Populist Radical Research Articles

Just a joke? Humour and gender in a far-right party

Abstract The populist radical right (PRR), or far right, frequently resorts to jokes, irony, and humour, particularly in relation to major markers of ideology and identity such as gender/sexuality. Despite the empirical factuality of such humour—from the sexist outbursts of Trump to the homophobic jokes of Bolsonaro—few contributions have analysed the humoristic performances of this political family. The article aims to fill this gap by focusing on the Italian League (former Northern League). Based on ethnographic fieldwork in a local branch, I identify two main humorous codes, corresponding to two different socio-political functions: ‘humour as male-inflicted punishment’ and ‘humour as virility battle’. The paper illuminates the intertwinement of power and gender hierarchies, reproduced through sexist humour in the branch. It also shows how humoristic codes employed by national leaders circulate in the branch, in a process of remodulation of gender, ideology, and sexism between micro and macro levels of politics.

Quo vadis, Georgia? The political strategy of a conservative twist in the new cycle of populism under Georgian Dream rule (2020–24)

This article argues that the ruling Georgian Dream party promoted populist-conservative discourse to set value borders with the European Union (EU). The populist rhetoric denounces the liberal project of Europe as inconsistent with the traditional-conservative and Orthodox-religious values of Georgia and synchronises its policy with the populist-conservatists within the EU on the issue of sovereignty. The article analyses the transformation of the foreign policy of the Georgian Dream towards the EU through applying the demarcation–integration cleavages crystallised by the Georgian Dream party to the populist radical right-wing direction. The article grounds populism as a discourse created by the ruling Georgian Dream party through the strategy of radicalisation, setting the new demarcation–integration cleavages. The conservative-populist discourse constructs the Georgian people as a cultural unit confined within the Georgian nation-state and is used as a strategy to selectively oppose or undermine the idea of European integration. The article uses a discourse-historical approach, collecting and analysing information related to particular past events and allowing predictions for the future. A process-tracing method, in its causal inference line, reconstructs the changing political tendencies through an analysis of the public speeches and state-of-the-union addresses of leading figures of the Georgian Dream party, as well as commentaries and policy papers. The article demonstrates that populist-conservative rhetoric enabled the ruling Georgian Dream to hijack the domestic discourse and left opposition parties with the choice of whether to respond to its populist-conservative messages before the parliamentary elections of October 2024.

Who Is Left Behind? Economic Status Loss and Populist Radical Right Voting

Citizens’ resentment at losing out to the rest of society is commonly regarded as the foundation of the demand for the populist radical right (PRR). Yet whether this motive has an objective economic basis remains disputed. Relying on European Social Survey individual-level data from 23 elections across Western Europe, combined with Eurostat data, I demonstrate that the PRR polls better among social classes facing economic status loss. To do so, I leverage a novel positional measure of income. This approach allows me to gauge economic status loss as a distinct experience from worsening financial circumstances, which has been the initial focus of empirical research. Evidence that economic status loss is the economic engine of PRR support is corroborated by data on cultural stances and redistributive preferences. My study confirms the complementarity of cultural- and economic-based explanations of PRR voting and reveals one electoral consequence of rising economic inequalities.

The uncertain impact of Populist Radical Right Parties’ electoral success on public opinion

The uncertain impact of Populist Radical Right Parties’ electoral success on public opinion

Do LGBTIQ+ issues matter for populist radical right? An analysis of Italian parties’ social media narratives

ABSTRACT This study analyses how populist radical right parties (PRRPs) strategically engage with LGBTIQ+ issues on social networking sites (X/Twitter and Instagram). The aim of this paper is to scrutinise the radical-right populist narratives in Italy to assess to what extent issues related to LGBTIQ+ rights matter for this party family. We employ text methods to analyse social media data, providing a comprehensive view of PRRPs’ discourse. The research shows that rather than being constrained in a univocal dynamic, PRRPs strategically perform a trivotalisation of LGBTIQ+ issues in relation to policy debates, especially when it comes to “freedom of speech” and the defense of the so-called “traditional family”.

Populist radical right vs populist radical right in power: signalling ideological commitment or competence?

ABSTRACT This article investigates the communication strategies of the populist radical right (PRR) focusing on the co-existence of different actors of this party family in power. Methodologically, it carries out a content analysis of the social media posts published by Brothers of Italy (FdI) and the League, and their leaders Giorgia Meloni and Matteo Salvini, before and after the 2022 general elections. The findings suggest a blend of selective moderation and radicalisation for FdI/Meloni, in government for the first time, while the communication of the League/Salvini, with a long pedigree in national office, changed little. Most notably, they increased their emphasis on valence attributes such as reliability, reputation and achievements in office to deliver a self-constructed image of competence to voters.

Gendered positions within the Portuguese populist radical right party Chega and among its women members: Are women always right?

Over the last three decades, populist radical right-wing parties have gained prominence in Europe, entering the political mainstream. Among the common features of such parties are included the support for traditional gender roles, opposition to so-called ‘gender ideology’ and feminist movements, and the protection of women’s rights through nationalist immigration policies. While research on gender in relation to these parties has surged alongside their electoral success, a scarcity is observed on gender-focused research on the Portuguese populist radical right, particularly the party Chega , which by 2024 had established itself as the third largest political party in the Portuguese parliament. This article centres Chega as a case study, setting out to explore the alignment between the official gender-related perspectives presented by the party and those defended by its women members. The focus of this study is on positions pertaining to gender equality, reproductive rights, gender ideology and femonationalism. The article offers an analysis of official Chega documents, an analysis of a party event on feminism, and analysis of interviews with Chega women members. Although small discrepancies can be found, particularly on the subject of reproductive rights, there is overall alignment between the party’s perspectives and those of the women Chega members who were interviewed, with the women generally expressing more straight-forward and radical stances regarding gender-related issues. This study contributes to the growing research on how populist radical right-wing parties in Europe engage with gender, as well as radical right-wing women’s perceptions of gender.

Francesca Scrinzi (2024). The Racialization of Sexism. Men, Women and Gender in the Populist Radical Right. New York: Routledge, 214 pp., € 36,99; Isbn: 9781138081529

Francesca Scrinzi (2024). The Racialization of Sexism. Men, Women and Gender in the Populist Radical Right. New York: Routledge, 214 pp., € 36,99; Isbn: 9781138081529

When Good is Called Evil: How Italian Right-Wing populist Politicians Normalise the Stigmatisation of Non-Governmental Organisations

ABSTRACT An increasing academic literature has examined how civil society organisations and, in particular, sea-rescue non-governmental (NGOs) in the Mediterranean Sea, are criminalised or accused of functioning as a pull factor leading to an increase in migration flows towards Europe. However, there is a lack of empirical research investigating how this process occurs in practice through populist communication. In this article, we explore how right-wing populism constructs a narrative of NGOs defending migrants as an “enemy.” To do so, we focus on the case of Italy and analyse the Facebook communications of the leaders of the two most prominent far-right populist parties, Fratelli d’Italia (Brothers of Italy) and Lega Salvini (League), from 2013 to 2022. By combining quantitative and qualitative analysis of the Facebook posts, results show, via community analysis, the extent to which NGOs are characterised as evil. We also explain how far-right populist groups operate a reversal of good and evil and legitimise their narratives.

Fortuyn versus Wilders versus Baudet: the evolution of populist radical right party organization in the Netherlands

Fortuyn versus Wilders versus Baudet: the evolution of populist radical right party organization in the Netherlands

Populism, party-cohesion, and the de-Europeanisation of national foreign policy institutions in Hungary and Poland

This article studies the impact of populist radical right (PRR) governments on national foreign policy institutions (NFPI) in Hungary and Poland between 2014 and 2023. Whilst both governments were in a powerful position to transform Europeanised NFPIs following an alternative ideational agenda, they differed in terms of their inter- and intra-party cohesion. Offering a novel analytical framework, the article understands party cohesion to refer to ideology and organisational structure within a (coalition) government. It argues that the ability of a PRR government to reorientate Europeanised NFPIs in line with populist ideas depends upon its inter- and intra-party cohesion. Providing original empirical evidence through a comparative study of Hungary and Poland, it demonstrates diverging degrees of intra- and inter-party cohesion with important consequences for the de-Europeanisation of NFPIs in the two EU member states. This finding contrasts with current approaches treating PRR parties and governments as “unitary actors” with a single set of foreign policy preferences, thus furthering our understanding of the relationship between populism and foreign policy (de-)Europeanisation.

Anticipating Office: Does the Populist Radical Right Decrease Its Populist Communication When It Has the Opportunity to Join Government?

Abstract The ‘inclusion–moderation thesis’ suggests that populist parties will be tamed by government inclusion. However, empirical evidence is mixed. We argue that this may be explained by different strategic contexts. We hypothesize that populist parties that rely on coalition partners will reduce their populist communication when they have credible government prospects. We analyse multiple years of political communication by two radical-right populist parties, the Swiss People's Party (SVP) and the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ). Although the two parties are rather similar ideologically, this is a most different systems design (MDSD). While the SVP is a typical governing party that was only in opposition once (2007/2008), the FPÖ is typically in opposition, with recent government experience (2017–2019). This empirical analysis focuses on these crucial periods. We find evidence of moderation before joining government for both parties in our pooled analysis. However, individual analyses suggest that this was much clearer for the SVP.

The organization of Brothers of Italy: an activist and centralized party led by a “mother in the family”

ABSTRACT Despite growing scholarly attention, little is known about Brothers of Italy’s (FdI) organizational structure and functioning. Through semi-structured interviews with 21 FdI representatives, this paper addresses this gap by offering a unique ‘insider’ perspective on the party, shedding light on crucial aspects of its internal dynamics. The analysis explores how the party attracts members, the interplay between physical and digital activism, motivations for joining, its political community, leadership, and internal democracy. The findings reveal that, like many other populist radical right (PRR) parties across Europe, FdI is highly hierarchical and combines elements of both activist and mass parties, with some distinctive traits.

The revival of thin-centred nationalism. The case of Fratelli d’Italia

ABSTRACT In a world where nations are ubiquitous, nationalism as a thin-centred ideology is often seen as a superfluous concept. Meanwhile, academic research typically defines the populist radical right from the perspective of nativism. However, processes of globalization and denationalization are increasingly challenging the role of nations, potentially triggering nationalist counter-reactions. This article examines the exemplary case of the right-wing party Fratelli d’Italia (Brothers of Italy, FdI) through an analysis of social media posts (Facebook and Instagram) and 21 semi-structured interviews with party representatives. The study explores how nationalist elements are articulated from a discursive perspective. The findings indicate that FdI’s discourse is built around the nodal point ‘the Nation’: politically, it prioritizes national sovereignty and the national interest; culturally, it frames the nation as an organic community. Nativism, marked by ethno-pluralist traits, appears instead subordinate to the nationalist core ideology. This research offers two main contributions. First, it helps to define FdI’s ideological profile, emphasizing thin-centred nationalism as the pillar of its discourse. Second, it prompts broader theoretical reflections on the populist radical right. While nativism remains a relevant element, the resurgence of thin forms of nationalism warrants attention and should not be dismissed as outdated.

“Stop the boats”: populist contagion and migration policymaking in the UK

ABSTRACT This paper argues that the Rwanda Policy was the continuation of a populist contagion process that is leading to a longer-lasting radicalization of the UK Conservatives. It examines leading Conservative politicians (Johnson, Sunak, Braverman, Patel, Cleverly), showing how they incorporated all elements of populist radical right narratives (i.e. people-centrism, anti-elitism, popular sovereignty, authoritarianism and nativism) in their justification of the offshoring policy. The study contributes to the literature on populism by empirically mapping the “when”, “how” and “why” of populist narratives incorporation, particularly in relation to the obfuscation of racism. It evidences the extent of influence that populist ideas can exert on mainstream parties regardless of the marginal electoral success of their original proponents. The study also contributes to the literature on British Politics by providing an analysis of the Rwanda policy and highlighting how dynamics of populist contagion at the party level are shaping the UK’s approach to asylum.

National Populism and Religion: The Case of Fratelli d’Italia and Vox

Religion has become increasingly important in the discourse and ideology of the ‘fourth wave’ of the populist radical right which began in 2000 in Europe. To achieve its normalization in the political contest, these formations have shifted from openly racist positions to other arguments that, like religion, can be used to present their proposals in terms that are, at least apparently, democratic. This paper analyzes how Fratelli d’Italia and Vox appeal to religion in their efforts to construct national identity and differentiate from the “Other”. To develop our research, we have carried out a qualitative analysis of the programs, founding documents, speeches, parliamentary interventions, interviews, and key messages of the leaders of both parties from their foundation until the European elections of June 2024. Despite the differences, the emergence of religion in a broad sense, as a form of a sacralization of politics, can be observed in both parties. In both cases, there is also a “politicization” of religion, which emerges as a secularized Christianity. Both parties appeal to a “Christian secularity”, which, in their opinion, must be defended against Islam.

Italy’s right turn. A spatial analysis of party competition in the 2022 Italian national election

ABSTRACT The study examines the 2022 Italian election, where the Brothers of Italy (FDI) surged from 4 per cent to 26 per cent of the vote. Using a spatial model and expert survey data, it analyses the policy shifts of FDI and other parties from 2013 to 2022. The findings indicate that FDI’s radical positions on cultural issues, particularly the EU and immigration, were key to its success. Additionally, internal policy divisions within the centre-left parties hindered a pre-electoral coalition, contributing to FDI’s rise. This research provides insights into electoral competition dynamics in Italy and the broader impact of populist radical right parties in Europe.

Rejecting the radical right: Local inequality and party support

Does economic inequality motivate support for the populist radical right? Previous studies point in different directions in answer to this question. Some argue that inequality benefits the radical right, while others assert that it instead strengthens parties on the left and undercuts the right. We weigh in on this debate with survey experimental evidence from Sweden. When prompted to think about inequality at the national or local level, respondents on average become less inclined to support the Sweden Democrats, a radical right populist party. These effects are particularly robust and sizable when the matter at hand is local—rather than national—inequality. Furthermore, Sweden Democrat support is weakened the most when the local inequality prompt is received by those who are on the radical right ideologically and who express concerns about law and order in society. We argue that to understand inequality’s effects on voter behavior, it is essential to explore the ways people conceptualize it. This study serves as a reminder to consider the day-to-day implications of macro-economic developments, and it provides a tool for communicating with voters in a way that undercuts the appeals of radical right parties.

I Will Not “Nurse a Feeling of a White Woman”: Populism and Transgressive Politics in Postcolonial Africa

Populism is a global phenomenon, and election seasons provide an urge for the surge of populist politicians. Despite several decades of study on populism, a dearth of studies examine the stylistic appeals of populist politicians within postcolonial societies. This study examines the phenomenon of populism and populist manifestations within a global south context which is shaped by apartheid. Critical Discourse Analysis is used as a theory and analytical approach to examine YouTube audio-visuals of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) leading to the 2024 elections. The findings contribute significantly to the populism literature in three key ways: It reveals that colonialism, postcolonial sentiments, and decolonial advocacy stimulate populism and shape its manifestations within postcolonial societies. As found in this study, these postcolonial resentments serve as a major basis for the radical populist manifestation of Malema. It also reveals that populist politicians, particularly in their battles against established parties, utilize inflammatory rhetoric and adopt confrontational stances in their political messaging. These inflammatory discourses target individuals, challenge social, and political systems, and aim to reclaim alleged historical losses using lowbrow political discourses. Finally, populist political discourses are policy-oriented, often aiming to redress some national challenges using transgressive and controversial political strategies.

Radical right populism and the media: evidence from the supply side and demand side of political information in Germany

Abstract Hostile stances towards journalists and perceptions of media bias have become cornerstones of populist radical right identity formation. Despite a lively scholarly and public debate about the relation between populism and the media, a comprehensive account of the supply side of political information—radical right populist parties’ (RRPPs) communication—and the demand side—citizens’ information selection—is still missing. Focusing on the RRPP Alternative for Germany (AfD), this paper first establishes that its Twitter communication features more negative media-related cues and links to hyperpartisan news websites compared with the other major German parties. Self-reported media use from two high-quality surveys as well as a passive web tracking allow us to comprehensively characterize the information selection of AfD supporters. In line with the party’s media-related cues, people identifying with the AfD used alternative online sources more frequently amid less exposure to public broadcasting than supporters of other parties. Beyond Germany, media-related party cues and selective exposure by citizens might play an even more critical role in more polarized societies. More generally, the identified individual-level heterogeneity in media exposure is a scope condition that research on the aggregated societal effects of media coverage, e.g. on immigration, needs to consider.