, yet research has predominantly focused on global trends and developed economies. In Latin America, scholars have focused either on country‐specific analyses or on individual agreements, resulting in a fragmented approach. The objective of this article is to identify the determining factors that explain the depth of labor provisions in Latin American preferential trade agreements. We conduct a cross‐sectional analysis, employing linear regressions on data from 114 preferential trade agreements signed 1990–2015. Our research delves into government political orientation, trade union participation, informality rates, and intra‐industrial competition to provide a comprehensive analysis. Our findings reveal that interactions among freedom of association and wage bargaining, regime type and stability (rather than political orientation), and trade openness and intra‐industrial competition shape the depth of labor standards in preferential trade agreements in Latin American countries. These findings highlight the relevance of regional approaches in contrast with global studies.

The evolution of algorithmic trading (AT) has dramatically transformed the Foreign Exchange (Forex) market by integrating computational intelligence into trading and decision-making processes. Despite these advancements, Malaysian traders remain challenged in adopting such systems, particularly due to limited technical expertise, inadequate adaptation to local trading practices, and a lack of customized automated tools. This concept paper proposes a framework for designing Expert Advisors (EAs) that incorporate technical indicators (TIs) aligned with Malaysian traders' preferences and prevailing market conditions. The framework integrates three core components: trader competency assessment, indicator-based strategy development, and EA system architecture design, aimed at improving trade accuracy, profitability, and risk management. A qualitative approach grounded in literature synthesis and contextual analysis is employed to construct the proposed framework. The resulting model offers a structured and context-sensitive approach that combines trader preferences, technological innovation, and ethical considerations, with practical implications for system developers, educators, and regulators. The originality of this study lies in its localization of EA design to Malaysian traders' needs, bridging the gap between advanced algorithmic tools and local market readiness, while providing a replicable model for other emerging markets adopting AT solutions.

As distributive losers, most of Brazilian industry historically opposed the negotiation between the European Union (EU) and the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) to form a preferential trade agreement (PTA). However, during the last phase of the negotiation (2016–2019), Brazilian industrial sectors turned to a favorable stance. Moreover, the industry’s peak organization, the National Confederation of Industry (CNI), publicly welcomed the agreement-in-principle reached in 2019, has since called for its conclusion, and celebrated its signature in 2026. In this article, I seek to explain why and how the organizations representing Brazilian industry moved from an opposing to a favorable preference for this PTA. Contrary to explanations that exclusively consider material ‘interests’ or, more precisely, distributive incentives, as the causes of preferences, I develop a top-down causal mechanism, which posits that the structure of the peak industry organization and trade officials from Brazil’s bureaucracy worked together to produce this unexpected shift, for which they mobilized economic and political ideas, in the form of persuasion and social pressure, that interacted with sectoral distributive incentives in a context of industrial crisis and high uncertainty. Drawing on multiple sources, I run a process tracing analysis which shows that this alternative account performs better than the standard material-based explanations.

An Empirical Analysis of Cooperation Among Muslim Countries: The Case of Indonesia-Pakistan Preferential Trade Agreement