Relative Power Position Research Articles

Assessment and Action Records: Will they Promote Good Parenting?

In this article the authors seek to provide a critical look at Looking After children: Good Parenting and Good Outcomes (Department of Health, 1995). They welcome the sentiments underpinning this major contribution, which recognizes the many disadvantages faced by children and young people who are looked after by local authorities, and acknowledge that local authorities have not been positive parents of those in their care. The writers also acknowledge the thoroughness which has gone into the detail of the Action and Assessment Records contained in the above pack. What is questioned is the normative view of parenting and family life which is seen to be at the heart of these documents and the lack of consideration of the resourcing of action plans. The checklist approach is criticized for the way in which it will enhance the bureaucratic nature of being in public care, which in tum affects the relative power positions of parents and children in relation to the local authority and which will impact on the development of a partnership model of care. The writers conclude that children and young people in care are but one group of young people facing disadvantage and deprivation in British society. An examination of their plight and how to address it need to be based within a clear framework of children's rights and a recognition of the power adults hold over them.

Modernity, anti‐racism and ethnic managerialism

This article situates racism and anti‐racism within the tensions which are inherent in the complex of ideas defined as modernity. The ‘modernist’ approach to issues of racism and ethnicity, with all its pitfalls, is particularly evident in governance strategies in the 1990s with an emphasis on finding managerial solutions to complex political and social questions. The ambiguous and contested conceptualisations of ‘racial equality’ and the failure to adequately construct the idea of ‘difference’ within the idea of ‘equality’ characterise such strategies. The assessment of equality of treatment and outcome against the ‘white norm’ is a fundamental flaw. Allied to these issues are an unjustified faith in rational bureaucratic procedures which fail to take into account relative positions of power and powerlessness across ethnic groups and within public services. These issues are exemplified through analysis of the operation of ‘ethnic managerialism’ in two organisational contexts; the Benefits Agency and the NHS Ethnic Health Unit. Avoiding the issues of voice and empowerment is shown to be likely to increase the adverse effects of ‘ethnic managerialist’ approaches. In conclusion, the exemplified distance between policy and theorisation indicates the increasing importance of seeking improved ways of resolving and managing underlying tensions and rejection of the ‘tragic anti‐intellectualism’ (Gilroy, 1994) which can often characterise policy debates over issues of racism and ethnicity.

A Realist Reply

The central question raised in False Promise is straightforward and widely recognized in the international relations literature: can international institutions prevent war by changing state behavior? Specifically, can institutions push states away from war by getting them to eschew balance-of-power logic, and to refrain from calculating each important move according to how it affects their relative power position? Realists answer no. They believe that institutions cannot get states to stop behaving as short-term power maximizers. For realists, institutions reflect state calculations of self-interest based primarily on concerns about relative power; as a result, institutional outcomes invariably reflect the balance of power. Institutions, realists maintain, do not have significant independent effects on state behavior. However, realists recognize that great powers sometimes find institutions-especially alliances-useful for maintaining or even increasing their share of world power. For example, it was more efficient for the United States and its allies to balance against the Soviets through NATO than through a less formal and more ad hoc alliance. But NATO did not force its member states to behave contrary to balance-of-power logic. Institutionalists answer yes. They believe that institutions can independently change state behavior. Institutions can cause peace, so the argument goes, by convincing states to reject power-maximizing behavior, and to accept outcomes that might weaken their relative power position. In short, the debate between the institutionalists and me is about whether institutions can have an independent effect on state behavior, or whether instead institutional outcomes

Race, Privilege, and the Politics of (Re)Writing History: An Analysis of the Novels of Michelle Cliff

The white creole occupies an ambiguous space in West Indian society. On the one hand she is the descendant of the colonizer: by virtue of her colour she is virtually guaranteed a position of relative power and privilege if she so chooses. Even if she does not choose, the creole is bound to her birthright by her race, since, as Albert Memmi observes, the colonial who does not accept the ideologies and privileges of the colonizer does not-cannot-effectively exist.' Still, the white creole is in many ways culturally black, or Afro-Caribbean: the Afrocentric dynamic permeates all classes and races of Anglophone Caribbean society regardless of its particular configurations within those groups.2 The creole is, in this sense, representative of both colonizer and colonized. The question then, of where the white creole writer locates herself in the West Indian intellectual community becomes of critical importance in evaluating whether her literature is to be read as an English novel of the tropics, or a Third World narrative (and therefore backward, an anthropological document not destined to join the ranks of real literature). Whereas the novels of the first generation of white West Indian writers in the 19th and early 20th century, such as H. G. De Lisser, can for the most part be read as no more than extensions of European colonial ideology placed in exotic

Asia After the End of the Cold War

The unfolding political, economic and social revolutions in Eastern Europe and the territories of the former Soviet Union are changing the world political system. The bipolarity of the Cold War era, based on the power balance between the Soviet Union and the United States, is history. The dynamics of world politics are acquiring new contours. On the one hand, states will have more room for manoeuvre in the emerging multipolar world, but on the other hand, their foreign policy interests will have to be adjusted to the relative power positions of more states than before. The situation can lead to a return to latent interests which were repressed during the Cold War and to the formulation of new foreign policy objectives.

Transaction cost economics applied? – consortia within process plant contracting

An increasing development in the competition for large engineering projects overseas is the formation by engineering contractors of consortia, which this article examines through the transaction cost economics paradigm. Consortia are contract specific governance structures designed to meet the particular requirements of individual clients. Hence, such governance modes are analysed through the comparative institutional approach. This approach leads to the conclusion that a consortium is a hybrid of institutional types. The major critical conclusions suggest that consortia are viewed by industry members as efficient, but for individual reasons. Also, efficiency considerations appear to be underpinned by the authority of capitalist market relations. In combination these conclusions suggest that in the conceptual hybrid of overall ‘efficiency’ motivations for consortia design or membership are individual, being based on relative power positions of industry members.

Flying business class: Britain's new ethnic elite

Abstract Following in the footsteps of America's black bourgeoisie, Britain's emerging class of business‐owners has risen to a position of relative economic power. Many hope to trigger future changes, first by personal inspiration and, second, by job creation. While they may achieve the first contribution, a new form of racism is forcing successful black (South Asian and Afro‐Caribbean) entrepreneurs to close off opportunities for other aspiring blacks.

On Bounded Rationality and the Framing of Decisions in International Relations: Towards a Dynamic Network Model of World Politics

This article reflects the feedback of empirical research on theorizing about international relations. The empirical results obtained by both Faber (1987a) and Houweling & Siccama (1988) can be explained by the theory of risky prospects developed by Tversky & Kahneman (1981). As this theory is easily integrated into Simon's concept of bounded rationality in human decision-taking, a theoretical framework for the explanation of international relations based on the resulting theoretical notions concerning human decision-taking is developed. Accordingly, decision-taking by governments concerning international relations is conceived to be steered by their bounded rationality with respect to their behavioural options and interaction opportunities and the goal of minimizing losses in their relative power positions with respect to foreign as well as domestic contenders. Because military power capabilities are not equally distributed across the member-states of the international system, the relative power positions of nations result in group-formation among them due to either actual domination or fear of domination. The dynamics of group-interactions is argued to give rise to global stability in international relations. When the power position of a nation deteriorates and the dynamics of group-interactions is absent the probability of an outbreak of war rises sharply.

Voracious states and obstructing cities

We have considered the evolution of the relations between cities and states as the product of changing relative power positions. For the towns, these mainly consisted of their population figure, their economic and financial prosperity, their communication facilities, their prerogatives in administrative, economic, fiscal, and judicial matters, and their military force. For the monarchies, the continuity and skills of the rulers mattered, while the dimensions, the cohesion and communication facilities of the territory, the available resources and the pressure of neighboring competitors weighed heavily on their destiny. In a pattern of changing relations, coalitions between the weaker partners in the polity against the mightier were normal.

IMPLEMENTING POLICY‐A BUREAUCRATIC POWER PERSPECTIVE

Abstract: This paper argues that theories of organisational power which are based on the concepts of dependence and uncertainty may constitute a useful approach for explaining the manner in which government policies come to be implemented. In the intra‐organisational context, studies by Crozier and Hickson demonstrate that subgroups which can control sources of uncertainty and create dependencies rise to positions of relative power within the organisation and may use this position to bargain for increased organisational rewards. Subgroups within public sector organisations that achieve power in these terms may, as their organisational reward, seek to impose particular values on policy programs carried out by the organisation as a whole. Activities in the inter‐organisational context may be viewed from a similar perspective. The work of J. D. Thompson indicates that organisations can possess positions of power relative to other organisations in their task environment. In the public sector such power may be used to influence the policy programs of dependent departments. The paper then suggests that in the public sector intra‐ and inter‐organisational theories of power may be combined to explain how subgroups can evolve into organisations in their own right and, in so doing, succeed in considerably changing the stated direction of government policy. To show how such a situation can occur, a case study of the evolution of Queensland's institutes of technology is included. The paper concludes that theories of organisational power can be of value to policy implementation theorists but require some modification to accommodate the particular characteristics of the public sector environment.

Competitive analysis—Its role in purchasing

In all cases a company's perception of its strengths/ weaknesses reflects that of its view of its relative power position vis-à-vis the other parties in the system. Tecognition of power/weakness can be a stimulant to redressing the balance in the company's favour. This paper seeks to emphasize the potential for such action in supply markets, for supply markets are sources of considerable potential worthy of careful attention from corporate strategists. The paper illustrates in outline one approach to competitive analysis in supply markets. The approach is not intended to have universal application. However, it should suggest a framework which can be tailored to most situations where input costs are a significant element in output revenue.

Gender and class in a Nigerian industrial setting

This paper examines the relationship between female and male workers in a factory in Zaria. We argue that one of the factors inhibiting the organisation of women as members of the working class is the gender discrimination women face from male co‐workers. Although gender subordination is used and transformed by systems of class exploitation, it is often perceived by women as being of greater immediacy than class oppression. This is partly because men utilise gender discrimination to gain or maintain for themselves positions of relative privilege and power. Thus women workers often find themselves alienated from their male co‐workers, while the men fail altogether to understand women's reluctance to become involved with or participate actively in what women see as organisations catering to male interests, such as the union. Through an examination of a series of events, opinions and impressions, we shall try to establish why a woman worker would say, and many of her fellow workers agree, that ‘discrimination is not direct from management, but rather from ... male co‐workers’ (Women in Nigeria Newsletter).

Critique [of Ethical Problems in Evaluation Research

“Ethical Problems in Evaluation Research” by Elisabeth J. Johnson summarizes some of the salient ethical concerns in social science research such as the relative positions of power between researcher and subject, confidentiality and privacy, and “political interests” or the use of research findings by sponsors. The author concludes with proposals and cautions; of special relevance to readers of this journal is Kelman’s “participatory research” which enables people being studied to participate in the research design and implementation.

Cross-sex supervision for cross-sex therapy.

The female supervisor can help the male therapist in training to overcome problems in cross-sex therapy by presenting herself as a role model, providing relevant literature, and sharing her own experiences as a woman and as a professional. By enabling the male trainee to identify safely with a woman in a position of relative power, she can help him to deal with the intrinsic limitations of empathy and with other problems, such as "countertransference deafness," that may block his work with female patients.

Nurse–physician interaction: status and social structure within two hospital wards

The purpose of this one year's research on two hospital wards was to explore the perceptions of nurses concerning their jobs. Specifically, the focus of this paper is on how nurses' perceptions were influenced by their interaction with physicians, singling out both the stratification system within the hospital and the structure of the two wards as a major source of conflict. Physicians are viewed as being ‘significant others’ in the nurse's definition of self and therefore physicians, involved in daily interaction with nurses, are included in the study in order that their perceptions of the nurse's job may be seen to influence the perceptions which nurses have of themselves.An assumption, basic to this study, is that physicians are in a dominant position within the hospital and nurses are subordinates in the organization. A ward comparison viewed the relative power position of doctors at various levels in the medical hierarchy (such as clinical clerks, interns, residents and specialists) as affecting the amount of agreement and understanding that existed between nurses' and physicians' perceptions of the nurse's job.

The Bargaining Chip and SALT

The bargaining chip, like the domino theory of the 1950S and 196os, has become of the most voguish ideas the field of weapons development. Yet the concept is perhaps as old as arms competition itself-certainly as old as nuclear arms competition. Decisions to build major weapons systems have frequently been justified by their promise of some future diplomatic advantage. In April 1945 James Byrnes purportedly told President Truman that the atomic bomb would put the United States in a position to dictate our own terms at the end of the war.' While there is little evidence the United States actually put forward the atomic bomb as a bargaining chip-offering to exchange its secrets for Soviet political concessions-Truman and Secretary of War Stimson did at least consider offering the Soviet Union partnership an international control commission exchange for settlement of the Polish, Rumanian, Yugoslavian, and Manchurian problems.2 The idea came to naught. Atomic weapons continued to be stockpiled and their promised postwar political advantage awaited fulfillment. An early study of arms control and disarmament negotiations the late 1940S and 1950S concluded that the talks had become one form of the arms race itself, the aim of each nation being an increase its relative power position.3

Factors Affecting Concession Rate and Threat Usage in Bilateral Conflict

To test the reciprocity and level of aspiration hypotheses with respect to concession rate, this study utilized a bilateral negotiation paradigm involving coercive power capabilities. Subjects bargained against a confederate who followed a programmed strategy. Three independent variables (the confederate's concession rate, the subject's relative power position, and the confederate's punishment frequency) were manipulated in a 2 X 2 X 2 factorial design. When subjects occupied the strong power

Social power and communication in small groups

“Social Power” was defined and manipulated, in the context of 5-person interactim, as the conditional probability that a communicative act would succeed once it had been initiated. Five subjects sent content-free signals to each other, which they were instructed to accumulate for an eventual payoff of 1 cent per signal received. The only way a subject could control his receipts was by varying his own sending behavior. Unknown to the subjects, the probability (π) that their signals would reach their intended target was controlled by the experimenter. Ten different patterns of π values in five person groups were studied: .3.5.5.5.7, .3.4.5.6.7, .3.3.5.7.7, .1.5.5.5.9, .1.3.5.7.9, .1.1.1.1.5, .1.5.5.5.5, .5.5.5.5.9, 5.9.9.9.9. These patterns provided variations in average group power (π) and variance of group power (σπ2). The results showed that a subject's receipts depended in a simple linear manner in his own π value relative to π. If an individual's share of the receipts is designated P and there are N individuals in the group then the equation P = (1/N) + b(N - 2/N - 1) (π - π) provided a reasonable fit to the receipt data. This result follows from the more molecular assumption that each individual asymptotically sends signals to another with a probability that depends linearly on the other's relative power position among the possible targets. If Pij is the probability that i sends to j and πi is the mean power of subjects other than i in the group, then Pij = (1/N - 1) + b(πj - πi). The degree of differentiation in receipts in a group thus depends on the slope b; here b = .169 provided the best fit to the individual sending proportions. The value (N - 2/N - 1)b = .126 for receipt data was compared with a slope of .284 found in a previous study with three person groups, supporting a conjecture that differentiation would decline with size of the group.

Tactics in a local crisis

This paper is an abridged version of RAND Memorandum RM-3034-ISA, Tactics in a Local Crisis by Allen R. Ferguson, September 1962. The details of the original analysis are complex, and this abridgment is intended to provide the reader with a simplified over-all picture of the study. This Memorandum summarizes the kinds of moves which would be efficient for one party to make in a local crisis, given that party's objectives and its estimates as to the balance of strategic and local military forces and the economic and political environment of the crisis. It attempts to describe the general conditions under which a side (1) can with relative safety seek to force the issue locally, or (2) should be forceful but not seek a prompt resolution by local military means, or (3) should make concessions. This RAND Memorandum was written before the beginning of the Cuban crisis in the fall of 1962, and therefore draws no inferences from it. The events of the Cuban crisis are at least broadly consistent with the model developed in RM-3034-ISA and summarized here. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of The RAND Corporation or the official opinion or policy of any of its governmental or private research sponsors. Papers are reproduced by The RAND Corporation as a courtesy to members of its staff. emphasized, but the present analysis deals with another aspect of living through the Cold War, namely, the manipulation of the West's assets so as to improve its bargaining position and relative power position. If the Soviets are in fact intent on ex-

Western Diplomacy Since 1945

Western diplomacy since 1945 has been mainly concerned with its relations with the Communist bloc. In the period of co-operation immediately after the war, the United Nations was established, war criminals were tried, peace trea ties were made with Italy, Bulgaria, Hungary, Rumania, and Finland, and the Marshall Plan—originally designed for all Europe—was initiated. Relations, however, deteriorated by a process of action and reaction publicly manifested by Churchill's Fulton speech in the spring of 1947 in which he referred to the Iron Curtain. The Soviet take-over of European satellites, the Truman Doctrine, the formation of NATO, the Communi zation of China, the Korean war, and the initiation of atomic rivalry maintained a condition of Cold War. The death of Stalin in 1953 and the advent of Khrushchev led to more peace ful coexistence. The Korean war and the Indo-Chinese war were ended. A summit conference was held; the Asian and African countries met in Bandung, and the United States and the Soviet Union acted together to stop aggression at Suez. There was some liberalization in Poland, but Hungary was crushed when it attempted to break away from the Soviet bloc. Disarmament negotiations made little progress, and stability continued to depend on a balance of terror. Communism penetrated Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The Western policy of containment and deterrence by threats of massive retaliation had not prevented a great decrease in the Western relative power position, relative economy, and relative reputa tion in the underdeveloped world. A new policy looking to ward a world secure for all states seems in order.