Powerless Groups Research Articles

Hidden Transcripts of the Powerful: Researching the Arts of Domination

This article develops a submerged aspect of James C Scott’s work on ‘hidden transcripts’. Whereas Scott focused predominantly on the hidden transcripts of the powerless, here we propose a research agenda based upon studying hidden transcripts of the powerful. First, we define our terms. Second, we map existing literature, observing that although plenty of research exists into the public transcripts of dominant and subordinate groups, and that Scott initiated a productive research agenda into the hidden transcripts of powerless groups, research into hidden transcripts of powerful actors is lacking. We identify an assumption within this literature that because existing social institutions are already structured in such a way as to reflect and advance the interests of dominant groups, there is no need for separate spaces to foster the consciousness, cohesivness, and mobilisation of the powerful. Third, we ask how social scientists might study the hidden transcripts of the powerful, and what methodological challenges and opportunities such a research programme might present, identifying in particular the promising avenue of studying what we have chosen to call ‘transcripts hidden in plain sight’. Fourth, and finally, we question the epistemological status of these hidden transcripts, focusing on whether they can be used by social researchers as a reliable indicator of the ‘true’ consciousness of the social group that expresses them.

Conspiracy beliefs and intention to use conventional, complementary and alternative medicines: Two vignette studies.

Conspiracy beliefs (CBs) can have substantial consequences on health behaviours by influencing both conventional and non-conventional medicine uptake. They can target powerful groups (i.e. upward CBs) or powerless groups (i.e. downward CBs). Considering their repercussions in oncology, it appears useful to understand how CBs are related to the intentions to use conventional, complementary and alternative medicines (CAM). This paper includes two pre-registered online correlational studies on a general French population (Study 1 N = 248, recruited on social media Mage = 40.07, SDage = 14.78; 205 women, 41 men and 2 non-binaries; Study 2 N = 313, recruited on social media and Prolific, Mage = 28.91, SDage = 9.60; 154 women, 149 men and 10 non-binaries). We investigated the links between generic and chemotherapy-related CBs and intentions to use conventional, complementary and alternative medicines. Study 2 consisted of a conceptual replication of Study 1, considering the orientation of CBs. Generic CBs and chemotherapy-related CBs appear strongly and positively correlated, negatively correlated with intentions to take conventional medicine and positively with intentions to take CAM. The link between generic CBs and medication intention is fully mediated by chemotherapy-related CBs. When distinguished, upward CBs are a stronger predictor of chemotherapy-related CBs than downward CBs. The findings suggest that intentions to use medicine are strongly associated with CBs. This has several important implications for further research and practice, notably on the presence and effects of CBs on medication behaviours in cancer patients.

Coping with power asymmetries: The dynamics of emotional reactions in (il)legitimate powerless groups

Coping with power asymmetries: The dynamics of emotional reactions in (il)legitimate powerless groups

The perils of national narratives

The perils of national narratives

From Immigrants to Refugees: Relocating Strangers in Two Plays about North Korean Defectors

Abstract Two stage plays written after 2010 about North Korean defectors in South Korea are dealt with in this article, Mokran Eonni (Sister Mokran) and Toillit Pipeul (Toilet People). This article employs an analytical framework that weaves the terms of the immigrant and of the refugee and the sociology of the stranger together. The scenes from Mokran Eonni and Toillit Pipeul analyzed in this article acutely illustrate the pain and suffering experienced by North Korean defectors, especially socially powerless groups such as women and adolescents. Their position as refugees is constructed through exploitative capitalism and the division hysteria in South Korea. This representation leads audiences to examine how the latter two phenomena expose South Korean people as potential refugees. In other words, both plays do not just tell particular stories about North Korean defectors, they also offer a universal reflection regarding the structural ills in South Korean society. Moreover, this reflection is not limited to South Korean society. It can be repositioned as the speculation that all venues of transnational and global capitalist phenomena in which otherness is excluded and repressed have a migratory uprooted identity.

Comparing the ideological correlates of anti-government and anti-Roma conspiracy beliefs in Romania

Conspiracy theories are often viewed as the manifestation of a “conspiracy mentality” grounded in power-challenging attitudes. Contrary to this approach, it has been proposed that conspiracy theories targeting relatively powerful groups (i.e., upward conspiracy theories) may be ideologically distinct from conspiracy theories targeting relatively powerless groups (i.e., downward conspiracy theories). We tested this contention in the Romanian context ( n = 723, preregistered) and compared the ideological and socioeconomic correlates of anti-government (i.e., a relatively powerful group) and anti-Roma (i.e., a relatively powerless group) conspiracy beliefs. Using Principal Components Analysis, we showed that both categories of conspiracy beliefs are statistically distinct. Right-wing authoritarianism was significantly more related to anti-Roma conspiracy beliefs than to anti-government conspiracy beliefs. However, against our expectations, both types of conspiracy beliefs did not relate differently to subjective socioeconomic status. Overall, the ideological discrepancies between upward and downward conspiracy beliefs were less marked in the Romanian context. Finally, conspiracy mentality was more related to anti-government conspiracy beliefs than anti-Roma conspiracy beliefs. This corroborates the notion that generic measurements of conspiracist ideation may be mostly a measurement of upward conspiracy beliefs, and emphasizes the relevance of distinguishing conspiracy theories based on the types of groups they target.

Al-Mustadh'afin: Reflection of the Qur'an on Social Inequalities

This article aims to reveal the reflection of the Qur'an on the oppressed group in the context of social inequality. Using the descriptive analytical approach in the various literature related to the subject of this research, whether in the form of primary sources such as the Qur’an and interpretations, as well as secondary sources in the form of books and articles, the results of the study found that the Qur'an's reflection of al-Mustadh'afin refers to a marginalized community, weak, oppressed, and powerless groups both culturally and structurally. In the context of social inequality, the poor, orphans, beggars, and slaves are al-Mustadh'afin groups. The effort to liberate the al-Mustadh'afin from all forms of discrimination, oppression, and exploitation that leads to social inequality is a vision of Islamic teachings. In the context of the Indonesian state, Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution are the two supporting pillars that are in line with the spirit of the Al-Qur'an's alignment with al-Mustadh'afin. Thus, the defense of al-Mustadh'afin in the context of social inequality can be done by maximizing the role of government, agencies, and social institutions.

Advantageous comparison: using Twitter responses to understand similarities between cybercriminals (“Yahoo Boys”) and politicians (“Yahoo men”)

This article is about the manifestations of similarities between two seemingly distinct groups of Nigerians: cybercriminals and politicians. Which linguistic strategies do Twitter users use to express their opinions on cybercriminals and politicians? The study undertakes a qualitative analysis of ‘engaged’ tweets of an elite law enforcement agency in West Africa. We analyzed and coded over 100,000 ‘engaged’ tweets based on a component of mechanisms of moral disengagement (i.e., advantageous comparison), a linguistic device. The results reveal how respondents defend the actions of online fraudsters (“the deviant group”) by strategically comparing them to the wrongful acts of corrupt politicians (“the respectable group”). Similarly, the results show how respondents positioned this linguistic strategy to compare “the powerless group” (online fraudsters) and “the powerful group” (politicians) in society. Indeed, tweet responses suggest that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) generally looks downwards for culprits (i.e., online fraudsters) while ignoring fraudulent politicians. We conclude that the process by which some actions are interpreted as a crime compared to others is a moral enterprise.

Partisanship, protection, and punishment: how governments affect the distributional consequences of International Monetary Fund programs

How do governments allocate the burden of adjustment of reform programs sponsored by international financial institutions? While the political economy literature is ripe with theoretical arguments about this issue, we have a limited empirical understanding of the distributional effects of these programs, except for a few informative case studies. We argue that governments allocate adjustment burdens strategically to protect their own partisan supporters while seeking to impose adjustment costs upon the partisan supporters of their opponents. Using hitherto under-explored individual-level Afrobarometer survey data from 12 Sub-Saharan African countries, we employ large-N analysis to show that individuals have consistently more negative evaluations and experiences of IMF structural adjustment programs when they supported opposition parties compared to when they supported the government party. Partisan differences in evaluations are greater when governments have greater scope for distributional politics, such as in the public sector and where programs entail more quantitative performance criteria, which leave governments discretion about how to achieve IMF program targets. Negative evaluations are also more prevalent among ethnically powerless groups compared to ethnically powerful groups. These results emphasize the significant role of borrowing governments in the implementation of IMF-mandated policy measures. They also stress the benefits of reducing the number of IMF conditions in limiting the scope for harmful distributive politics.

School Leadership Practices and Identity Politics in a Multicultural Society: The Case of Indonesia

This article aims to explore school leadership practices in the context of the multicultural society of Indonesia. Effective school leaders in a diverse context demonstrate a type of moral leadership characterized by high awareness and sensitivity to cultural diversity and act accordingly to enable everyone in school to pursue his or her goals. This study used a qualitative case study approach by selecting three different schools and interviewing the principals, teachers, and students. The findings suggest that while in rhetoric school leaders convey a commitment to recognize and respect diversity, they exercise covertly some discriminative policies towards powerless groups. In these schools, both cultural and religious identities were used to maintain domination in school. Consequently, the schools have hardly become a venue for social justice and multicultural citizenship. By doing so, this article contributes to a better understanding of the nuance of school leadership in multicultural societies like Indonesia.

Covert societal practices in linguistic choices of Pakistani editorials: Fairclough’s CDA model approach

Purpose: Core concept of CDA revolves around the interdependency of description of language, interpretation of language and prevailing discursive practices in society. This study examines the role a language plays in formulating ideological subjective position of male and female in any contemporary society.
 Methodology: The study applied Fairclough’s CDA model on the Pakistani editorials of two English newspapers in order to qualitatively analyze the linguistic choices and its placement in the text by focusing on other modalities of language such as adverbs, adjectives, metaphors and action verbs for unraveling the patriarchal practices of the society in which women are at the stake of more disadvantages than the men in COVID-19 pandemic situation.
 Findings: Editorials showed remarkable use of differences in linguistic choices for depiction of powerful and powerless group. Findings showed the existence of hegemony in society where men dominates women by violating their basic rights. Abusive nature of men during the pandemic situation has transformed women's tendency to attend their work through online sources into a tiresome experience. Linguistic choice and syntactic structure have brought forth the discourse type, situational context and societal practices at the surface level which in turns connect back to the role of society and culture in shaping the perception of editors in writing a piece of editorials.
 Unique Contribution to Practice and Policy: Two newspapers have adopted different stances in depicting a same issue which also reveals the hidden ideology of the press media in which they use implicit or explicit tone in delivering their ideas. This research can help in exploring new dimensions of Pakistani editorials’ language where different tone of language represent unique subject position of female and male in pandemic situation.

The Effects of Power, Weather, and Mood on Customers’ Impulsive Buying Behavior

In this study, the consumer types were divided into two groups: power and powerless. First, depending on the sense of power, the interaction effect between power and powerless was verified based on two types of weather: sunny and cloudy. Secondly, the purchase intention of luxury goods was examined as a dependent variable and the difference in purchase behavior patterns were observed. Lastly, based on the mood-congruent effect of consumer purchase intentions, it was confirmed that power influences weather, and the weather and mood are influenced by each other, as also manifested in empirical studies. In particular, the power group had a more significant effect than the powerless group, and the positive mood and weather played a big role for consumers’ intention to purchase luxury goods. Therefore, this study can contribute both theoretically and practically to prepare appropriate marketing strategy plans based on weather and consumer roles—power and powerless.

A power‐challenging theory of society, or a conservative mindset? Upward and downward conspiracy theories as ideologically distinct beliefs

AbstractEven though conspiracy theories are diverse, they are typically construed as a homogeneous phenomenon. Using classic theorizations of conspiracy theories by Popper and Moscovici, we propose to distinguish between belief in upward conspiracy theories (i.e., targeting relatively powerful groups) and downward conspiracy theories (i.e., targeting relatively powerless groups). The former are theorized as power‐challenging beliefs and the latter are theorized as being underpinned by conservative ideology. Across three studies conducted in Belgium (totalN = 2363), we show that these two types of conspiracy beliefs indeed relate differently to power‐challenging attitudes (i.e., political extremism, feelings of leadership breakdown) and conservative ideology. Specifically, upward conspiracy beliefs were characterized by a U‐shaped relationship with political orientation (i.e., an “extremism” bias), and a strong relationship with feelings of leadership breakdown. By contrast, downward conspiracy beliefs were strongly associated with conservative ideology. Both types of conspiracy beliefs were, however, positively correlated.

Linking the prepositions: using power analysis to inform strategies for social action

ABSTRACT This article reviews longstanding debates about the relationship between power over and power to – often posed as the tension between domination and emancipation. It then turns to several frameworks which integrate these approaches to inform strategies for social action. In particular, it focuses on recent empirical studies which apply one such framework, the ‘powercube’, to glean insights into how social actors navigate across multiple forms, spaces and levels of power. In so doing, we gain clues into how relatively powerless groups develop the capacities for agency and action which challenge domination and in turn give new possibilities for emancipation.

Svakodnevni oblici otpora tradicionalnog srpskog seljaštva

Weber's definition of power includes the existence of a social relationship, but also a possibility of resistance and, consequently, a conflict with it. The resistance to the enforcement of the will on the part of the side with power takes various forms: violent and non-violent, individual, and collective. In sociology, peasantry is seen as a social class without power, that is, the one that always stands opposite powerful social forces, which exert their will over it. In this paper, the authors pay attention to everyday forms of resistance used by peasantry and analyzed by J. Scott, an American researcher. Historically speaking, the Serbian peasantry used everyday forms of resistance as well, especially during the periods of foreign domination. Everyday forms of resistance can also be observed in some other powerless social entities. The consciousness of social actors usually does not go beyond the understanding of open forms of (violent) resistance. Besides these open forms of resistance (macro politics), however, there has always been the micro politics of resistance, that is, the everyday forms of resistance, especially practiced by traditional peasantry. In this paper, we focus on the hidden transcript (Scott) of the traditional Serbian peasantry, using the funny folk tales as a sociological material. Resistance can be understood as the other side of power, always present in relations of power, even though in various forms. Traditional peasantry, being a social class without power, often uses everyday forms of resistance and, at the same time, forms a special kind of its own ideology, a hidden transcript. Among other things, a hidden transcript includes folk songs, folk tales, etc. From funny folk tales of the traditional Serbian peasantry we can understand how the peasantry saw their relation with the oppressors (the Turks and others). In these tales it was especially important to show that peasants are cleverer than the oppressors, since the violent means were in the hands of the Turks. Once the situation had changed, the open resistance took place of everyday forms, and the power relation changed as well. The wider meaning and explanatory use of the concept of everyday forms of resistance can be seen in the fact that they can be used for understanding and explanation of behavior of any powerless group.

An Autoethnography of Child Artists in Tamil Dance Reality Television Production

Reality Television shows that revolve around the lives of children have become popular to audiences of all ages, which is evident in their success across diverse channels and various demographics (Palmer, 2013). With the increase in the number of reality shows and child participants in them, emerges a critical need of questioning the power of those in authority and are in- charge of production over the powerless group (the children) who aren’t of an age to legally possess the right to consent on their work, but have become the primary focus of almost every aspect of media commercialisation. An analysis of the conditions and effects of child participation in reality shows is extremely complex as it is difficult to make a child share his/her experience with others. It is also true that the history of children’s daily experiences are extremely difficult to trace, since children themselves have had little or no access to those public forms of expression (Holland, 2004).
 This paper is an autoethnographic study that explores Tamil dance reality television's child artists during the period 2008-2020.The bodily performances of the dance reality television’s child artists and crew are studied by focusing on the intersections of body and space and with them developing in this context the concept of Biopolitics, as advanced by Michel Foucault (1979). The qualitative study covers a sample of 8 dance reality shows in five different Tamil channels with a focus on 12 child artists and how they spend their everyday lives in the shooting sets, rehearsal studios and other media production spaces. The researcher, being an insider in the reality television programmes, as a freelance floor director and coordinator for more than ten years now, provides this paper a significant leverage of the same and uses methods of memory work and self-reflexive writing along with in-depth interviews.

The Role of Language Policy in Nation-Building in Pakistan

This article presents the analysis of the relation between language policy formation and nation-identity development process in context of Pakistan. Language is not only an instrument of communication, but it is also central element of culture, resultantly reaffirming the cultural differences in contrast to other cultures. After independence, a shared common language is often used by nations as symbolic marker in order to integrate their diverse population into a single unified nation. Language become a central factor in the process of nationalism or nation-building and to culture in general, results into politicization of language policy and planning process. This paper analyzed the language policy documents of last 20 years and highlighted that in Pakistan LPP, particularly status planning, decisions are largely influenced by power politics in the country. This paper argue that the issue of language cannot be detached from the political issue of the country. Pakistan is a home to a vast number of ethnic communities, who speaks different languages. Pakistan’s recognition of Urdu as national language results in given privileged status to the people who identify themselves with this language. The ruling elite enjoy the privileged status of English and Urdu language in various power domains whereas the languages of minority powerless groups are marginalized from the domains of literacy, administration, education and power. The monolingual conception of national identity has largely alienated the under-represented or powerless languages which put their native speakers at grave disadvantage. This paper proposed that language policy makers must incorporates all the indigenous language on stage in context of nation-identity development with an ideology that all language are equal linguistically or socially. Every individual has right to use and promote their mother tongue and education being basic right of every individual it should be given in one’s own mother tongue. Keywords: Nation-identity, nationalism, Language policy, Urdu language, National language, Status planning, Politics. DOI: 10.7176/JLLL/74-04 Publication date: December 31 st 2020

COVID-19 palaver: Ending rights violations of vulnerable groups in Africa.

This commentary amplifies the rising spate of human rights violations as laid bare by the COVID-19 pandemic in Africa. It notes that while governments in the region have declared restrictions on social gathering, in a bid to upend the deadly contagion, rights violations of vulnerable groups by law enforcement officials are on the increase. It argues that the underlying rationale for such flagrant abuse of power stems from the dearth of a rights-based approach to police-public relations, indifference of political actors, and a grossly inadequate public health and social care infrastructures for undervalued and powerless groups. Policy implications are laid out while suggestions are offered to social work professionals given their longstanding commitment to national security and development.

Epistemic Injustice in the Political Domain: Powerless Citizens and Institutional Reform

Democratic legitimacy is often grounded in proceduralist terms, referring to the ideal of political equality that should be mirrored by fair procedures of decision-making. The paper argues (§1) that the normative commitments embedded in a non-minimalist account of procedural legitimacy are well expressed by the ideal of co-authorship. Against this background, the main goal of the paper is to argue that structural forms of epistemic injustice are detrimental to the overall legitimacy of democratic systems. In §2 I analyse Young’s notion of political powerlessness and claim that in structurally unjust social contexts members of powerless groups often are not properly acknowledged as functioning members of the polity, hence being jeopardized in their ability to develop part of their personal identity. In §III, I define gerrymandering as an example of political disempowerment that involves an epistemic harm for oppressed citizens, namely, to be prejudicially excluded from the community of epistemic trust. My thesis is that being epistemically disempowered has a negative impact on the way in which citizens understand themselves as political actors, since they suffer a lack of social recognition that may impede a proper development of their reflexive agency. In §IV, I discuss the proposal of granting epistemic privilege to members of oppressed groups, given their specific experience of social injustices. I introduce two concerns about this proposal, one morally grounded and one pragmatically oriented. Finally, in §V, I briefly sketch some institutional remedies that can be employed in order to politically fight systemic forms of epistemic injustice.

BENTUK PEMBERDAYAAN WANITA KARIER DALAM PERSPEKTIF AL-QUR’AN DAN HADIST

The concept of community empowerment when examined actually departs from a view which is placed human as subjects from their own world. The basic pattern of the empowerment movement mandates the need for power and emphasizes alignments with powerless groups. The way in which empowerment is done is by providing motivation or support in the form of providing resources, opportunities, knowledge, and skills for the community to increase their capacity, raising awareness about their potential, then striving to develop their potential. Women need to be given training, education, and even empowerment, so that they have the ability to live properly and can help their husbands to meet their daily needs. The goal is that women have the ability / expertise.In the context of women workers, she is welcome to choose the field or sector that she likes which is certainly in accordance with the capabilities and professionalism possessed. According to Islamic teachings, whatever role is held by women, especially as housewives should not be forgotten, so that the possibilities of negative access can be avoided. So, serious attention from women to foster their families is very necessary because the task is the most important of the efforts to develop the community widely. Upright and the collapse of a country's society is very close which is related to the state of totality of family units forming a country's society. Islam allowed women to work outside the home while women can place themselves based on their female nature.