ABSTRACT Semiotic objections to markets hold that buying and selling certain things – for example, sex, body parts, votes, surrogacy services – expresses that those things are fungible with money, which has only profane value. This article offers a more fundamental challenge to semiotic critiques of market. We will argue that market exchanges do not have the univocal negative social meaning that friends and foes of markets claim they have. Instead, we argue that money also has a positive public or social meaning because it is a mechanism to achieve a profound value, namely, positive liberty.

This article examines the democratic development of Bulgaria during the period 1989 – 2021 through the lens of political philosophy, focusing on the ideas of Aristotle and Benjamin Constant. Applying Aristotle’s principles of virtuous political regimes and the importance of a strong middle class, the analysis identifies three major challenges within this historical timeframe: the lack of an enlightened understanding of political rights, the absence of a robust middle class, and an oligarchic model of governance that tends to serve narrow interests rather than the common good. Drawing on Constant’s call for moral and civic education to increase political participation, the article argues that non-governmental organizations providing informal education play a crucial role in cultivating competent, virtuous citizens capable of addressing these issues. It concludes that the widespread development of civic competencies, driven by NGO-led informal education, is essential for strengthening Bulgarian democracy by expanding the middle class, promoting media literacy, and fostering an informed understanding of positive liberty and political rights.

This article aims to examine the theoretical basis for a method for achieving a “good death” free from dependence on life-sustaining treatment, focusing on Isaiah Berlin’s “positive liberty” and “Voluntary stopping eating and drinking (VSED). “VSED” is a deliberate and self-initiated action by which a patient with decision-making capacity (DMC) as the master, and is related to Berlin’s the concept of positive liberty which to live and decide what I will with my own. This is distinct from “negative liberty,” which refers to the absence of interference or coercion that implies interference. Specifically, for Berlin, positive liberty was true freedom, and the master was a rational being capable of self-direction or self-control according to his own will. The concept of “VSED” likely became somewhat known to the general public in Korea through a book translated and published under the title “Fasting for Death with Dignity.” However, the translation of “Fasting for Death with Dignity,” based on “Fasting for Good Death,” reproduces the widespread misconception that death with dignity is a type of euthanasia. Voluntary stopping eating and drinking is a deliberate and self-directed act by a terminally ill patient with decision-making capacity to hasten death, whereas discontinuation of general of life-sustaining treatment differs in that it involves withholding nutrition and hydration. However, no matter which one the patient chooses, they share the requirement for specialized medical care, palliative care. Furthermore, both are ultimately efforts to achieve a good death free from dependence on life-sustaining treatment, and thus should be considered options that should be expanded to fully guarantee the patient’s right to self-determination.

ABSTRACT The Politics of Becoming: Anonymity and Democracy in the Digital Age advances democratic theory by exploring how digital spaces enable identity exploration and self-transformation. Asenbaum views these spaces as democratic assemblages where identity is fluid and participatory, emphasizing the role of anonymity in providing ‘freedom to change’ and enhancing the politics of presence both online and offline. This paper critiques two key aspects of his argument: the limitations of deliberative democracy in promoting self-transformation and the role of positive and negative liberty in understanding anonymity.

Bridging criminological and philosophical discourses, this article builds upon Berlin's ‘concepts of liberty’ to theorise the meaning of parole release. Through qualitatively analysing 130 Israeli lifers’ Parole Board hearings, we found that lifers focused more heavily on their loss of – and potential to regain – positive liberty than on negative liberty. Here, we detail how lifers progressed beyond reflecting upon their past and their current state of imprisonment (‘release from’), towards thinking about their present (‘realising release’) and their future (‘release to’). The findings, therefore, demonstrate the normative importance of the parole process in assisting lifers’ constructions of identity, agency, and hope.

This research undertakes a comparative analysis of Isaiah Berlin’s influential philosophical framework of negative and positive liberty and the legal-theoretical concept of “Freedom of Will in Civil Law”. The primary aim is to elucidate the intricate relationship between these abstract ideals of liberty and their concrete manifestations within contemporary private law. The study is devoted to how the concept of free will, understood as a legally recognized capacity to act, is qualified and challenged by socio-political realities, which Berlin seeks to analyze in his concepts. The methodology involves a critical analysis of Berlin’s “Two Concepts of Liberty” and Savchenko’s monograph, a comparison of their main provisions, and an examination of their application to fundamental areas of private law, such as contract, tort, and property law. The relevance of this topic stems from the foundational role of liberty and free will in legal doctrines governing individual autonomy, consent, and responsibility. The scientific novelty lies in the direct comparative analysis of Berlin’s philosophical constructs with the specific legal framework of freedom of will, particularly within the Ukrainian civil law context, and the exploration of this interplay’s implications for understanding power dynamics, fairness, and the limitations of legal capacity in private law. The main results indicate that “freedom of will” requires conditions akin to both Berlin’s negative (non-interference) and positive (self-mastery) liberty for its meaningful realisation, and that Berlin’s framework offers critical tools for assessing the substantive reality of legally granted freedoms. This research has practical significance for legal scholars, practitioners, and policymakers grappling with issues of consent, unconscionability, and legal capacity, offering a nuanced understanding of how philosophical concepts of liberty inform and challenge legal practice. The conclusions emphasise the necessity of a multi-faceted approach to freedom in law, one that recognises the legal capacity for will, protects against interference, and cautiously promotes conditions for genuine autonomous decision-making, while acknowledging the critical perspectives that challenge and refine these concepts.

ABSTRACT This study examines how collectivism is emphasised in Chinese citizenship education (CE) but is challenged by social individualisation. By illuminating the Confucian philosophy of the ‘relational self’, the study reviews how Chinese collectivism has been reinterpreted from cultural to political contexts, involving the ‘use’ of positive liberty for the sake of the collective self and functioning in a complex manner to shape students’ conceptualisations of their individual relations with the state, nation, and society. Through narrative interviews with 12 well-educated participants, the study suggests that they possess sophisticated understandings of different forms of collectivity and deeply perceive the metaphorical use of collectivism. They sustain horizontal collectivism while diluting vertical collectivism, expressing a new individualism based on reasoned considerations of individual-collectivity relations. This trend may counteract some goals of Chinese CE and imply a third wave of disembedding in China’s modernisation.

Abstract This article examines the public policies of media advertising financing in Brazil during the Workers’ Party (pt) administrations (2003–2016) and their impact on media ownership concentration. The study argues that while pt governments increased investments in government advertising, these policies failed to promote media deconcentration, reinforcing traditional media conglomerates instead. By applying a theoretical framework that contrasts negative and positive liberty, this study explores how the government’s market-driven approach limited the potential for media democratization and stifled alternative media initiatives. The findings reveal significant imbalances in the redistribution of advertising funds, disproportionately benefiting dominant media groups, particularly in television, and raising critical concerns about media pluralism and the role of the state in shaping communication systems. This study highlights the complex dynamics between media funding and democratic communication, offering important insights into the limitations of government media policies and their implications for media diversity in Brazil. Finally, policy recommendations are provided to promote media plurality and enhance democratic communication.

This article explores the philosophical foundations of the North American trust and its connection to blockchain technology, proposing that Decentralized Autonomous Organizations (DAOs) represent its direct technological evolution. Rooted in Common Law traditions, the trust derives from an emphasis on negative liberty, where individuals shield their property from state intervention by transferring legal ownership to a trustee. This arrangement maintains autonomy and resists potential shifts in government regulation or policy. DAOs, driven by self-executing smart contracts, retain the trust’s fundamental purpose—protecting assets and ensuring independent governance—while eliminating reliance on a single fiduciary. By dispersing administrative power across a decentralized network, DAOs enhance resilience against political and economic unpredictability. However, European jurisdictions, influenced by Rousseau’s notion of positive liberty, traditionally subordinate property to the collective interest, thus restricting trusts and, more recently, imposing regulatory measures on blockchain organizations. In Europe, this idea often collides with legal frameworks that prioritize public interests, leading to regulatory scrutiny of blockchain-based systems. Despite these challenges, DAOs continue to refine the trust’s core principles in a technologically advanced environment, offering security and autonomy. Ultimately, this evolution reaffirms the enduring tension between individual freedom from governmental authority that underpins the Anglo-Saxon legal tradition.

ABSTRACT Over the course of one year, a team of teachers and two classes of students in a Norwegian vocational upper secondary school explored how to further develop participation practices through an insider action research approach. The findings were that when more options were open to the students, the students themselves asked for less liberty to make bad choices. While this was confusing at first, Isaiah Berlin’s concepts of negative and positive liberty broadened the understanding of the events that unfolded. The teacher participants found that the process of opening flexibility and then limiting negative liberty upon the students’ own request deepened the students’ understanding of the balance between adopting and influencing. Students reported that the participation practices had strengthened their motivation and belief in their own voice, something they felt was impactful as they now prepared to transition into professional life at a young age.

Abstract John Milton’s Paradise Lost portrays a conflict between two types of freedom, one espoused by God, the other by Satan. These two freedoms reflect Isaiah Berlin’s definitions of positive and negative liberty. God leaves the angels and Adam and Eve free to choose without interference (negative freedom), while Satan links freedom to self-mastery (positive freedom). An all-powerful, creator God and Satan’s dictatorial leadership result in dependence being a crucial aspect of both versions of freedom; consequently, neither God nor Satan espouses republican liberty. The poem suggests that the freedom created by God, although it relies on an arbitrary deity, is the only possible path to freedom.

ABSTRACT Isaiah Berlin’s “Two Concepts of Liberty” lecture was the iconic statement of Cold War liberalism, an expression of all its insights and limitations. It divided critics then and now: was it a stimulating restatement of classical liberalism with revitalising potential for post-war democracy or a conservative retreat from politics that paralysed liberalism as both a social and political force? This article approaches the debate from a side angle. It looks at how the Freedom anarchist group addressed the problems raised by the lecture. Of all ideologies, anarchism most elevated liberty as the highest good. At the same time, it considered itself a social movement for the advance of liberty. As such, the tension highlighted by “Two Concepts”, between the intrinsic value of liberty and the pursuit of liberty, had long preoccupied generations of anarchist thinkers but never more so than after the War, where inherited assumptions about revolution and social change became implausible. Although Berlin identified anarchism with the fullest realisation of positive liberty, the movement was more philosophically diverse than he recognised. The Freedom group’s responses to his dilemma of liberty demonstrates this. At the same time, their efforts to think beyond the impasse and experiment with new forms of political practice – as exemplified by Anarchy, Freedom’s sister publication – outstripped those of the liberals casting fresh light on the limits and possibilities of freedom in a Cold War world.

The aim of this work is to highlight how Montenegro has dealt with the Ukrainian refugee crisis, considering it represents the Western Balkan country with the highest number of refugees received. The theoretical framework of the work is based on Haas’s migration theory, as well as Fitzgerald and Arar’s study on understanding the concept of refugees. Accordingly, using methods of case analysis and content analysis of available documents, there is interpreted both the normative solutions in Montenegro related to the temporary protection of individuals from Ukraine and the available data regarding their access to fundamental rights under this regime. There is concluded that Ukrainian refugees, upon arriving in Montenegro, have achieved “positive liberty,” meaning they have received protection in a self-chosen destination country in line with a Montenegro’s legal framework aligned with European legislation.

Humans who have complete freedom tend to feel confused about the choices that exist. They will be confused about what is right and what is not because of the amount of freedom. The song M. I. A. by Avenged Sevenfold tells the story of a soldier who feels confused about his choice when he goes to war. He hopes that what he chooses and does is the right thing, but it is more complex than that. So, how is the Paradox of Freedom reflected in Avenged Sevenfold’s M. I. A.? The analysis involves tensional matters between ‘freedom of’ and ‘freedom to’ in the song through qualitative method. Through the theory of positive and negative freedom by Charles Taylor, people are pushed always to choose positive liberty, but the reality is always negative. It is reflected in this song when goodness never reflects such freedom. Such realization of freedom may also hinder others’ freedom. In conclusion, the paradox of freedom in the song is reflected through the complexities of choices that will emerge one freedom but eliminate another.

The question of liberty has given rise to so many reflections over the millennia that it would be like counting leaves in Vallombrosa to try to give an account of it. We have therefore proposed to consider a specific declination of it, interwoven with that constellation which includes concepts such as autonomy, agency, self-determination, will, and desire. We speak of so-called ‘positive’ liberty. All the essays proposed here elaborate on this theme with different tones, producing a surprising polyphony of texts that seem to evoke each other.

Isaiah Berlin’s account of freedom is more useful for feminists than is generally recognized, especially when seen in the context of his value pluralism. Focusing on the work of Nancy Hirschmann and Sharon Krause, I argue, first, that Berlin’s concept of negative liberty can be used to resist patriarchy when his notion of the ‘conditions’ of negative liberty is taken into account. Second, positive liberty is also useful to feminists, but Berlin does not, as some feminist (and other) writers suppose, simply reject positive liberty; on the contrary, he sees it as a fundamental human value of great importance. Third, Berlin’s value pluralism makes a crucial contribution. It explains why he distinguishes negative liberty from its conditions and why he does not reject positive liberty as a value. It also explains how feminists can see the value in both negative and positive liberty without trying, paradoxically, to fit them both into a single concept. Further, my liberal-pluralist extension of Berlin’s pluralism locates all these insights within a complex but coherent political outlook which provides a sympathetic resource for feminism.

Franke, in Philosophy & Technology, 37(1), 1–6, (2024), connects the recent debate about manipulative algorithmic transparency with the concerns about problematic pursuits of positive liberty. I argue that the indifference view of manipulative transparency is not aligned with positive liberty, contrary to Franke’s claim, and even if it is, it is not aligned with the risk that many have attributed to pursuits of positive liberty. Moreover, I suggest that Franke’s worry may generalise beyond the manipulative transparency debate to AI ethics in general.

John Stuart Mill, a prominent figure in classical liberalism, inherits the emphasis on individual spirit from earlier liberals such as Locke. He expanded this notion to include social liberty on the basis of political liberty, deepening the public understanding of individual freedom. To some extent, Mill's recognition of negative liberty and human diversity also corrects the classical political philosophy's singular and universal natural purpose. Moreover, his proposal of positive standards and purposes, based on negative liberty, not only complements and corrects classical liberalism but also offers solutions to the problems arising from neoliberalism in the contemporary world.

Abstract Hate speech has been linked to categorization, stereotyping and discrimination challenges. Moreover, it presents an intersection of criminal law, criminology, philosophy of law and psychology. The authors analyse discrimination and freedom of expression in the legal framework of the European Union and in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights. They apply Berlin's two concepts of liberty, namely positive and negative liberty, to research the nature of European jurisprudence and the selected legislative frameworks. The choice between conceptions of essential moral and political values, such as positive and negative liberty, has an enduring meaning. It is a part of the human being and our thoughts and feelings about our identity. Such a choice may be why questions about the most appropriate regulation of the crime under consideration have a special place in the public discourse.

ABSTRACT While Holocaust memory underscores the significance of freedom, the actual enactment of freedom varies across different countries, posing a vital question for educating about the Holocaust. How do educators navigate this dissonance? Do they serve as conduits for government perspectives, or do they exercise their teacher autonomy? As part of a comparative study examining shifts in Holocaust memory in Europe from 2020 to 2022, my colleagues and I conducted in-depth interviews with 75 Holocaust educators from Poland, Hungary, Germany, and England, inviting them to share their life stories and professional experiences. This article delves into a recurring theme found within these educators’ narratives: the appreciation of freedom and choice. To interpret the significance of this theme, I integrate educational theories on ‘difficult history’ and teacher autonomy with theories of psychological reactance and the freedom quotient (FQ). I draw on Isaiah Berlin's concepts of negative and positive liberty to bridge the personal and societal dimensions. The resulting model provides a framework for the study's findings. As expected, teachers from Poland and Hungary felt their negative liberty was constrained, while those from Germany and England reported a greater degree of autonomy. More surprisingly, limited negative liberty led many interviewees from Poland and Hungary to find powerful ways to express their inner freedom. These included resistance to authority, activism within and beyond the classroom, and the application of diverse and creative pedagogical approaches in EaH. The interviews also pointed to a connection between higher levels of negative liberty in Germany and England, and a plurality of content and goals in EaH within these countries. In light of these findings, I offer policy and educational recommendations.