Political Slogans Research Articles

Reflections on Unwritten Letters and the neorealism of contingency

Reflections on <i>Unwritten Letters</i> and the neorealism of contingency

Care Ethics in the Age of Precarity ed. Maurice Hamington and Michael Flower

Reviewed by: Care Ethics in the Age of Precarity ed. Maurice Hamington and Michael Flower Christine Garlough (bio) Care Ethics in the Age of Precarity, Maurice Hamington and Michael Flower, Editors. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2021, 314 pp., $99.00 hardcover, $27.00 paper. What if care—as a value and practice—was given the weight it deserves?1 How might our lives change if care was understood as more than a philosophical ideal or inspiration for another political slogan, Instagram meme or [End Page 237] advertising campaign, and instead was intentionally mobilized in everyday local, national, and global efforts for social and institutional change? What if, in times fundamentally characterized by precarity, care became the guiding ethos—politically, socially, and interpersonally—in the face of global pandemics, entrenched neoliberal capitalism, violence fed by racism, climate change, inequitable wealth distribution, and systemic failures of communication? Could this moment, characterized by overlapping crises, usher in a care movement? In Care Ethics in the Age of Precarity, the editors, Maurice Hamington and Michael Flower call upon the expertise of prominent care scholars to offer practical and nuanced ways of reconsidering how care has been conceptualized and "how those employing care theory can effectively respond to the prevalent reality of neoliberal precarity" (4). In Care Ethics in the Age of Precarity, a wide-ranging group of international and interdisciplinary contributors extend the groundbreaking work of scholars such as Judith Butler (2004) and Kathleen Millar (2017), who have argued that while we are all ontologically precarious as part of the human condition, many people experience unequally distributed conditions of existence. Consequently, their lives are characterized by insecurity in ways that deeply affect their material, political, or psychological well-being. Hamington and Flower build upon this premise to contend that, "life's precariousness is exacerbated by individualistic and market-based responses that fail to integrate empathy and care for people and the natural world" (282) and argue for the importance of establishing caring infrastructures. To this end, the thirteen chapters comprising Care Ethics in the Age of Precarity address core concerns at the intersections of care and precarity from a diverse set of perspectives and, in the process, speak to one another in meaningful ways. Pieces by Andries Baart, Maggie FitzGerald and Yayo Okano explore care crises in the Netherlands, New Zealand, and Japan and provide distinctive assessments of care's conceptual relationships to precariousness and precarity and how these inform everyday practices, institutional norms, social values, legislative policy, and our relationship to the environment. Hamington and Flower focus on social change, and ask how might care ethics support an international social movement that "reconnects people separated by identity-based discrimination, disparate resources and oppressive violence?" (9). Vrinda Dalmiya deftly explores the limitations of care, and related concepts like empathy and vulnerability, when they are transformed into commodities with market-oriented agendas in contexts like volunteer tourism and celebrity humanitarianism. In addition, Italian care theorist, Elena Pulcini—who recently passed away from a COVID related illness—provides a beautifully written chapter on global vulnerability that revisits the question of why we should take care of future generations, who are distant from us in both space and time. In the face of a very uncertain future, what are our obligations to them and how might these take form in daily commitments? [End Page 238] For those new to care scholarship, Care Ethics in the Age of Precarity offers an indispensable overview of the field. It also provides valuable insights into the strengths and limitations of more than four decades of care scholarship, as it engages rigorously with emerging scholarship and provides new perspectives on old debates. For instance, how might we better understand the complicated relationship between care giving and care receiving? Sarah Clark Miller's chapter attends to the moral precarity of caregivers in neoliberal systems and the precarity of relationships themselves. In doing so, she considers the ways "caretaking practices and policies have been negatively affected under neoliberal principles and institutions" and provides innovative arguments regarding the long-term damage caregiving may do to caring relationships (48). Writing through the lens of social-welfare feminism, Eva Feder Kittay's chapter extends her...

Реторични и дискурсивни особености на кампаниите за предсрочни парламентарни избори в България през 2021 г

Abstract: 2021 is a record year for election campaigns, as two out of a total of 4 are early campaigns for parliamentary elections. Our democratic his¬tory shows a predominance of early election campaign for parliamentary elections – 8 out of 13. This fact puts forth the hypothesis of the early election campaign as a specific political chronotype, that determines the future of society. The object of the article is political communication in this chronotype. The focus is put on two rhetoric decisions that determine the tone of the campaign and the meanings the candidates define as socially significant – the promise they make about the type of campaign and the slogans through which they express their collective assessment of the state of society and their ideological and political aspiration. The aim is to derive markers for construction of communication in an early election campaign for early parliamentary elections. It is expected that in a time of political agony when society and voters need a positive key, the promises for a positive campaign will increase. The hypothesis was verified through media monitoring. It is assumed that the "we - they" opposition, usually used in the communication in regular election campaigns as well as the adherence to dystopian discourse will be replaced by innovative rhetoric forms in a positive key. The hypothesis is tested through a content analysis of political slogans in the 2021 early campaigns. Keywords: political communication, slogan, dystopic discourse, positive campaign, early election campaign, chronotype.

Analisis Wacana Kritis Slogan Politik “MENUJU SELUMA ALAP” Pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Kabupaten Seluma 2020

This research was conducted with the background of critical discourse analysis of one of the slogans of the regional head election in the Seluma regional head election. This study aims to: (1) find out the political meaning of the slogan "Menuju Seluma Alap" in the 2020 Seluma election, (2) find out why the political slogan "Towards Seluma Alap" was used in the 2020 Seluma election. This research is a qualitative research. Discourse descriptions and political slogan messages on political slogans contain messages, meanings, invitations and background in the tribal language in Seluma district.&#x0D; Keywords: Critical discourse analysis and political slogans

After the Dance, the Drums Are Heavy: Carnival, Politics, and Musical Engagement in Haiti

After the Dance, the Drums Are Heavy: Carnival, Politics, and Musical Engagement in Haiti

Social media influence on politicians' and citizens' relationship through the moderating effect of political slogans

The digitalization of communication means has revolutionized the way people observe and react to the social and political developments in their surroundings. The rapidly growing influence of social media prompted this exploratory research article on the use of social networking sites by politicians to build a cordial and strong relationship with the common citizens. This article focuses on investigating social media's influence on the relationship between politicians and citizens through the moderating effect of political slogans. Social media not only enables the politicians to directly communicate with the citizens but also encourages political participation of citizens in the form of feedback via comments on social networking sites. Political slogans play a significant role in the image building of a particular political force in the eyes of citizens. A quantitative analysis approach is utilized in this study. Data are collected via a survey questionnaire from a variety of social media users with a cross-sectional time horizon. In total, 300 people submitted their responses via the questionnaire, which was circulated in the first 2 months of this year (i.e., January and February 2022). The convenience sampling method was utilized for data collection across two cities in Pakistan. Smart PLS 3 has been used for hypothesis testing. The effect of the Moderator, i.e., political slogans of the basic four political parties of Pakistan are measured individually. Results show that the impact of social networking sites and politics on politicians' and citizens' relationships is positive and significant. This study can be a stepping stone for further related research to enable the politicians to make positive relationships with the citizens by effectively utilizing the social media platform.

Activity of the Admiral A. Pokrovskyi in the Development of the Ukrainian Fleet in Crimea and in Southern Ukraine in 1917—1918 (To the 160th Anniversary of the Birth)

In the article, the power of the formation and development of the Ukrainian military-naval forces near Crimea and in the South of Ukraine (1917–1918) at the duty of Admiral of the Ukrainian State Andriy Georgiyovich Pokrovskyi (1862–1944) is shown. Great attention is paid to the significant contribution of A. Pokrovskyi in the times of the Ukrainian Central Rada (UCR) and the Hetmanate of P. Skoropadskyi to the organization of the national Ukrainian fleet. It is noted that Vice-Admiral of the former Russian Empire A. Pokrovskyi became one of the highest representatives of the fleet team, who actively supported the process of Ukrainian state-building. He actively denied the attempts of the Central Rada to implement the idea of voluntary service in the fleet and believed that the fate of the young state should be decided not by political slogans, but by the force of arms. This was especially evident during hetman's rule, when A. Pokrovsky, being the commander of the Black Sea Fleet and the Minister of Marine Affairs, managed to restore a full-fledged Ukrainian naval fleet on the Black Sea.It was stated that after the victory of the anti-Hetman rebellion, A. Pokrovskyi did not accept the new republican form of government and left the Ukrainian military movement. It is noted that in the current conditions of full-scale aggression of Putin's Russia against Ukraine, the experience of our predecessors in organizing national-state and military life will help preserve the state-building traditions of our people and serve to strengthen the self-awareness of the servicemen of all Ukrainian armed forces.

Strategy and creativity in the use of political slogans: A study of the elections held in Spain in 2019

The unquestionable predominance of slogans in political communication versus their declining relevance in the commercial kind underpins the objective of this study, which is to gain further insight into the strategies and creative discourses employed by political parties in their campaigning before the general, regional and local elections held in Spain in 2019, whereby the results are compared with those obtained in previous research. The aim is thus to determine the attributes of electoral slogans regarding such aspects as their semantic density, complexity, use of rhetorical devices, core focus or communication efficiency. Accordingly, this study is framed in the field of research on political advertising, employing content analysis. To this end, an analysis was performed on an extensive corpus of 197 slogans, selected according to the criteria of comprehensiveness, relevance and representativeness. In short, it can be claimed that the tendencies noted in previous studies have stabilized, albeit with some new developments in relation to briefness, the use of double or triple slogans, expressive focus, bilingualism, the use of visual resources (such as emoticons) or digital language (contractions), the presence of rhetorical devices, and the relevance of voters and candidates versus political parties, among other factors. Besides the specific evolution of their formal and content-related aspects, we argue that the relevance of political slogans still prevails, and rather than undermining their essence and uses, the advent of social media has instead enhanced them.

The Cultural Logic of the Ordinary: Interactional Semiosis and the (Re)‐Framing of Daily Life among Japanese Younger Adults

This paper considers how Japanesefutsuu“ordinary”‐ness functions as a cultural logic that mediates aspirations and interpretations of a good life under conditions of socioeconomic risk and precarity. Invoking ordinariness can be a tactic for (re)‐framing otherwise marginalized or marginalizing practices within the norm, shifting what counts as ordinary in the process, and pushing back against neoliberally inflected pressures toward marketable, financialized selfhood. Alignments toward ordinariness emerge across diverse discursive planes including political slogans, blogs, and natural conversations, where the ordinary is treated as aspirational under the shadow of its potential loss.

Inscriptive studies: Toward a Field Articulation

Inscriptive studies: Toward a Field Articulation Paul Benzon (bio) and Rita Raley (bio) ❖ 1 the Road: machine-generated novel written by, in, and with a “WordCar” during a four-day journey from Brooklyn to New Orleans. Cadillac, GPS, clock, camera, Convolutional Neural Network (CNN), Recurrent Neural Network (RNN), and custom training corpus. Curated output published by Jean Boîte Éditions, 2018 (165 × 236 mm; 146 pp). Ross Goodwin, with the assistance of a friend, family and Google’s Artists and Machine Intelligence Group, 2017. ❖ ANNEX: invented and freely downloadable font based on activist graffiti in Istanbul, used for common political slogans rendered illegible by countermarks, geometric shapes, and jumbled arrangements. North Adams, Massachusetts; 30 cm (letters). Neon, Turkish alphabet, English alphabet. Aslı Çavuşoğlu, with font design by Özer Yalçınkaya, 2020. ❖ Because You Know Ultimately We Will Band A Militia: desert billboards along the Gene Autry Trail documenting the haunted history of settler colonialism and white supremacy. Cahuilla Territory, Palm Springs, California; 33.852444, -116.506083. Billboards, archival images. Xaveria Simmons, 2021. ❖ decomp: multiple copies of Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species left to decompose in different biogeoclimatic zones. British Columbia, Canada. Codex, photographs, poems, ecosystems. decomp, Coach House Books, 2013 (9 × 6 in.; 144 pp). Stephen Collis and Jordan Scott, 2013–ongoing. ❖ Future Library: repository of individually authored literary works that waits unpublished for a century. Nordmarka and Oslo, Norway; 59.986689, 10.696737 and 59.912965, 10.75099169. Cultivated forest, print manuscripts (one added each year), library reading room. Katie Paterson, 2014–2114. ❖ Grobari [Gravediggers]: a stack of 3,500 sheets of paper, printed on its sides with images of smoke from fires set by Serbian nationalist football fans and marking the imminent disappearance of the .yu domain. Paper, toner, PDF file, printer set to “borderless printing.” Aleksandra Domanović, 2009. [End Page 223] ❖ Ice Texts: words from Gretel Ehrlich’s The Future of Ice (2005) projected onto the base of glaciers during multiple Cape Farewell expeditions. Svalbard, Norwegian archipelago. Ice, digital projection, inkjet prints. Dave Buckland, 2005–2009. ❖ Print In Process [印刷中]: abandoned pieces of Chinese lead typeset in a geometric, pixelated pattern that is mirrored in paint. Hong Kong; 70 × 50 cm (painting), 31 × 22 cm (type box). Movable type, wood, watercolor and pencil on paper. Carmen Ng and Victor Wong, 2022. ❖ Truth Be Told: a three-word figure of speech covering the face of a building, so large as to be deemed hazardous. Kinderhook, New York; 25 × 160 ft. Vinyl building wrap, public building. Nick Cave, 2020. ❖ Untitled (2016): A sheet of paper, nearly four feet by five feet, covered almost entirely with three layers of marks, dense to the point of inscrutability: black on black on yellow. New York, New York; 42½ × 58 in. Acrylic and ink on paper. Dan Miller, 2016. ❖ Watering the distant, deserting the near IX: sand sifted through a fine stencil to form the words of poem, laid on the gallery floor amid memories and documents of public infrastructure and disappearing water stores. North Adams, Massachusetts. Sand, sodium silicate, carbon dioxide, memories, collected recordings, works on paper. Nasser Alzayani, 2020. ❖ WORKBOOK: single-channel video installation poetically defamiliarizing the spoken English language and thematizing the politics of language. British and American ESL workbooks, Text-to-Speech applications, Google Translate. New York; 7:24. Associated digital project, Triple Canopy, 2019. Jesse Chun, 2018. Shelley Jackson, writer: this appellation holds throughout the arc of her career, from her pioneering work of hypertext fiction, Patchwork Girl (1995), to her most recent novel, Riddance: Or, The Sybil Joines Vocational School for Ghost Speakers and Hearing-Mouth Children (2018). It even holds for her ongoing project, Skin (2003–), a story tattooed, word by word, on the skin of 2,095 people who have agreed to have their bodies incorporated into this “mortal work of art.”1 But is “writer” a sufficient or even adequate appellation for the Jackson who originated the project Snow (2014), which consists of words of a story cut in book type into snow in locations around Brooklyn, photographed before they melt, and circulated on Instagram? “Artist” and “author” also have their limitations—the [End Page 224] former so broad as...

Pendidikandan Politik diIndonesia

Education and politics are two inseparable notions. If you look at the world of field these two things are interrelated with one another. politics as a control tool in the government system, while education is one of the important pillars in the government system so that education will be affected by the political system of government. Politics will also be affected by the education system in the long run. Education in Indonesia can never be separated from politics. Politics is very easily influenced and determined by political elites and political parisapsi that produce political ethics. Political elites are actors who rule and make wisdom when in power. Elite and power are never separated from each other. Education in Indonesia was never separated from the ruling political elites at the time. With education in Indonesia, educated people will not be easy to be influenced and contaminated by political slogans using religion as false labels. Let the government continue to strive to advance education and educate the nation's life. So that Indonesia remains a country of nationalism.

Genesis of the Republic of Belarus Language Policy

The problems of language policy are multifaceted, they allow for variability of approaches to assessing its effectiveness and compliance with the national-ethnic model of social relations. The importance of the formation and development of legal instruments for regulating the linguistic landscape and protecting the language is confirmed by the presence of an impressive number of international normative acts. However, the main legal mechanisms in this area are in the plane of responsibility of national legislation. In this regard, the experience of the Republic of Belarus, which, in contrast to other union republics of the former USSR, has managed to preserve state bilingualism seems to be interesting. The research was carried out on the normative legal acts regulating the modern state language policy of Belarus. The methodology of the work included general scientific methods of generalization and systematization, logical and comparative analysis. Until the 1990s, the modern Belarusian language did not have the formal status of the state language (the Constitution of Soviet Belarus only enshrined the norms of its use on a par with Russian in all spheres of official business communication). At the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, the problems of regulating language issues were included in the political agenda. The first legislative acts of sovereign Belarus consolidated the state monolingualism and were focused on a forced transition to Belarusian-language communication. Belarusianization in the country was the most effective in the sphere of general secondary and preschool education, but it could not completely oust the Russian language from the socio-political discourse and, of course, everyday communication. The promotion of the national language grew into a political slogan that was not supported by the public: at the 1995 referendum, amendments to the Constitution were adopted to give the Russian language the status of a state language. These changes were reflected in other normative acts. The experience of building the language policy of the Republic of Belarus is unique for the postSoviet space: the country, which is at the forefront of the nationalist positions of monolingualism in the early 90s of the last century, managed, during a period of independence and sovereignty that was short by historical standards, to go through a fairly serious way of harmonizing the language situation, legally normalizing the processes social communicative interaction and retaining the features of national linguistic identity. The modern linguistic landscape of Belarus is characterized by the obvious dominance of the Russian language in almost all spheres of communicative interaction. At the same time, the Belarusian language as the language of the titular nation functionally plays the role of not so much a means of communication as a symbol of national self-identity.

Somos un pueblo sin fronteras : Contending with INS Terror during Chicago’s Chicano Movement

Abstract: This essay illustrates how, and under what circumstances, the Chicago chapter of Centro de Acción Social Autónoma (CASA) was created. CASA was one of the most important immigrant rights organizations that flourished during the Chicano movement. The political slogan Somos un pueblo sin fronteras or Sin fronteras was used as a tool to agitate for immigrant rights by uniting ethnic Mexicans (and Latinxs) as one community regardless of juridical citizenship. It was a strategy to denounce racialized immigration terror. A sin fronteras politics also served as a framework to fight for rights that resonated well beyond the Chicano movement.

THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF THE KHARIJITES DURING THE FIRST CENTURY AH. A HISTORICAL STUDY

This article examines the political discourse of the Kharijites who appeared as an opposition group in the fourth decade of the first century AH / seventh century AD, after the Battle of Siffin and the arbitration between ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah in 38 AH / 659 AD. The article follows the historical developments that the political discourse of the Kharijites underwent before they crystallized into a religious sect at the end of the Umayyad period and collapsed at the start of the Abbasid period and studies the political slogans and values expressed in their political discourse about the Imamate. Throughout Islamic history, political and doctrinal discourses have appeared for both the rulers and the opposition. However, the Kharijites connected their political discourse to their religious ideology, as well as to their Bedouin nature. The political principles of the Kharijites centered on the freedom to choose the caliph or the imam, not restricted to the Quraish

Rupture in heritage: strategies of dispossession, elimination and co-resistance

ABSTRACT Diaspora and Israel Jews are increasingly engaging their historical narratives of liberation within new forms of co-resistance to the Israeli Occupation, a history that controversially has been weaponized by the settler colonial power to manifest its dispossessive policies. ‘Occupation is not our Judaism’ has become a political slogan to mobilise Jews against land confiscation, house demolitions, trees uprooting, interrogations, and the Annexation Wall. Activists are concerned about the enactment of violence in the name of Judaism, and seek to contest the establishment of a Jewish nation-state as a solution to antisemitism. Their Jewish identities are articulated on the basis of Israel-centrism, and through intersectional struggles for universal liberation. This article explores the ways in which Jewish historical narratives inform the settler colonial policies in Palestine and the counter activism in which Jews play a potential role. It focuses on the patterns of ‘co-resistance’ which emerged after the collapse of the Oslo Accords of 1993. While co-existence was propagated during the 1990s to reveal the occupier and occupied as two equal sides, co-resistance emerged as a counter narrative in which Jewish and Palestinian activists stand in solidarity against the occupation. Interviews and on-site observations in the Old Town of Hebron showed how heritage and history have been weaponized by settlers to construct Jewish-only enclaves and to destroy the social and spatial realities that signify the collective identity of the Natives. Despite the failure of co-resistance to reverse the settlement project, the interviewed activists saw it as a viable form of resistance to this project. This article explored its potential in dismissing any claim that casts the settler colonial project in Hebron as a natural return of Hebron’s Jews to their history, and to link Nakba to tikkun olam, challenging its exclusion from the moral universe of the Jewish legacies of liberation.

Religious Conflict in Brazil: Protestants, Catholics, and the Rise of Religious Pluralism in Brazil in the Early Twentieth Century

Brazil's far-right president Jair Bolsonaro is known for the catchphrase “Brasil acima de tudo, Deus acima de todos” (Brazil above everything, God above everyone). Although born and baptized a Catholic, Bolsonaro was rebaptized in 2016 by a Pentecostal pastor. Taken together, his political slogan, which marries nationalism to a generalized Christian worldview, and his multiple religiosities (perhaps tied to political ambitions) connect the interplay of both Catholicism and Protestantism broadly defined to reactionary politics. But this apparently twenty-first-century phenomenon has a long and violent history.This history is what Erika Helgen's brilliant new book explores. In it, the author begins the religious history of modern Brazil with the “Catholic Restoration” of the early twentieth century, what the author terms “a national, coordinated institutional Catholic response to the rise of religious pluralism” in the country (p. 17). The Catholic Restoration began in earnest in 1916, during Brazil's First Republic (1889–1930), when official separation between church and state allowed the Catholic Church to strengthen its institutional power. By 1930, when Getúlio Vargas came to power, the church successfully reentered politics by allying itself with his increasingly populist regime. By Vargas's authoritarian Estado Novo (1937–45), the restoration had cemented Catholic political authority but, in doing so, disavowed any other form of religiosity. As Helgen succinctly argues, “To be Brazilian was to be Catholic, and to adhere to a non-Catholic religion was to betray the traditional cultural values that formed the foundation of Brazilian national strength” (p. 16). The dirty underside to the restoration, however, was the increase in both discursive and physical anti-Protestant violence, for which most perpetrators were never punished. By exploring the connection between the discursive and the physical, Helgen shows how seemingly “spontaneous” outbursts of violence were in fact stoked by Catholic leaders' prescriptions.Helgen's intervention reframes past historiography, which has tied religious intolerance between Christian denominations in Brazil to the 1960s and 1970s, when Pentecostal churches began growing significantly in number. Moreover, by both studying the relationships between Catholicism and Protestantism and relying on an expansive definition of Protestantism that encompasses both Protestantism and Pentecostalism, the author provides the most detailed study of Christianity in modern Brazil to date. This broad Christian approach makes a methodological intervention as well. Helgen demonstrates how conversions between Catholicism and Protestantism and within Protestant denominations were not fixed events but “journeys” that could involve multiple denominational switches.The book explores religious violence in the Brazilian Northeast, a region viewed by both Catholics and Protestants as ripe for evangelization and as the country's center of popular religiosity. Although overall rates of Protestantism were lower in the region during the early twentieth century than in other areas of the country, the dramatic changes that Protestantism took in the region—shifting from a foreign-led missionary project on the coast to a Brazilian-headed movement in the rural interior—posed direct challenges to an area that Catholic leaders believed was “the traditional heart of Brazilian Catholic culture” (p. 4). Both Protestant and Catholic leaders typecast their northeastern opponents as religious fanatics and thus potentially dangerous to national unity, drawing on a long-standing national myth of impending violent religiosity tied to a more recent history of millenarian movements and a racist and classist understanding of the region as “backward.”Helgen's analysis, based on exhaustive research in a dizzying number of local religious archives, most based in the northeastern interior, shines when discussing the daily workings of parish priests, found in the parish diaries, or the individual religious experience of participating in a Catholic santa missão (saintly mission) in a drought-stricken interior town. The author brings the reader along for the spiritual ride with engaging prose and a lively pace.Religious Conflict in Brazil engages in historiographical debates beyond the religious sphere—for example, chapter 1’s exploration of the religious facet of state corporatism under Vargas. Chapter 2’s discussion of the Brazilian Northeast's racialization is part of a growing historiography on race and regionalism in Brazil, but I wanted a more explicit engagement with this literature. At times, the racial dimensions of Brazilian religiosity and religion, especially in the Northeast, remain at a surface level. For example, Helgen makes the important point that today Pentecostals perpetrate most religious violence, this time against Afro-Brazilian religions. Yet what role, if any, did Afro-Brazilian religions, many drawing from Catholic traditions, play in this history of religious pluralism?The book will be of interest to historians of modern Brazil, Latin American religions, and political history. Helgen's research methods will be a model for any historian working in lesser-known archives, particularly private ones. And the book, written with analytical precision, couldn't be more salient, as Bolsonaro's consolidation of power shows how the marrying of religion and politics continues to shape Brazilian life.

Multimodal Texts of Political Print Advertisements in Ukraine

Political print advertisements as an integral part of political propaganda contribute to creating a positive image of a politician or political party aiming to win popular votes. The effective combination of verbal and non-verbal (pictorial) components presupposes a purposeful influence on the electorate by means of activating existing socio-cultural schemas among voters. This study aims to analyze the generic structural potential of political print advertisements in Ukraine and to interpret the symbolic representation of the verbal and non-verbal levels of political advertisements. The data, encompassing 25 leaflets, was collected in 2020 during the local election campaign in Chernivtsi, Ukraine. The analysis has been conducted on two levels: literal and interpretative. Following the principles of Generic Structure Potential of advertisements (Cheong, 2004) we have outlined the GSP of print political advertisements in Ukraine. Thus, non-verbal (visual) components incorporate the lead (Locus of Attention (LoA) and Complement to the Locus of Attention (Comp.LoA) emblem, pictogram, verbal (linguistic) components involve Announcement (Opening), Enhancer, Slogan, and Call-and-visit Information. The next level of the analysis presupposed the interpretation of the obtained results. In accordance with this, the symbolic representation of the verbal level of political advertisements, incorporating patriotic, social, economic, and political slogans has been revealed. In terms of the symbolic representation of the non-verbal level of political advertisements, we observe the following in the analyzed material: the photo of the candidate, appearance, pictograms, and additional pictorial elements. The results indicate that the displays of the analyzed material are often congruent and explicit. Cases of incongruent and implicit displays have been observed as well. Such advertisements boost viewers’ curiosity as they contain less verbal information. The results of the election show that the candidates whose advertisements incorporated symbolism and greater non-verbal information, led among the popular votes.

IDEOLOŠKA (ZLO)UPOTREBA JEZIKA: JEZIČKO-STILSKA ANALIZA POLITIČKIH SLOGANA

The paper provides a linguistic analysis of political slogans. The corpus material includes political slogans of this year‘s general elections held on April 3, 2022. The aforementioned syntactic constructions are classified into two categories – slogans with a predicate constituent and slogans without a predicate constituent. Using qualitative methodology, we endeavor to provide a thorough description of excerpted linguistic units in order to determine their stylistic and pragmatic potential. The analysis concludes that the dominant feature of these linguistic expressions are stylistic figures of repetition – alliteration, assonance, and consonance – but in some instances, other marketing strategies have been implemented that contribute to the retention of statements. Nevertheless, we suggest that interviewing native speakers would provide a better insight into the pragmatic nature of the examined material.

Election Programs and Political Slogans in Kazakhstan

Election Programs and Political Slogans in Kazakhstan

ІНТЕРТЕКСТУАЛЬНІСТЬ ЯК ДЖЕРЕЛО ЕМОЦІОНАЛІЗАЦІЇ ДИСКУРСУ ТА МОВНИХ ІННОВАЦІЙ

The article is focused on the pragmatic potential of intertextuality in news headlines on the Russian-Ukrainian war in Ukrainian religious media, based on the materials of the websites "Religious Information Service of Ukraine", "Catholic Observer", "Religious Truth", "Spiritual Front of Ukraine", published from the end of February to the beginning of May 2022. It has been established that intertext in the headlines enhances the emotionality of the communicative message in order to shape the intended emotional reaction of the audience to Russian aggression. Intertextual units perform the function of polarizing discourse, increasing the effect of the negative image of the aggressor country and its church leaders, on the one hand, and positive representation of the Ukrainian people in its struggle for freedom, on the other hand. Common sources of intertextuality in religious media are the Bible, historical events, figures and phenomena, works of art, mythological creatures, slogans and mythologemes, the relationship with which emotionalizes communication and enhances the persuasive influence on the recipient by stimulating predictable associations with the source text or symbol. In covering Russian aggression, religious media speakers use biblical apocalyptic images and metaphors, allusions to the suffering of Jesus Christ, the stories of Cain and Abel, David and Goliath. Intertextual units that are originally political slogans or ideologemes, such as the "Russian world" and "protection of the Orthodox", are reappropriated in Ukrainian religious media discourse with the purpose of their discrediting. The article also explores the potential of intertextuality in the field of neologization. Some intertextual phenomena from the fields of fiction and history have given rise to linguistic innovations, such as "orcs" and "ruscism", thus revealing a productive way of neologism formation based on intertextual connections with previous texts and cultural phenomena. The article outlines further prospects of the study of emotional reaction of the religious media addressee to intertext-featuring headlines with the involvement of experimental psycholinguistic and corpus methods.