post-Cold War Period Research Articles

The Role of the United States as a Democracy Promoter: Impacts on Developing Countries

Abstract: In recent years, there has been a significant shift in the global landscape of democracy, particularly in developing countries. This has led to a re-evaluation of strategies for promoting democratic processes in different countries and has highlighted the role of the United States in this process. Thus, this paper examines this multi-level aspect by looking at how the U.S. contributes to promoting democratic values, especially in developing states. It also analyzes the pattern of U.S. democracy promotion, arguing that it has gone from the containment strategies as part of the Cold War era to the democratization activities of the post-Cold War period. From this, it can be inferred that democracy promotion is increasingly viewed as an instrument for augmenting national security interests, mostly as a result of 9/11, during which it was regarded as expanding the scope of the war on terror. Furthermore, it assesses the different types of democratic aid granted to the U.S., such as economic assistance, political training, cultural exchanges, and media freedom, whilst looking at their advantages and disadvantages, the infrastructures of developing countries. Through the South African and Iraqi case studies, U.S. initiatives in democracy promotion are thoroughly examined to obtain practical knowledge about their moral and pragmatic aspects. The U.S. should give democracy promotion primary importance by putting international cooperation above everything else, and also respecting national sovereignty, through which the sustainability of its democracy promotion initiatives will be guaranteed.

Cooptation in great power rivalries: A conceptual framework

ABSTRACT After being rather moderate throughout the post-Cold War period, great power rivalries are gaining steam again. Yet, in contrast to past rivalries they are characterized by complex interdependencies which prompt the rivals to engage in order-building within and across rival “blocs.” We argue that this order-building is frequently done by means of “cooptation,” i.e., the trading of institutional privileges for order support. To prepare the conceptual ground for studying cooptation in great power rivalries, we conceptualize cooptation as a specific mode of cooperation and distinguish between four types: taming opposition, securing partners, seeking patronage, and wooing leaders. We demonstrate (1) how great power rivalry shapes cooptation in institutional orders; (2) that cooptation can exacerbate great power rivalry; and (3) that cooptation can tame great power rivalry under certain conditions. We thereby show that theories of cooptation, usually used to analyze domestic politics, help explain international order(ing) in great power rivalries.

Rethinking the Regime Security and Democratic Development through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a regional international organization that emerged in Eurasia in the post-Cold War period and has different priorities, unlike Western liberal organizations. In this respect, SCO is an unconventional international integration against non-traditional threats. SCO's institutional structure has been functionalized to serve security, understood as regime security against the threats of three evils: terrorism, extremism, and separatism. This study argues that one of the priorities of the SCO is to ensure regime security for its members. We can conclude that SCO can provide an essential basis for nation-building and democratic development among Central Asian Turkic Members (CATM).

The great convergence: post-Cold War transitions to hybrid regimes across waves and ebbs

AbstractThe ‘waves and ebbs’ model proposed by Huntington in his 1991's The Third Wave has profoundly shaped how scholars interpret global trends of democratization and autocratization, but has also received criticisms, especially concerning its ability to explain regime change in the three decades following the end of the Cold War. I contend that, rather than an alternation between democratization waves and authoritarian ebbs, the post-Cold War period could be more fruitfully described as a phase of ‘regime convergence’ characterized by a tendency of both democracies and autocracies to shift towards hybrid forms of political regime. By showing that between 1990 and 2023 transitions to hybrid regimes significantly exceeded transitions in other directions, I demonstrate the empirical relevance of hybridization as a process affecting both democracies and autocracies, and I encourage renewed attention to this phenomenon distinct from both democratization and autocratization.

Contextualising Australia’s Role in UN Peacekeeping Operations: A Comprehensive Analysis from 1947 to Present

Purpose: This scholarly article rigorously analyses Australia’s engagement in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations from 1947 to the present, focusing on the nation's substantial contributions, significant policy transitions, and the broader implications for international relations and global governance frameworks. Materials and Methods: Utilizing a qualitative methodological approach, this study systematically reviews over sixty peacekeeping missions involving Australia, drawing upon a diverse array of primary and secondary sources, including governmental reports, academic journals, and UN documentation. The timeframe spans critical historical moments, beginning with Australia’s initial involvement in international peacekeeping initiatives in the late 1940s and evolving through distinct geopolitical eras, including the Cold War, post-Cold War period, and contemporary conflicts (Baldwin et al., 2022; McDonald, 2023). The analysis is grounded in a constructivist framework intertwined with realism, allowing for a nuanced understanding of how Australia’s peacekeeping roles reflect and reinforce the interplay of national interests and international obligations. This theoretical lens facilitates an exploration of the changing nature of global conflicts, operational mandates, and evolving international norms (Kirton, 2023). Findings: The research reveals that Australia’s peacekeeping contributions have evolved significantly, marked by key policy shifts from unilateralism to multilateralism within the UN paradigm. The country’s notable involvements in critical missions, such as those in East Timor and the Solomon Islands, exemplify its commitment to regional stability while also reflecting strategic partnerships with key allies (Cousens & Kumar, 2022). Furthermore, these contributions highlight Australia’s capacity to respond to complex emergencies and humanitarian crises effectively, reinforcing its role as a key player in regional peace and security. Implications to Theory, Practice and Policy: This examination elucidates the implications of Australia’s peacekeeping operations for its foreign policy trajectory and international standing. As the nation grapples with contemporary security challenges - including humanitarian crises, intrastate conflict, and post-colonial nation-building - the analysis reveals that Australia’s peacekeeping engagements align with broader international relations trends. Notably, there is an increasing emphasis on multilateralism, the principle of state sovereignty, and collaborative security efforts among nations (Hawkins, 2023).

The arsenal of democracy? An examination of political regime types’ success in the global sporting arms race following the collapse of the iron curtain

ABSTRACT Over the years, international elite sport has developed into an ‘arms race’ with the success of national elite sport systems becoming a symbol of regime superiority. During the Cold War, the Eastern and Western Blocs battled for success in various sports disciplines. The former nations were dominating in terms of medals, symbolising the force of the socialist autocratic system. However, because of the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989, Western liberal democracies had the opportunity to gain more strength. In this paper, we aim to test whether this has happened by analysing the association between political regime type and international sporting success at the Winter and Summer Olympic Games in the post-Cold War Period. We do this by deploying data on the political regime types to a set of regression models, finding that democratic nations have taken over the international sporting arms race at the Summer Olympic Games. For the Winter Games, our results indicate that less democratic countries (anocracies) are in the lead. Our results add to existing research by suggesting that political regime type still matters to international sporting success. Implications for stakeholders, sports managers, and politicians are that they must decide to what extent they want to be part of this game in the coming years.

탈냉전 초기 미국의 외교안보 정책: 파나마 침략을 중심으로

The chief legacy derived from the Panama invasion was how it altered the American public’s perceptions of the military after the frustrating war in Vietnam. The ease of Panama helped pave the way for the Iraq War. One intervention elided into another in the post-Cold War period. Operation Just Cause was a catalyst for Washington’s new role not only as worldwide policeman, but as global armed social worker. The United States encountered sinister new authoritarian regimes in Pyongyang, Tehran, and other capitals, for which the Cold War really ended. But before that return of great-power rivalry, the United States entered into a string of military actions in the world’s far corner: Panama. There, the Department of Defense found itself in wars, regine change, and forever counterterrorism campaigns. The Panama military operation went almost flawlessly. The overwhelming success of JUST CAUSE must be attributed to the fact that the PDF(Panamanian Defense Force) did not put up serious or sustained resistance.

РОЗШИРЕННЯ НАТО НА СХІД ЯК ЧИННИК ПОГІРШЕННЯ ВІДНОСИН МІЖ ЗАХОДОМ ТА РОСІЙСЬКОЮ ФЕДЕРАЦІЄЮ

2019 can be considered a symbolic year for the North Atlantic Treaty Organi- zation. On the one hand, the longest-lasting military-political block of modern times celebrated its seventieth anniversary; on the other hand, this circular date coincided with the thirtieth anniversary of the fall of the Iron Curtain. Indeed, the North Atlantic Alliance had something to be proud of: it managed not only to survive its geopolitical visage of the Cold War era – the Soviet Union – but also to accept new countries that were either part of the USSR or were in its sphere of influence. But it would be inappropriate to claim that the post-Cold War period has been an “easy walk” for NATO. Of course, there was an expan- sion of “Pax Atlantica” due to the entry of countries that were on the other side of the “Iron Curtain”. It is noteworthy, however, that precisely this step is often seen as one of the reasons for the gradual deterioration of relations between the West and the Russian Federation. Assessing the impact of the post-bipolar ex- pansion of the North Atlantic Alliance on the deterioration of relations between the West and the Russian Federation largely depends on the specific framework applied. On the one hand, political idealists see the NATO enlargement as the realization of each states’ natural right to choose its own foreign policy: in the end, the states of the former “socialist camp” themselves opted for Euro-At- lantic integration. On the other hand, supporters of political realism, for whom the balance of power and spheres of influence remain the main determinants of international relations, consider the enlargement of NATO to be a tool for asserting the U.S. global dominance after the collapse of the USSR. Some rea- lists argue that the post-bipolar enlargement of NATO, allegedly initiated and promoted by the United States, was perceived in the Russian Federation as an encroachment on its “legitimate” sphere of interests, hence contributing to the Kremlin’s turn to aggressive revisionism. However, the assertion that the United States should “recognize reality” and return to a policy of balance of power is overly focused on the geopolitical games of the so-called “great po- wers,” where other states, including Ukraine, are only objects whose interests are irrelevant. In any case, the question of NATO enlargement is not a defining issue, but merely a symptom of the underlying problems of the post-bipolar – or rather transitional – world order, whose transformation is a matter of time.

Howdy Comrade

Abstract American and Western audiences have long come to understand Soviet and Russian womanhood, and thus US womanhood, from representations in popular televisual texts. While there is a long history of popular culture presenting the “othered” women of Eastern Europe, for example as temptress “Bond girls” during the Cold War, these narratives have continued onscreen into the twenty-first century. We examine the myriad representations from both the Cold War and post-Cold War period, noting the typical narrative constructions that focus on femme fatales, psychological and sexual trauma, and economic precarity, and how these have continued in contemporary popular culture to shore up notions of Western cultural and political superiority. The characters and the situations in which they find themselves, as spies, assassins, and double agents, continue to send messages about danger and dominance regarding both gender and geopolitics.

The Comintern and the National and Colonial Question: the Roots of Soviet Anti-Imperialism and Anti-Racism Reconsidered

Abstract With Russia’s escalation in Ukraine, many long-standing positions and relationships have become much more complicated. Many nations in the Global South have elected to remain neutral to avoid damaging their long-standing relations with Russia, which they rely on for political or economic stability. The Russian government has instrumentalized this history of Russian and Soviet support for anti-imperialism to buoy its own relations with the Global South. This support has its roots in the Comintern period when the Communist International promoted anti-imperialism, anti-racism, and self-determination of nations. These efforts, in turn, helped develop the image of the Soviet Union as an anti-imperial bulwark, while also providing an alternate path in which many nations in the Global South found inspiration following the Second World War. This thought piece reconsiders the history of the Comintern to ask fresh questions about its role in anti-imperial and anti-racist movements. In doing so, it calls for a greater attention to the limitations of the Soviet regime during the interwar period, and a reconsideration of the imperial actions of the Soviet Union as relates to this history. It also explores how the history of the Comintern and the complicated history of Soviet support for global decolonization in the interwar period remains relevant to contextualizing present-day reactions to Russian aggression in Ukraine and why, despite the correctives of the post-Cold War period, historians now need to ensure further complexities in this history are not overlooked in the instrumentalization of this history promoted by Russia following February 2022.

Exploring the impact of United Nations peacekeeping operations on the external affairs of host states

Studies of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations (PKOs) typically give scant attention to an important aspect of host states’ development: their external affairs. This article identifies ways in which UN PKOs can shape the external affairs of host states, focusing on UN peacekeeping in the post-Cold War period. We present the findings of a quantitative content analysis of key UN peacekeeping documents to establish which aspects of host state external affairs have been of concern to the UN. We then provide a conceptual framework that maps three areas of external affairs in which PKOs are particularly influential: relationship-building; institution- and diplomatic capacity-building; and the shaping of policy in domains of external affairs. We identify three pathways through which PKOs shape the external affairs of host states: mandated roles, improvised actions, and unintended consequences. Drawing on documentary analysis and original interview data, we illustrate our conceptual framework through an exploration of the impact of peacekeeping on the external affairs of two countries that have hosted large-scale UN-led peacekeeping missions in recent decades: Timor-Leste (East Timor) and Liberia.

강대국 경쟁 속 동남아의 생존 전략

As the U.S.-China rivalry intensifies in Southeast Asia, Southeast Asian perspectives on the U.S.-China strategic competition have attracted much attention. This article attempts to analyze the current perspectives of Southeast Asian countries on the U.S., China, and U.S.-China rivalry based on their historical experiences, moving between the experiences of specific countries and the collective experience of ASEAN as a whole. It analyzes Southeast Asian perspectives and strategies on the US-China rivalry through a historical examination of strategies during the Cold War and post-Cold War periods. In addition, this study takes an inductive approach by observing the behaviors of Southeast Asian countries and then abstracting these behaviors, rather than starting from existing theories and interpreting the behaviors of Southeast Asian countries based on these theories. In conclusion, Southeast Asian countries, individually and collectively, have deployed and continue to deploy a combination of realistic but flexible responses such as hedging to great powers. This article demonstrates that these strategies overlap with institutionalist approach, such as the ASEAN-centered multilateralism mostly exercised during the post-Cold War era.

RUSSIA'S RECENT MIDDLE EAST ENGAGEMENTS: HITTING MULTIPLE BIRDS WITH A SINGLE STONE

During the early post-Cold War period, the global order witnessed a significant shift, with Western liberal democracy emerging as the predominant force. However, this ascent of the United States in pursuit of global dominance gave rise to a Security Dilemma, fostering the emergence of alternative powers in various regions worldwide. Among these, Russia has played a prominent role, notably in the Middle East. This study seeks to examine Russia's historical and contemporary objectives in the Middle East, analyzing its political, economic, and security pursuits. Through the lens of the "Security Dilemma," the article underscores Russia's transformation into a potent regional counterbalance to Western influence in various respects. The article concludes that the sustainability of Russia's gains depends on the fluid Middle East landscape, the continuation of Putin's leadership, and the influence of potential Western sanctions.

A STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF RUSSIA-U.S. RELATIONS AFTER THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE CONFLICT FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHINESE SCHOLARS

Since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the complexity of the conflict between Russia and the West has become more and more serious, with far-reaching effects on global politics, economy and military affairs. As a direct and indirect participant in this conflict, Russia and the United States, the Russia-Ukraine conflict has an important impact on their relations. Chinese scholars are very concerned about the impact of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on the direction of Russia-U.S. relations, and discuss the post-cold war period, the reasons why the Ukraine issue affects the development of Russia-U.S. relations, and the prospects for the development of Russia-U.S. relations after the Russia-Ukraine conflict. It is believed that the structural contradictions existing in the post-cold war period in Russia-US relations, mainly manifested in the competition between Russia and the United States for the dominance of Russia's neighboring regions, the difference in the development path between Russia and the United States and the security dilemma; the geopolitical significance of Ukraine, the post-cold war period of Russia and Ukraine Cold War thinking continued to influence the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the Russian-US relations is of great significance; as well as the strategic goals of Russia and the United States, etc., the impact of the Russian-Ukraine conflict on the Russian-US relations after the conflict. The impact of Russia-Ukraine conflict on Russia-U.S. relations is analyzed and researched.

International Law and International Relations: Quo Vadis?

The wars in Ukraine and Gaza poignantly reveal the inadequacy of the current international system in maintaining peace. The United Nations faces major limitations due to the absence of enforcement mechanisms and disagreement among permanent members of the Security Council. Stronger global cooperation to enhance the international system’s ability to prevent and resolve wars and conflicts seems like a utopia, but it is necessary for the sake of humanity. The world needs a reimagined international system that prioritizes diplomacy and mediation over military intervention. There is a pressing need for new visions of peace and a closer dialogue between International Law and IR. This review essay critically examines the dialogue between the two disciplines since the interwar period. It highlights that liberal internationalism constituted an important intersection point between the two disciplines during the interwar period. Although the two disciplines grew apart after World War II, the post-Cold War period has witnessed a renewed interdisciplinary dialogue. However, despite this dialogue, scholars of both disciplines lack conversations on novel visions of peace. The complex and evolving challenges of our time urgently require new perspectives on peace beyond mainstream theories and methods. The essay concludes by suggesting that scholars of both disciplines should combine their experience and perspectives to develop innovative ideas for peace.

The Interwar Period International Trade in Arms: A New Dataset

International weapons transfers send military capabilities, make arms production economically feasible, and construct security relations. They influence buyers’ and sellers’ foreign policies, domestic politics, and military spending behavior. However, data availability has limited their study to the bipolar Cold War and unipolar post-Cold War periods. We thus introduce the Interwar Period International Trade in Arms (IPITA) data, covering dyadic transfers of small arms, light weapons, ammunition, explosives, and major conventional weapons in the years 1920–1939. The IPITA data will offer new avenues to study the drivers, dynamics, and consequences of arms transfers, both in past and future multipolar systems.

The Changing Dynamics of Japan–India Cooperation: A Case of ‘Rule-Based Order’ in Indo-Pacific

Japan and India are the two oldest and largest democracies in Asia. Since the inception of their diplomatic relations in 1952, the two countries have maintained a cordial relationship. They remain aloof during the Cold War period due to their ideological differences. After that, India following the economic liberalization followed by the “Look East” policy in the post-Cold War period had a positive impact on bilateral relations. This took a sudden gap due to India’s second Pokhran nuclear test in 1998 followed by Japanese economic sanctions. However, the relations normalized soon when Mori visited India along with other South Asian nations in 2000. The bilateral relations further improved when the two countries signed the “strategic orientation of Japan-India global partnership” during Koizumi’s visit in 2005. Since then, the two countries have been engaging in different aspects of strategic partnership, and a peaceful and stable Indo-Pacific along with the “rule-based order” has always been their priority. Thus, different scholars and statesmen from both countries started the discussion on building a new architecture of ‘rule-based order’ in the Indo-Pacific. To that end, Japan and India have continuously engaged themselves in bilateral and multilateral dialogue such as G4, Shangri-La Dialogue and Quad. Thus, this paper will try to see how far the two countries can persuade the international community to push the concept of “rule-based order” in the Indo-Pacific.

Džejms Junker - posthladnoratovski horizonti Svetske države

Starting from the circumstances in the post-Cold War period, the Paper provides a cross-section through theoretical works that are trying to revive interest in the idea of global supranational integration, ie the idea of the World State, regardless of whether they treat it affirmatively, ambivalently or negatively. Then, among the rare examples of affirmative attitude towards the realization of the idea of the World State, the work is focused on the proposal of the American economist James Junker presented in his books "World Union on the Horizon" (1993) and "The Idea of World Government: From Ancient Times to the 21st Century" (2011). The Paper, using analytical and synthetical methods, analyzes in detail Junker's economic views and institutional proposals for building a "minimal" World State (which he calls the Federal Union of Democracies) as well as his global plan to bridge the gap between the rich North and the poor South, which he sees as main obstacle of supranational integration. The final part of the Paper gives a critical review of Junker's ideas, which takes into account modern economic and political processes at the time of the emergence of a multipolar world. The growth of a multipolar world on the remains of its bipolar and unipolar predecessors shows other economic tendencies than those predicted by Junker. The new regional centers of power are interconnected and have their own interregional initiatives based on mutual benefit, beyond the West and its plans to reduce the economic gap between North and South. Now poor South isn't waiting for help from the developed North (i.e., the West), but it is getting the basis for independent development from the East, ie. its strengthening centers of power. All in all, although evidently flawed, one-sided, and naive, Junker's moderate proposal for a Federal Union of global reach stands as one of the few original proposals for a "minimum" World State in the post-Cold War era. With all his atypicality, Junker's proposal maintains the hope of the proponents of the idea of the World state who are still convinced that the risks of embarking on such ventures are not only justified but also necessary, taking into account the potential advantages of global political integrations both in the field of economy, politics, social sphere and ecology

Influence of Foreign Media Bias in Shaping Perceptions of the Sudan Armed Forces- Rapid Support Forces Conflict in Khartoum, Sudan

Intra-state conflicts in Africa in the post-Cold War period have been complex with far reaching consequences. The civil conflicts have at the same time influenced and shaped global and regional dynamics. In April 2019 the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) jointly overthrew the regime of Sudan President Omar al-Bashir. In January 2023 a power struggle ensued over control of the Sudan State between the SAF and the RSF leading to a military confrontation.The foreign media was at the forefront in reporting the civil conflict to the international audience. Foreign media reporting is a powerful agent in shaping conflict perceptions through framing, agenda-setting and the dissemination of information. This study examined the influence of foreign media bias in shaping perceptions of the SAF-RSF conflict in Khartoum, Sudan. Two theories namely; framing and agenda setting theories informed this study. The framing theory explained how foreign media framed the SAF-RSF conflict, how these frames were received and the influence in shaping perceptions of the conflict. The Agenda-setting theory on the other hand offered a valuable framework for analyzing media influence on the perception of the SAF-RSF conflict. This study adopted a cross-sectional survey research design. The study target population consisted of individuals who were exposed to foreign media reporting and had the potential to form perceptions about African conflicts. The research targeted the general population or residents residing within four cities in Kenya (Nairobi, Mombasa, Kisumu, and Nakuru). Using the Cochran formula, the total sample size was 384 respondents. The study also targeted international media houses located in or operating from Kenya. Primary data was collected using semi-structured questionnaires and Key Informant Interviews (KIIs). Secondary data was gathered from a range of sources including scholarly articles, books, reports, and online resources. The data was analysed using both descriptive and inferential statistics to outline and interpret the main features. The findings revealed that framing and agenda-setting and bias in foreign media reporting significantly influenced and shaped perceptions of the conflict between the SAF and RSF.

Schimbarea ordinii globale post-Război Rece: noi centre de putere sunt în curs de dezvoltare – trecerea la o perioadă multipolară

The post-Cold War period, which began in the early 1990s and was generally considered a unipolar stage, with the United States as the only superpower, has passed into a new phase, largely, due to the global consequences of Russia and China’s actions, marked by the events generated by Russia from 2006 until 2014 and in particular by the triggering, on 24 February 2022, of a new unprovoked war against Ukraine, a country invaded for the first time in 2014 and partially occupied for almost nine years but also by China’s actions in the South and East China Sea. The last decade and, in particular, the recent period is characterised by a global strategic competition between the US, China, and the Russian Federation and the alliances they belong to, accelerated by the Ukraine war and the tensions in the Indo-Pacific region, with consequences, among others, on the aspects regarding international order and defence-related aspects to the global strategy. BRICS has firmly committed to promoting the interests of the Global South, to creating a new more inclusive international order, forcing major structural changes to global and regional security architectures. Thus, a conflict of interests emerges between the actions and the role of the US, as a superpower, in the world arena and the actions of China and the Russian Federation, mainly to create a highly multipolar global situation and to evolve as a regional and global hegemon.