Political Worldview Research Articles

THE POLITICAL WORLDVIEW OF VKONTAKTE COMMUNITIES: THE EXPERIENCE OF ANALYZING THE SUBJECTIVE SPACE OF POLITICS IN A NETWORK SOCIETY

The article presents the results of a theoretical analysis of the political worldview as part of the subjective space of politics in a network society and its empirical verification. The author shows that the integration of phenomenology and the network approach allows researchers to advance their understanding of content and parameters of the political worldview of network communities as part of the subjective space of modern public policy. The analysis of the discourse of network communities makes it possible to identify, describe and analyze the features of their political worldview. The author presents an original methodology, created within the framework of the RFBR research project "Subjective Space of Politics: Opportunities and Challenges of a Network Society", for studying the political world view of network communities and the empirical results obtained with its usage. In particular, the typology of political worldviews existing in network communities is described. It reflects the structural and substantive components of the political worldview in the discourse of network communities: the core of the political worldview (reflecting the ontological level of the political worldview, including images of the Motherland, state, power), political roles, political institutions (the last two clusters reflect the basic level of the political worldview elements), political participation (reflects the instrumental level of the political worldview), socio-political problems). The typology of political worldviews of network communities identified (zero, horizontal, non-political, activity and political world view of active resistance) requires verification in further research. An important result of the empirical analysis is the identification of two political worldview profiles (closed and open) and their connection with the dominant type of participant socio-political activity in network communities. Further study in this direction will improve analytical and predictive tools for research and practical work with network communities.

СОЦІАЛІСТИЧНА ІДЕОЛОГІЯ У ПОГЛЯДАХ С. ПЕТЛЮРИ НА ПОЧАТКУ ХХ СТ.

The article considers the peculiarities of the social-democratic views of the prominent statesman Simon Vasilyevich Petliura in the period 1902-1917, that is, at the stage of forming his political worldview. The role of S. Petliura as one of the leading ideologues of the Ukrainian social democracy of the beginning of the XX century is determined. The attitude of S. Petliura to the Russian variants of marxism is analyzed, his views on European social democracy, the main issues of development of the Ukrainian people, and solving them through the prism of socialist ideas. His views on party building are studied, relations between the Ukrainian Social Democratic Workers 'Party and the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party. The key positions of the Russian Social Democrats have been identified, which became the subject of sharp criticism of S. Petliura. It turned out that Simon Petliura was a supporter of the European version of Social Democracy, in particular on the issue of the right of nations to selfdetermination. S. Petliura entered into a sharp controversy with representatives of the Russian Social-Democracy, argued the falsity of their views on non-recognition of the right of the Ukrainian people to autonomy, appealing to the works of Karl Kautsky. S. Petliura did not share the centralizing policy of the Russian Marxists regarding party building, defending the right of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Workers' Party to an independent organizational structure. Socialist ideology in views S. Petliura was dominant, but had bright national features. The key stages of formation of the worldview of the figure are determined. The transformation of its ideological foundations is determined.

ЦВЕТОВАЯ МЕТАФОРА В РУССКОЙ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ ТЕРМИНОЛОГИИ С ПОЗИЦИИ КИТАЙСКОЙ ЛИНГВОКУЛЬТУРЫ

The article analyzes color metaphors in the political terminology of the Russian language on the background of the Chinese linguistic tradition. It reveals the connection between the color and the political concept expressed by it; it studies the similarities and differences in the understanding of the color metaphor in the political sphere of Russia and China, which is a subsystem of political term formation. The color metaphor is analyzed from the positions of the theory of cognitive metaphors and the point of view of national linguoculture. The authors show that metaphor is not only a linguistic phenomenon but also a cognitive mechanism, which helps people perceive the world and comprehend various linguistic worldviews. The color domain is believed to be one of the main cognitive domains in the language, along with the domains of time, space and emotions. It is also looked upon as an important carrier of national culture, playing an important role in the process of humanitarian exchanges between representatives of different nations. The color metaphor, as one of the productive ways in the system of terminology formation, is widely used in the political sphere. The metaphorization of color vocabulary provides a deep insight into the national cultural mentality and emotional coloring, which reflect the culture of the country in the social sphere. As long as political culture is an important part of national culture, the study of the color metaphor in the Russian political terminology in comparison with the Chinese linguoculture may contribute to the understanding of the Russian and Chinese political worldview and the development of intercultural communication between Russia and China in the political sphere.

The Newspaper «Rozsvit» as a Medium for Thoughts and Aspirations of Ukrainian Prisoners of War at the Camp Rastatt in Germany: 1916–1917

The article analysses the media content of the camp newspaper «Rozsvit», which concerned the circumstances of the out-of-camp life and life of Ukrainian prisoners from the camp Rastatt (Germany), sent to work as part of worker teams. The aim of the research is to study the peculiarities of the process of retransmission of thoughts and aspirations of the captured Ukrainians of the mentioned camp on the pages of the newspaper «Rozsvit» in 1916–1917s. The historical method, source analysis and synthesis are used to effectively achieve the goal. The study finds that the newspaper effectively served as a communicator between the camp and the worker teams. Regular acquaintance with the materials of the newspaper, which came to the worker teams through the activities of “men of trust”, was an important part of the short evening leisure of prisoners, satisfying their need for news. «Rozsvit’s» editorial office corresponded with Ukrainian activists in worker teams and regularly informed its readers about the achievements of the national circles and organisations founded in them. With its publications, the newspaper had a powerful influence on the formation of the national and political worldview of those prisoners, who were part of the worker teams, serving for them almost the only “window” into the world of politics, public life, agriculture and art. «Rozsvit» regularly reported on donations made to prisoners for charitable purposes, thus demonstrating their high level of civic and national identity. The novelty of the study lies in the introduction into scientific circulation of an array of sources on the specifics of the functioning of the community of captured Ukrainian soldiers in the camp Rastatt in the period of 1916–1917s.

Tejano Patriot: The Revolutionary Life of José Francisco Ruiz, 1783–1840 by Art Martínez de Vara

Reviewed by: Tejano Patriot: The Revolutionary Life of José Francisco Ruiz, 1783–1840 by Art Martínez de Vara Gerald Poyo Tejano Patriot: The Revolutionary Life of José Francisco Ruiz, 1783–1840. By Art Martínez de Vara. (Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 2020. Pp. 269. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index.) Art Martínez de Vara's biography of José Francisco Ruiz is another in a growing list of biographies of Tejano leaders of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Well-written and readable, the book skillfully weaves and contextualizes Ruiz's life into a broader historical story, providing more than the title's promise. Martínez de Vara's fourteen chapters include excellent coverage of the late Spanish period, the Mexican independence era, the Mexican period, Native American affairs, relations with the United States, and Texas independence and politics through 1840. As with other books on Tejano political figures of this era, this text explores Ruiz as what historian Raúl Ramos has called a cultural broker among Mexicans, Anglos Americans, and Native Americans. Also, in keeping with prevailing historiography, the study adheres to the now familiar interpretation of Béxar's Tejano elites as mostly provincially minded and pragmatic historical actors primarily interested in defending their town and region from centralized power in Mexico City while pursuing economic interests with those coming from the east. Martínez de Vara tells us that Ruiz prioritized his economic interests, protected local prerogatives, and threw his lot in with Anglo Americans and Texas independence. Besides exploring these themes, Martínez de Vara explores, albeit briefly, a mostly unexplored aspect of Tejano intellectual history. He draws on Raúl Coronado's award-winning book A World Not to Come: A History of Latino Writing and Print Culture (Harvard University Press, 2013), which [End Page 482] treats religious and philosophical currents in northeastern New Spain in the late eighteenth century. Martínez de Vara embraces Coronado's argument that the region's elites shared a worldview framed by Spanish Catholic liberalism and scholasticism. Coronado traced this through the writings of Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara, an ardent supporter of insurgent leader Miguel de Hidalgo, who invaded Béxar from Louisiana in 1813 and declared Texas an independent Mexican state. Martínez de Vara confidently argues that Gutiérrez de Lara's ideas also influenced Ruíz and his fellow elite Bexareños as they made revolutionary decisions during the Hidalgo era and later. While Martínez de Vara's view that Ruiz and others in this frontier town shared Bernardo de Lara's revolutionary commitment to liberal Catholic principles in 1813, he does not explicitly explore the theme through the rest of the book. Instead he describes Ruiz as a man with a pragmatic understanding that his economic interests and future lay to the east among Anglo-American Protestant immigrants. The need to pursue pragmatic actions driven by circumstance certainly competed with his Catholic values, but how did his thinking evolve over time? Given the thorough research reflected in this book, apparently Ruiz did not leave much testimony on the subject; Martínez de Vara does not return to the question along the way except to reiterate the point in the conclusion. The extent to which Catholicism and scholasticism influenced the political worldview of Ruiz and other Béxar elites remains an open question, but Martínez de Vara did a favor in raising the issue and alerting Tejano biographers to explore the intellectual history of these important figures. In the process, historians may even explore the extent to which Tejano liberals may have shared similar views with fellow travelers in Mexico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico during this period and later who also pragmatically looked to the United States as a model for their own societies even to the point of outright annexation. Gerald Poyo St. Mary's University Copyright © 2021 The Texas State Historical Association

The role of mass media in the formation of a political worldview

The role of mass media in the formation of a political worldview

METAPHORICAL MODELING OF THE IMAGE OF CHINA IN MODERN POLITICAL DISCOURSE

The paper explores the characteristics and functions of metaphors in Chinese political discourse. The aim is to analyze the dominant metaphorical models with the target domain “China” used in the Chinese authoritative print media. The papers «People’s Daily» and «Guangming Daily» serve as sources of material for analysis. The study uses the continuous sampling method, the manual selection method, the metaphorical modeling method, the cognitive-discursive analysis and the quantitative processing method. The research material includes 231 metaphors, which correspond to 15 metaphorical models. The results show that the most frequent models are war, journey, sports and games, and inanimate nature metaphors. Their frequency is due to the fact that the source domains are well-structured, known and understood by everyone and are included in the universal cognitive base, which increases the effective use of metaphors in political discourse. These metaphors perform the following important functions: they focus attention on the existing problems, influence people’s behavior, motivate them, have an emotional impact on the audience, evoke feelings of unity, solidarity, and responsibility, promote trust in the party and its leader, transform the political worldview and the value system. The results of the study contribute to the further development of the theories of political discourse and metaphorical modeling, and can be used in the courses of political linguistics, semantics, and linguoculturology.

Политическая философия китайских исторических сериалов

В статье на материале сериалов на историческую или околоисторическую тематику рассматриваются представления современных китайцев о государстве, народе, взаимных правах и обязанностях человека и общества, надлежащих методах и акторах государственного управления, роли и месте Китая в системе международных отношений. Автор вычленяет основные идеи, в явной или скрытой форме лежащие в основе этого комплекса представлений: этатизм, монархизм, патернализм, шовинизм. В связи со значительно возросшей экономической самостоятельностью китайских женщин автор также считает необходимым уделить отдельное внимание тем политическим воззрениям, которые историческое кино презюмирует и старается сформировать у зрительниц. Некоторые политические представления, как доказывается в этой статье, под влиянием изменившихся социально-политических реалий претерпели отпределнную эволюцию от традиционного к более современному мышлению, в частности стала более благосклонной оценка женского правления, изменились взгляды на участие военных и гражданских чиновников в жизни государства, образ варвара приобрел черты младшего, подчиненного парнтнера по взаимовыгодной коммуникации. Но, в целом, автор отмечает чрезвычайную устойчивость комплекса политических представлений китайского народа, их прямую преемственность с традиционной политической философией старого Китая, выработанной еще в доимперский и раннеимперский периоды.

Ethno-cultural factors of Ukraine geopolitical positioning as an object of external influence

The article describes the descriptive characteristics of the doubling / fragmentation of regional identities and macroidentity of Ukraine as a factor in strengthening external influence. As a result of the study, it was determined that the fragmented and diffuse identity of different regions of Ukraine is related to changing the perceptions of their residents about the most acceptable vector of external (cultural and political) influence. This vector depends on the level of legitimacy of the current government and is in the spectrum of geopolitical orientations of the EU / NATO - Customs Union. Analysis of the data of empirical sociological research gives grounds to talk about the presence of an oscillating contour of moods, which determine the inclusion in the process of determining a particular external center of power from the western and central, on the one hand, and southern and eastern regions.It is emphasized that the minority of the population shares the position of limited influence on Ukraine of various alliances of states and preservation of neutral sovereignty. At the same time, the indicators of attitudes towards the EU and NATO, the Customs Union, still differ in the west and east of the country. The existence of correlative differences in foreign policy, electoral, ethno-cultural orientations, which are still recorded in empirical sociological research in the areas with the greatest commitment to the two models of ethno-social structure, state and society: national and civil territorial (Galicia and Donbass).It is noted that the instability of regional identity, as a rule, correlates with the common practices of empires in the past (feudal-monarchical and Soviet) on artificial ethno-cultural mixing and deportation of indigenous people to remote areas. It is stated that the vast majority of Ukrainians, having special cultural and linguistic characteristics, still do not have a clear political worldview, which depends on the situational situation of power and changes over time under the external influence of situational centers of power of other societies.It is emphasized that Ukraine as a society is characterized by pronounced regional and cultural differences, which were formed in connection with the special historical experience of the occupation of its various regions and their artificial territorial and political composition. The analysis showed that the idea of a common Ukrainian civic identity has partial support at the state level and is shared by the majority of Ukrainians.At the same time, it was stated that along with self-awareness as part of the Ukrainian state, for a significant part of Ukrainians, their ethnic, cultural and linguistic features are still important, which may be related to factors of belonging to a particular region. Based on this, it is concluded that the regional aspects of Ukrainian identity become a generalized determinant of the assumption of a particular center of external influence on Ukraine.

Robert Lowell, the New Critics, and the “Unforgivable Landscape” of Liberalism

This essay argues that Robert Lowell’s poetry demonstrates a critical engagement with the liberal individual that he is not often given credit for. By examining Lowell’s handling of the pathetic fallacy, whereby the external landscape is made to match the mood of the observer, the essay reveals a critique of the historical formation of American individualism, visible in how Lowell connects the literary historical tropes he is employing to the history of American “imperial” violence. This is first shown through a close reading of “Mouth of the Hudson.” The essay connects Lowell’s view to those of his New Critical mentors, such as John Crowe Ransom, for whom the individual of the liberal political order is entwined with the history of Puritan iconoclasm and Romantic views of the poetic subject. It argues that Ransom’s critique parallels those of later critics, such as Marjorie Perloff, David Antin, and Maria Damon, who see Lowell’s poetic self as both solipsistic and symptomatic of an American liberal ideology. Demonstrating that Lowell’s views were formed by a critique of liberal individualism, it then attempts to show how Lowell moved beyond this in his later work, harnessing a depiction of the poetic subject’s individual experience to a critique of individualism itself as manifested in the American political worldview of the Cold War era. It reads “Beyond the Alps” as a demonstration of the way Lowell is able to wed both critique and depiction of individuality together through a self-aware handling of the poetic landscape.

FOREIGN POLICY IMPERATIVES FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE VISEGRAD GROUP AND UKRAINE

The article is devoted to the analysis of the main stages of creation and development of the Visegrad Group as a regional grouping, which is successfully developing when being a member of NATO and the European Union. This kind of research is especially relevant in connection with the exacerbation of the economic crisis due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of the research is to analyze the strategic stages of creation and development of various cooperative aspects of the Visegrad countries; such a format of interaction has not lost its relevance after accession to the European Union. Analytical separation of periodization of the stages of formation, identification of problems and solutions faced by the Visegrad group’s countries is important for creating a modern economic and political worldview of cooperation and indentifying the main areas of cooperation in Europe. Based on the use of documents, including protocols and declarations as a result of meetings at various levels within the Visegrad Group, the specific stages of its development and interaction with Ukraine in a wide range of components that are the essence of Euro-Atlantic integration are analyzed and identified. Specific examples illustrate that Ukraine has always been in the field of key interests of the Visegrad Four, getting effective assistance and support in various forms from it. There have been identified not only practical issues of regional cooperation and security, but also some aspects of the value and civilization dimension. The member countries of the Visegrad Group, having initiated the format of cooperation “V4 + Ukraine”, took an active part in the most important processes that Ukraine went through on its way. The assumption is proved that the experience of the Visegrad countries is relevant and useful for Ukraine on the way to the realization of its Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations. Despite the difficulties within the European Union, between Ukraine and some of the signatories of the 1991 Visegrad Declaration, cooperation with Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary is the most effective communication platform for intensifying a broad dialogue between Ukraine and the European Union.

Short-Term Study Trips in the Americas: Pedagogy and Logistical Best Practices

ABSTRACT Using a case study, this paper explores the pedagogy and logistical best practices of leading short-term study trips to the indigenous highlands of Guatemala. The goals of community-engagement are to have students: 1) interact with people of different cultural, linguistic, political, and economic world views, expanding their range of diversity-training; and 2) think critically about poverty and human agency in a global context. Logistical considerations are a key component of the learning experience when markets suffer from asymmetric information and moral hazard. This paper contributes to the literature by highlighting the ways that planning, programming, and logistics need to be woven into sustainable approaches to community engagement. For this to be an ethical endeavor, local peoples should be involved with the development and execution of the program. A barrier to learning can be a perception by students that, given their comparative economic privilege, they are there to “help” poor families. Students learn from host families about a different and holistic worldview, and gain insights into business development and its barriers. After the trip, students have a new way of thinking about diversity, agency, and workable approaches to ethical and sustainable self-help business developments.

Paradoxical individualization: ideological polarization in the U.S. in historical-comparative and theoretical perspective

ABSTRACT Beginning with Karl Marx, theorists have seen individual autonomy and ideology as opposing elements. Ideology was considered the product of mental, cultural or social constraints. People did not choose their world view – they fell victim to it. With the increase of individual autonomy, however, ideology would wither away. In the late 20th century, the advocates of individualization theory have similarly predicted the vanishing of clear-cut ideological divisions in a world in which any form of collective identity was difficult to sustain. Political eclecticism and the mixing of different political world views would become the new norm. Politics was now ‘beyond left and right’, as Anthony Giddens once famously argued. In my article, I show that this understanding of the relationship between individualization and ideological polarization is flawed. By discussing the extreme ideological polarization in the U.S., I disprove the notion that our need for ideology vanishes the more our freedoms expand. On the contrary, precisely the increase in individual autonomy – in terms of mobility patterns, media use and lifestyle differentiation – has helped to turn the country into a series of closed echo chambers and to deepen the ideological fault lines of American society.

The Role of Religious Orientation in Worldview Conflict

ABSTRACT Worldview conflict is a regular part of life. We typically encounter information that disagrees with or disconfirms the way we understand and make sense of the world. People usually respond negatively to such experiences; however, do responses depend, in part, on people’s individual religious beliefs or orientations? We tested whether religious orientation (i.e., intrinsic, quest, religious fundamentalism) and religious involvement moderated the effects of worldview disagreement. Employing an experience sampling design, participants (N = 328) from three institutions across two countries completed responses five times per day for three days. They indicated whether or not they had experienced any religious or political worldview disagreement and completed indicators of their emotional responses, well-being, and humanity-esteem. Results indicated that across most indicators, religious orientation does not moderate the effects of worldview disagreement. Rather, regardless of religious orientation, people responded similarly. We discuss implications and suggestions for future research.

Public attitudes toward urban foxes and coyotes: the roles of perceived risks and benefits, political ideology, ecological worldview, and attention to local news about urban wildlife

ABSTRACT This paper examines public attitudes toward urban red foxes and coyotes in Madison, Wisconsin (US), and the roles that perceived risks and benefits, attention to local news about urban wildlife, political ideology, and ecological worldview play in an individual’s attitude toward these species. Data were collected using an in-person survey at four public events around Madison from July to August 2017 (n = 163, response rate = 47%). Results showed that perceived benefits, perceived risks, and ecological worldview were significant predictors of attitudes toward both urban coyotes and foxes. Although political ideology and attention to local news about urban wildlife were not significant predictors of attitudes toward urban foxes or coyotes, these concepts interacted in predicting attitudes toward urban coyotes. This study demonstrated the importance for wildlife managers to consider attention to news about urban wildlife and political ideology, as well as developing separate communications for different species.

Problems in Translating Fictions

The present paper tries to look into the socio-linguistic challenges and barriers concerned with translation of literary prose as prose constitutes ideologies, cultural values, as well as social, political, psychological and philosophical world views which always remain anthropocentric. Comparison of the original titles of the Hindi stories of Premchand and its translation as well as the interpretative role of the translator have been critically evaluated to establish the fact that a successful translator apart from mapping location, identities and cultural conflicts of the source language and the target language must be equally aware of the desire images of the writer to be translated

Концепция «народной монархии» И. Солоневича как «коперниканский переворот» в политической теории

The article explores I.L. Solonevich’s concept of “people’s monarchy” as the explication of popular political worldview and the new type of Christian historiosophy. The author reconstructs the model of the type of state formed in Russia in the pre-Petrine era and remaining unchanged though it has been subjected to violent distortions in the forms of Europeanization and Sovietization, but still surviving at the national mentality level. He highlights the key ideas of the concept of I.L. Solonevich, that allow us to see the continuity of Russian history and predict its future.

Pandemic Politics: Political Worldviews and COVID-19 Beliefs and Practices in an Unsettled Time

How do individuals form new health beliefs and act in the context of unprecedented uncertainty? Drawing on a unique data set of registered California voters collected a month into stay-at-home orders that allows for an individual-level analysis, we examine the impact of political worldviews on trust in public health institutions and beliefs about the threat of COVID-19, effective methods for preventing the disease, and leaving home during the pandemic. Although all measures of political worldviews are strongly associated with trust in public health institutions and perceptions of threat, beliefs about effective prevention measures, and behavior, we find that Trump approval is particularly associated with COVID-19 risk perception and beliefs, beyond political party affiliation or life circumstances that shape exposure to COVID-19. We discuss the theoretical implications of these findings for understanding how political worldviews bear on embodied practices and shape the relationship between beliefs and action in unsettled times.

SEMANTIC AND STYLISTIC VARIABILITY OF SEMANTIC DERIVATION PROCESSES IN RUSSIAN AND ENGLISH POLITICAL VOCABULARY

The article presents a cognitive - discursive analysis of linguocognitive models of semantic derivation in the political worldview on the material of English and Russian derivatives chosen by the method of continuous sampling from the English and American weeklies “The Washington Times”, “The Washington Post”, “The News&Observer”, “The Guardian” and the Russian political newspapers “Argumenty i fakty”, “Komsomol'skaya Pravda”, and “Trudovaya Tyumen'” (the overall number of pages is 3000). Texts of the following genres were used as working material: analytical articles, editorials, news stories, interviews, and news columns. The method of linguocognitive modeling was used alongside linguostylistic and component analyses. The processes of semantic derivation characteristic of political vocabulary, including metaphorical change of meaning, are based on the mechanisms of identity. The cognitive metaphor theory boils down to the thesis that two structures of knowledge interact in the process of metaphorization: the cognitive structure of the “source” and the cognitive structure of the “target”. In the process of metaphorization, some goal areas are structured according to the source sample, i.e. there takes place a “metaphorical projection”. Mass media actively use metaphor to build the worldview in the political sphere. In the sphere of mass information, metaphor is a means of creation of cognitions responding to the social change that take place in society, and providing a figurative interpretation of political reality. The aim of the given article is to reveal the main linguocognitive models of semantic derivation in the dynamic political worldview. As a result of analysis of the key processes of semantic derivation in the English and Russian - language political vocabulary, the author has identified the most common and typical of the human thinking cognitive models, based on natural phenomena and human activity artifacts. A number of specific cognitive models of semantic derivation characterize the mentality and the political situation in Russia and the English - speaking countries.

<em>Rouge-Brun</em> or Counter-Revolutionary? Another Look at Michel Houellebecq's Politics

Michel Houellebecq has gained a reputation for combining left-wing critiques of neo-liberal capitalism with reactionary laments at the decline of nation, religion, honest labour, and the patriarchal family. Critics thus typically declare the novelist either to be unclassifiable in political terms or to be a 'rouge-brun'. Surveying Houellebecq's novels, from Extension du domaine de la lutte (1994) to Sérotonine (2019), I argue that there is nothing unclassifiable, 'rouge', or left-wing about the author's political world-view. On the contrary, his work needs to be understood as belonging to a tradition of French counter-revolutionary thought, personified by Auguste Comte and Charles Maurras.