ABSTRACT Indigenous Guatemalan refugees passing through Mexico to seek asylum in the U.S. move in the space of a larger transborder territory created over the past six decades in response to U.S. foreign policy in Central America, historical patterns of labor movement and retreat from violence in the region. I frame this larger territory within the larger settler colonial politics of dispossession and elimination as carried out by the U.S. Mexican, and the Guatemalan states, albeit in different ways and at different stages, that often result in the fragmentation of human and social bodies. I look specifically at how Mam women navigate this transborder territory to escape gendered violence and seek safety for themselves, their families, and communities, and reconstitute themselves as Maya communities in diaspora. I suggest how the bodies of Mam women who have sought redress for gender violence through the process of seeking asylum in U.S. immigration courts are fragmented into discourses, narratives and forms legible through state loci of biopolitics. Finally, I suggest how Mam women refugees seek reintegration of their human and social bodies through reconstitution in shared transborder communities.

This article investigates the artistic and political significance of the Le Moulin poetry society (Fengche shishe) to both Taiwan literature and world literature. Founded in 1933 in occupied Taiwan, the group consisted of Taiwanese and Japanese poets united by their aim to adopt the surrealist poetics that circulated from France via Japan. Although revisionist efforts have been made in the past two decades to integrate Le Moulin into Taiwan’s literary history, existing scholarship has largely adopted postcolonial and Sinophone frameworks. Huang Yali’s 2016 documentary, however, propounds the possibility of considering Le Moulin as world literature in Kuei-fen Chiu’s dual definition — participating in the formation of a world community of cross-cultural exchanges and opening up new literary worlds through aesthetic experimentation. This article expands Chiu’s model by contending that the Le Moulin poets’ subjugation by colonial politics and their controversial articulations of so-called “colonized mentality” were integral parts of their participation in and identification with world literature. This investigation of their political awareness and efforts to participate in the surrealist movement reveals how they unceasingly crusaded for the survival of a “world of literature” against external forces that sought to eliminate literature’s expressive potential in response to its time. Although their unilateral transculturation of French surrealism does not fit with David Damrosch’s model of translation and global circulation, Le Moulin’s contribution to the continuation and maintenance of surrealism and avant-garde poetry prompts us to reconsider and recognize the merits of works of world literature that have so far been marginalized.

In 2018 preceding the release of Black Panther, amid a sea of positively effusive reviews for Ryan Coogler’s film, a sudden onslaught of extremely negative reviews began to appear on the internet. Negative reviews for a film are not uncommon, yet these were so far out of the norm that they began to draw the concern of film aggregation sites such as Rotten Tomatoes. So perturbed was the site by what it was witnessing in the reviews of Black Panther that Rotten Tomatoes dispatched their security team to “closely monitor” the platform and began to block and delete reviews “as quickly as possible.” In 2018 Black Panther became the target of racists, determined to ruin the ratings of the first Marvel Comic Universe (MCU) film to feature a Black central character and mostly Black cast. This essay will investigate two critical aspects surrounding the release of Coogler’s Black Panther. The first is the nature of the negative reviews surrounding the release of the film in 2018. The second is an exploration of Coogler’s critique of colonization in Black Panther. Lastly, Coogler’s portrayal of the fictitious kingdom of Wakanda is analyzed in concert with Albert Memmi’s The Colonizer and the Colonized (1957, 1991), in order to shine a light on the anticolonial structure present in Black Panther.

Against the universalizing of the Anthropocene, radioactive dust affects specific communities more than others. At the same time, it carries particles from local sites to cosmic horizons. Uranium dust encodes deep timescales of planetary formation and extinction as they intersect with histories of violence and extraction, myth and current politics. This article analyses artwork by Yhonnie Scarce, descendant of the Kokatha and Nukunu peoples of South Australia, arguing for a particulate geo-fiction as method of engagement with colonial politics of deep time. By sampling and literally unearthing nuclear histories, Scarce’s work traces more-than-human toxic ecologies. Through a condensation of uranium-scale temporalities, the present moment of its exhibition is prised open. This becomes a speculative ethical encounter with responsibilities to deep histories and futures beyond itself, the lingering after effects of British colonial violence inscribed into the materiality of the work.

Book Review: Paradoxes of Hawaiian Sovereignty: Land, Sex, and the Colonial Politics of State Nationalism

:<i>Anglo-Saxon(ist) Pasts, PostSaxon Futures</i>

The objective of the study is to analyze the communicative experiences of Indian managers with other culture interactants from a geopolitical perspective of colonialism. The authors collected data from 21 Indian managers working in diverse industries with experience of working in multinational environments. The study discovered that contrary to the thesis of cultural distance that presupposes ease of communication with culturally proximal countries, Indian managers voice their predilection for working with the culturally distant West. This study contributes to intercultural communication literature by presenting an interpretation of such communication through a geopolitical perspective that recognizes colonialism and asymmetric power relations of global value chains (GVCs) as factors intersecting with intercultural discourses. It is in this aspect that studies focusing on intercultural business communication should go beyond the bounds of conformity to the essentialist cultural paradigm of Hofstede, Hall and Trompenaars to explore the complexities that underlie interpersonal conversations in multinational transactions beyond the stipulations of a semiotic focus. An important implication of this study is that training for intercultural business communication needs to go beyond sensitization to language and semiotics to address the evaluative compulsions that are triggered owing to years of subconscious conditioning by the potent geo-political and historic forces of colonization.

:<i>Disaffected: Emotion, Sedition, and Colonial Law in the Anglosphere</i>

ABSTRACT Indigenous approaches to space and place in the Southwest Pacific are crucial to governing peace. However, ‘making space’ for these approaches can only be progressed if scholars and practitioners recognize their emplacement within hegemonic systems of knowledge and the contested entanglement of Indigenous and introduced systems in peacebuilding practice. Addressing this challenge requires respectful and careful engagement with diverse peoples and colonially inflected peacebuilding practice, attending to the emplacement of peace and conflict scholarship amidst the colonial politics of knowledge, and critical reflection on the ways that peacebuilding expertize is defined, attributed and evaluated.

Recensé : Jessica Lynne Pearson, The Colonial Politics of Global Health: France and the United Nations in Postwar Africa, Cambridge- Mass, Harvard University Press, 2018, XII + 324 p.

Two years after the Anglo-Burmese War, with the British colonial takeover of Burma complete and yet still subject to outbreaks of rebellions, a small group of Karen Baptist intellectuals in Rangoon who formed the Karen National Association (KNA), attempted to assert a political claim to Karen nationhood. This article focuses on two letters, in English and Sgaw Karen, presented by Karen delegates on the occasion of the ceremony to celebrate the Golden Jubilee of Queen Victoria in 1887 in Rangoon, to investigate the colonial politics of loyalty and national claim. It argues that the letters were written for two different audiences, and by doing so the Karen Baptists were asserting dual claims; one directed at the British colonial authorities and the other, the wider population of Karen in Burma, with their multiple Karennic languages and religious and other affiliations. Both appeals failed to get the desired responses, however. This article then discusses the contradiction that this assertion of Karen nationhood alienated the Baptist leaders from their own diverse community.

Abstract This article investigates the implementation of direct taxes in colonial Indonesia between roughly 1870 and 1930, to widen our understanding of colonial governance and fiscal state building. It examines the various connotations given to taxation by colonial politicians and statesmen, and elucidates how these were developed and experienced rather differently in practice. Taxes became rooted in local patterns of customary law, indirect rule, and constant negotiation between colonial officials, local indigenous rulers, and subjected taxpayers. This demonstrates that local, colonial institutions did not have the weight and capacity state officials claimed they had, and that in colonial context, bottom-up practices of negotiated governance and consultation, that deliberately ignored the rules of fiscal bureaucracy imposed from above, were pivotal to taxation.

ABSTRACT Grierson’s Linguistic Survey of India (1903–1928) is one of the most complete sources on South Asian languages. It has influenced all subsequent studies of the language situation in India. However, there are indications in the Survey’s volumes, in its unpublished files, and in Grierson’s correspondence, that extra-linguistic considerations affected his approach to some Indian languages. Drawing on these sources, this essay focuses on Panjabi, Siraiki, Assamese, and Hindi-Urdu. It shows how factors stemming from Grierson’s views on religious difference and on language as a basis for nationality, as well as colonial politics of governance, may have influenced his characterisations of these languages. However, this does not invalidate the Survey, which is not straightforwardly ‘colonial’. Moreover, each of these languages is also described using linguistic argumentation, as reflected in the LSI’s skeletal grammars and its focus on dialectal variation. As such, we have to work with this tension in the LSI, without trying to resolve it either by rejecting the Survey in toto because of the instances of politics affecting its analyses, or by accepting it wholesale while ignoring the extra-linguistic considerations which influenced how it characterised some Indian languages.

Biography and Bernard Bailyn: <i>The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson</i> and the “Logical Obligation” of Historical Research

The European mobilization to end the African slave trade in the nineteenth century was articulated in a language of philanthropy and sympathy. In this essay, I explore this history within the context of the Ottoman Empire. As the British pressured the Ottoman government to prohibit slavery, foreign consulates in the empire turned into places of refuge for captured and runaway domestic slaves. The extraterritorial nature of British interventions was repeatedly countered by Ottomans referring to international law and sovereign independence. Drawing on Ottoman and British diplomatic sources, I provide the debate on slavery and argue how it was about slavery as much as it was about paternalism and compassion. I propose to see international history as generative of larger questions about imperial subjectivity by focusing on connections between international law, domestic arrangements, and intimacy. To do so, I use diplomatic archives as a source of social history. My work shows how the cultivation of humanitarian sensibilities took place within an intricate network of colonial politics. Hence, it calls for attention to the converging histories of the Ottoman Empire and Europe to understand the historical development of humanitarianism and international law.

After decades of community mobilizing and a protracted legal battle, Maya villages in southern Belize won a watershed Indigenous land rights victory in the Caribbean Court of Justice in 2015. Since then, the state has criminalized environmental defenders, violated communal land rights, and is argued by Maya activists and alcaldes (village leaders) to be operating in discriminatory bad faith. Accordingly, this Grassroots article casts critical light on a recent flashpoint conflict between the Government of Belize and Maya of Toledo District related to Free Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). The article is directly informed by both the grounded knowledge of an autonomous movement engaged in frontline resistance, and participatory research that is rooted in a politics and spirit of "accompliceship." The structural analysis we offer from an explicitly anticolonial standpoint is instructive about the historical-imperial processes, social forces, and economic logics that underpin conventional approaches to both "development" and the state's duty to consult local communities. Ultimately, the article reveals the forms of political conflict and environmental degradation that continue to emerge globally at the conjuncture of capitalist development, (postcolonial) state power, and struggles for Indigenous self-determination.er, and struggles for Indigenous self-determination.

Abstract This article examines the proliferation of popular literary texts about Modern Greece in nineteenth‐century British periodicals from the 1860s to the 1890s, texts that reveal the country's appeal to the Victorians, inviting them to imagine the birth and development of the new nation after the War of Independence (1821–1828). Short stories published in popular magazines, such as theNew Monthly Magazine,Bow BellsandSunday at Home, revisit the Greek Revolution and return to the popular allegory of Greece as an enslaved or endangered woman to reflect on the “Eastern question” and British colonial politics of protectionism in the Eastern Mediterranean. At the same time, women authors like Elizabeth Mayhew Edmonds and Isabella Fyvie Mayo, publishing in women's magazines, write stories and articles about the role of women in the Greek War of Independence, relating the feats of these historical or fictional figures to the “woman question” and to Victorian debates on femininity and gender, as well as national and imperial politics. In the late Victorians' re‐imagining of revolutionary history, Modern Greece is not enslaved to its classical past, as in traditional philhellenist representations, but must discover its modernity through its powerful nationalist agents. Revolutionary Greece re‐emerges as a symbolic event through a variety of publications, which often highlight the country's cultural hybridity and construct a transnational network of literary affiliations, creating parallelisms between Greece and Britain.

Reviewed by: Running from Bondage: Enslaved Women and Their Remarkable Fight for Freedom in Revolutionary America by Karen Cook Bell Jessica Blake Running from Bondage: Enslaved Women and Their Remarkable Fight for Freedom in Revolutionary America. By Karen Cook Bell. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. viii, 248. $24.95, ISBN 978-1-108-83154-3.) In 1770, an enslaved "mulatto" woman named Margaret Grant fled her enslaver in Baltimore, only to be recaptured and resold. She escaped again while pregnant in 1773, before disappearing from the historical record, perhaps as a free woman. In Running from Bondage: Enslaved Women and Their Remarkable Fight for Freedom in Revolutionary America, Karen Cook Bell contends that "Black women … built a culture and a politics of resistance to slavery" through running away in the late eighteenth century (p. 161). Drawing on runaway advertisements, court cases, and abolitionist narratives, Cook Bell reframes women's flight as defiance against the institution of slavery. Foundational work by Sylvia R. Frey and Gary B. Nash focuses on the contributions of Black men and women who fought and labored during the American Revolution. Building on scholarship by Deborah Gray White and Stephanie M. H. Camp, Cook Bell considers the unique obstacles that women faced when trying to secure their freedom. Unlike men, enslaved women had fewer opportunities to travel and thus to break free. Motherhood further limited women's mobility, leaving them unable to move rapidly when pregnant or with young children in tow. Women had to collaborate with other enslaved people and members of society to plan their escape carefully. In five chronological chapters centered on the experiences of women around the American Revolution, Cook Bell explores individual portraits of escape. Chapter 1 focuses on how reproduction and motherhood made it more difficult for enslaved women to flee. Chapter 2 centers on the flight and recapture of Margaret Grant, a pregnant enslaved woman from Baltimore, Maryland. In chapters 3 and 4, Cook Bell pivots to other women, such as Elizabeth "Bett" [End Page 544] Freeman, who sued for her freedom by drawing on the revolutionary ideals expressed in the Massachusetts state constitution (1780), which declared all men "born free and equal" (p. 113). Chapter 5 follows enslaved women's refuge in countryside locations such as the Dismal Swamp of Virginia and the bayous of lower Louisiana. Cook Bell makes a compelling case that Black women took political action through flight and emancipation lawsuits. Elizabeth Freeman's use of the Massachusetts constitution most explicitly demonstrates Black women's adoption of new legal arguments, or to use the framework of Cook Bell, it reveals a new "radical consciousness" (p. 4). As much as Cook Bell interweaves rich storylines, she refrains from quantifying how many enslaved women escaped slavery, from where they escaped, and how their numbers changed over the course of the Revolution. Cook Bell offers captivating narratives of daring women, but she avoids discussion of whether the Revolutionary era inspired a larger or broader demographic group of women to run away. For example, by tracking fluctuations in runaway advertisements, Cook Bell could make a more persuasive claim about the widespread nature of enslaved women's politicization. In a more intriguing contribution, Cook Bell demonstrates that enslaved women forged a more revolutionary society through their collaborations with non-enslaved people. Both Grant and Freeman enlisted white men—a British convict and an abolitionist lawyer, respectively—to facilitate their efforts for independence. Likewise, runaways such as Maria exploited imperial discord between the Spanish and the French to build maroon enclaves in St. Malo, Louisiana. Certainly, enslaved women leveraged an awareness of colonial politics, but they also fostered relationships across race and class lines. In all, Cook Bell deftly pieces together engrossing stories of escape to draw out a larger, vibrant portrait of Black female resistance. Jessica Blake Austin Peay State University Copyright © 2022 The Southern Historical Association

The Democratic Limits of Populist Politics

There are few sartorial ensembles as heavily signified as masculine as a suit. This article focuses on the suit within queer fashion digital cultures and spaces to explore how butch of colour digital fashion suits up to offer us different ways to think about masculinity. Intervening in the erasure of women of colour in histories of fashion – including menswear – and histories of sexuality – butch, dapper, tomboy, dandy – I argue that butch digital fashion works as a site and composition of flesh, fabric and feeling that reworks masculinity as a project of embodiment. I look at three interwoven dimensions of butch digital fashion – aesthetic process, texture as feeling and spatial imaginations – attending to the themes of fantasy, desire and pleasure. I situate butch within and between fashion studies and media studies to offer butch as a relation, practice, orientation and site of embodiment to think about being and becoming, about the body politics of space and feeling, as matters of race, sexuality, class and gender – and the materialities of race, sexuality, class and gender, mediated by the global, and as the global by the digital. Digital butch fashion is, at once, a visual culture, a creative visual space, a resource of queer fantasy and an aesthetic process. It is messy, tense and fraught with the politics of race, colonialism and class, yet at the same time, dense with possibility, pleasure and eroticism. Butch of colour fashion offers frames and forms for rethinking and remaking masculinity as a sign of a body, as a category of personhood, as a set of practices and feelings made coherent by processes of embodiment.