The influence of candidate cues on voters’ opinion formulation is a subject of ongoing debate in political science. This study examines the 2023 Cyprus presidential elections, when the leading candidates completed the country’s most popular voting advice application live on national television. This unprecedented event created a natural experiment to test how televised disclosure of candidate positions affects alignment between voters and their preferred candidates. Drawing on voting advice application responses across a wide set of policy questions and employing regression discontinuity in time models, we estimate changes in voter–candidate congruence before and after the broadcast. The results show no uniform effect. For Andreas Mavroyiannis, supporters converged toward his progressive and pro-solution profile, particularly on foreign policy, welfare, and Cyprus settlement questions. For Averof Neophytou and Nikos Christodoulides, congruence did not increase consistently; in some cases, divergence emerged, as explicit cues exposed divisions within their heterogeneous or ambivalent coalitions. The findings provide mixed support for the expectation that cues strengthen congruence only on less entrenched issues. Convergence was most evident on novel questions, but divergence also occurred on identity and Cyprus-related issues. The study highlights that candidate cues can foster alignment but can also generate divergence, depending on candidate characteristics, issue polarisation, and coalition heterogeneity.

This study examines electoral success through the lens of Actor-Network Theory (ANT), emphasizing that power in elections is produced not solely by individual candidates or party structures, but through dynamic networks of human and non-human actors. By situating elections within relational configurations involving social ties, technology, institutions, and local values, the study contributes to political network analysis in the context of Indonesia’s open proportional representation system. Using a qualitative case study approach, the research was conducted in Bone Regency, South Sulawesi. Data were collected through in-depth interviews, observations, and document analysis, guided by the ANT principle of “following the actants.” Informants were selected purposively based on their strategic roles within the campaign network. Data analysis involved reduction, display, and verification to ensure analytical rigor and contextual validity. The findings reveal that Yasir Machmud’s electoral victory was shaped by a multi-stage network formation process, including issue mobilization, organizational structuring, integration of social media and technology, adaptive coordination, and final consolidation. Trust-based social relations, cultural values, and digital technologies functioned as interconnected actors that mediated power, mobilization, and voter engagement. Social media, algorithms, and campaign tools operated not merely as instruments, but as active agents influencing political perception and participation. The study concludes that electoral success is the outcome of a complex, adaptive actor network in which human and non-human elements interact structurally, affectively, and symbolically. This research underscores the relevance of ANT for understanding contemporary local electoral politics in Indonesia.

ABSTRACT This essay maps the contours of the contemporary world crisis through an eco-Marxist lens, interrogating the contested terrain where green capital and its eco/neofascist counterpart operate as a united front to ensure the survival of accumulation tactics in an era of ecological volatility. While some interpret current political developments as evidence of green capital’s exhaustion and decline, I argue instead that we are living through a transitional phase marked by the corrosion of neoliberal legitimacy and the rise of an eco/neofascist globalized political economy, one where green capital has been reconstituted as a central mechanism for managing capital’s legitimacy crisis, lingering as a spectral presence. Its mutation signals not a retreat but an absorption into a broader political reorganization, one that reconsolidates ecological and social relations in ways compatible with the eco/neofascist trajectory. This emergent order, defined by the breakdown of hitherto opposing systems of rule, deploys the language of civilizational security, border regimes, and ecological nationalism to reassert elite control in a time of systemic unpredictability and planetary entropy.

The development of Islamic political thought cannot be separated from the historical context and social dynamics surrounding it. One significant period that influenced the direction of this thought is the era of Western colonialism in the 19th to early 20th centuries. During this period, much of the Islamic world was under Western colonial rule, which had a profound impact on the social, political, and intellectual conditions of Muslims. Within the Muslim community itself, various internal issues related to religious understanding arose, causing difficulties in facing the dominance and hegemony of the West. Islamic political thought became one of the fields of study in political science, which is not only relevant today but also gained attention during the classical Islamic period. This study is highly significant, both in the development of knowledge and as a framework for political practice. Therefore, it is important to study Islamic political thought, as it provides deep insights into political dynamics and Islam’s contribution to shaping existing political systems, as well as offering perspectives that are useful in facing contemporary global challenges.

The Song dynasty marked a pivotal period in the cultural, political, and economic development of ancient China, during which Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism coexisted and advanced in parallel. The Dazu rock carvings, begun in the late Tang and flourishing during the Northern and Southern Song, integrate Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist themes and serve as an important vehicle of historical and cultural development, standing out in Chinese cave temple art for their marked secularization. Situated in the Chongqing region, the Dazu rock carvings are closely intertwined with local customs and cultural practices, exhibiting distinctive regional characteristics that reflect the social life and local ethos of the time, and are of great scholarly and cultural significance. Drawing on previous scholarship and supported by field investigations in the Dazu rock carvings area, this study employs documentary analysis, iconographic methods, and fieldwork to examine the visual features of Bodhisattva images and narrative/allegorical scenes in the rock carvings. By analyzing the process of their secular transformation, the paper identifies the principal factors driving this shift and proposes a path of secularization and indigenization shaped by the interaction between foreign cultural elements and local traditions. The findings aim to offer new perspectives and points of reference for contemporary artistic practice.

The last decade has been difficult for political scientists as we witness global attacks on the institutions and values to which we have committed our professional and intellectual lives. We grieve as democratic values are undermined and deep, apparently unreconcilable, divisions fracture our Nation. We observe higher education under profound attack by those who question its value and relevance, while teaching students who continue to struggle with the consequences of significant disruptions to their education and the uncertainty of our current world. It is easy to lament, to despair, and to grieve. Yet, as Hannah Arendt reminds us in her 1959 address “On Humanity in Dark Times,” it is in sharing joy that we advance our humanity, even more than when we share our sorrow. This essay explores how we can find joy in our teaching—joy that nurtures hope and sustains us for the work ahead. If teaching is an act of optimism, how do we understand our work as fundamental, important to democracy, and a practice that can sustain our faith in the possibility of a better future? By recognizing that our skills extend beyond the boundaries of our classrooms and that the purpose of our teaching is broader than the priorities of the institutions that employ us, we can find deeper meaning in our work and have a greater impact on our communities.

Abstract While ‘hard-right’ has gained traction in scholarship and newsrooms, its conceptual vagueness and practical effects have remained underexamined. Drawing on Framing Theory and Agenda-Setting Theory, this article offers the first systematic, crosspublication study of how seven leading English-language outlets – The Guardian , the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Politico, The New Statesman, The Economist , Reuters, and The Financial Times – employed the term between 2022 and 2025. A qualitative content analysis of 140 articles demonstrates that ‘hard-right’ functions as an umbrella label that conflates distinct far-right currents, while framing devices selectively highlight certain traits and agenda-setting practices that elevate the term’s prominence in headlines and summaries. Although outlets vary in their use of contextual qualifiers, all exhibit comparable patterns of misclassification, label inflation, and strategic ambiguity. It can be argued that the strategic use of vague terminology can soften the far-right’s image and bolster their electoral appeal. The findings demonstrate the urgency of adopting established political science typologies and clearer editorial guidelines to safeguard analytical precision and democratic accountability in media coverage.

This paper examines the role of gender norms and family support in shaping women’s empowerment, social status, and personal development in Arab societies. Drawing on interdisciplinary literature from gender studies, sociology, psychology, and political science, the study explores how family structures function as both enabling and constraining forces in women’s lives. While patriarchal systems continue to influence gender roles across education, employment, political participation, and personal autonomy, family dynamics emerge as a central mediating factor that can either reinforce inequality or facilitate empowerment.The analysis highlights the paradox between women’s increasing access to education and their continued marginalization in labor markets, emphasizing the role of family attitudes, institutional barriers, and informal networks such as wasta. It further examines women’s social and political participation, particularly in the context of legal reforms, civil society engagement, and digital activism, demonstrating that family approval and protection remain critical for women’s public involvement. At the psychological level, the paper underscores the impact of family support on women’s self-esteem, mental health, and identity formation, contrasting supportive environments that foster autonomy with restrictive contexts that contribute to internalized oppression and psychological distress.Overall, the findings suggest that women’s empowerment in Arab societies is a multidimensional and relational process that cannot be understood through individual-level indicators alone. Sustainable gender equality requires not only structural reforms and expanded opportunities, but also transformative shifts within family norms and relationships. Strengthening family-based support for women’s education, economic participation, psychological well-being, and civic engagement is therefore essential for advancing gender equality and promoting broader social development in the Arab world.

The protection of human rights is of great importance to international states, but after the terrorist attacks of 2001, this value faced serious challenges. The events of September 11 not only changed international security policies but also led to the tightening of anti-terrorism laws in many countries, which led to the restriction of fundamental human rights. Freedom of expression, personal privacy, the right to a fair trial, and freedom of movement are the areas that have been most affected. This study aims to examine the relationship between the threat of terrorism and the restriction of human rights and to assess the extent to which states interfere with the rights of individuals in the name of security. The study was conducted through a qualitative method; in addition to international legal documents, research materials, and official reports, 15-minute semi-structured interviews were conducted with 15 professors from private universities and political science faculties in Nangarhar province. The findings show that the effects of strict security policies practically result in a decrease in the level of human rights. The conclusion is that maintaining a balance between security and rights is vital. The study recommends that governments establish transparent laws, independent oversight mechanisms, and strictly implement international human rights standards.

Despite a wealth of literature examining the current state of teaching training in American Political Science PhD programs, there is still a relative lack of literature focused on Canada. In this article, we present our findings and analysis from an anonymous online survey sent to the Graduate Chairs (or equivalent) of Canada’s Political Science departments with PhD programs (19). Garnering 14 responses, the survey results present an initial snapshot of current teaching training opportunities. We show that most teaching training is offered informally and typically outside of individual departments. Further, opportunities vary considerably across departments and institutions, even though there is some agreement that more formal training would improve program quality. The article concludes with key takeaways from the research and ideas for strengthening teaching training in Canadian Political Science PhD programs, including fostering greater collaboration and communication between administrators, graduate students, and faculty.

This interdisciplinary study, at the intersection of political science, philosophy, sociology, and political anthropology, examines new issues in public administration and public self-regulation associated with the emergence of artificial intelligence. The purpose of this work is to determine the basic principles and directions of institutionalization of artificial intelligence, as well as state and public management of these processes. Among the tasks we will note the definition of the initial principle for constructing a working hypothesis and choosing an adequate methodology; verification of the applicability of the methodology of moral and religious neoinstitutionalism to the problem of artificial intelligence; determination of the factors enhancing Homo technicus; Identifying the risks of digitalization; identifying the greatest threat posed by artificial intelligence; formulating the basic principles for managing artificial intelligence by society (the "Ten Commandments of Artificial Intelligence").The creation of artificial intelligence offers new technical possibilities, but simultaneously increases risks, threatening the very essence of human society. Preserving the essence of humanity, as expressed in the Homo traditum model, requires a new ideology that limits the risks posed by technocracy. The study utilizes a comprehensive methodology of moral and religious neo-institutionalism. It is based on the principles of anthropologism, systemicity, balance, and morality. The theoretical significance of the study: introduction to the political science analysis of the terms Homo technicus, Homo traditum and the application of the methodology of moral and religious neoinstitutionalism to the problem of artificial intelligence. The book analyzes the factors that give rise to Homo technicus and the risks of the digital economy. The practical significance of the work lies in identifying the main risks to humanity posed by artificial intelligence and formulating the "ten commandments of artificial intelligence."

The paper is an attempt to determine the object and methodology of Constitutional History. It is argued that the study of Constitutional History cannot include the organization of political power but should be restricted to the legal rules of the modern State. These rules cannot be understood through a political analysis but only through a specific legal analysis. This analysis is specific relatively to political history but also to contemporary legal dogmatics. Its concepts are not those that belong to the legal systems of the past, but those concepts that have been devised by modern legal theory and, unlike legal dogmatics, Constitutional History can use a causal analysis. The article gives a few examples of the way in which the law can be analyzed from the point of view of causality.

ABSTRACT This article explores how polycentric governance systems can facilitate resistance to democratic erosion from within the state, bridging two lines of research: polycentricity and democratic backsliding. Such resistance materializes through three key mechanisms within polycentric arrangements: decentralized political discretion, bureaucratic autonomy, and institutional capacity. In conducting a critical event analysis of environmental politics in Brazil, we analyze the actions of the Brazilian Central Bank, the Supreme Court, and a consortium of Amazonian governors. Although these entities do not have specific environmental mandates, their varying degrees of discretion, autonomy, and capacity enabled them to resist antidemocratic measures targeting environmental policies while fragmenting authoritarian presidential power. By examining how the combination of these three elements influenced the levels of resistance to democratic backsliding in Brazil, our findings illuminate both the challenges and promises of polycentric governance systems in promoting democratic deliberation in policy‐making within democracies under threat.

The article is devoted to the functioning and development of the interstate association of the most dynamically developing countries - BRICS, which is strengthening its position in the international community, gradually transforming due to the inclusion of new participants in BRICS+. The purpose of the study is to consider and evaluate various scenarios for the expansion of the BRICS format and the gradual transformation of this association into one of the strongest "players" in the international arena. The research involved an interdisciplinary approach combining the political science study of institutions and foreign policy strategies.; an international legal assessment of the forms of cooperation within the framework of BRICS; an economic analysis of international integration processes; as well as a civilizational approach that reveals the value and cultural foundations of interaction between the participants of this interstate association. Methods such as modeling and analogy were also used, with the help of which the authors analyzed and compared the main vectors of expansion of the BRICS format, and considered various scenarios for its expansion. As a result of the research, the authors of the article believe that the expansion of the BRICS, due to various geopolitical and geostrategic interests and emerging political differences among the participating states, may face difficulties in making common decisions on the international agenda. It is concluded that the most optimal is a qualitative rather than quantitative expansion of the BRICS+ format, which should focus on reviewing and developing criteria for obtaining membership status of this interstate association, working out and consolidating the rules of their interaction. Theoretical significance of the study lies in deepening the interdisciplinary scientific debate on the nature and development trajectories of modern international institutions, as well as in developing the conceptual framework for analyzing BRICS+ as a complex phenomenon that integrates economic, political, legal, and civilizational dimensions. Practical significance of the work consists in developing specific recommendations for the political elites and diplomatic agencies of the member states, aimed at optimizing expansion procedures, strengthening the institutional structure, and enhancing the effectiveness of interaction within BRICS+ in the context of increasing geopolitical instability.

Review of Troublemakers: The Greatest Dog and Pony Show in Iraq by Stephen Russell | Print length: ‎276 pages | ISBN-10: 0999095137| ISBN-13:978-0999095133 | Published by Blue Ear Books, Seattle, WA (2024). This book review critically examines Stephen Russell’s memoir, Troublemakers: The Greatest Dog and Pony Show in Iraq, through the lens of veteran studies. The review explores the memoir’s structure, narrative voice, and use of humor, visual art, and storytelling as tools for critique and catharsis. Drawing on interviews and podcasts featuring Russell—including Oscar Mike Radio, Tango Alpha Lima, and Fortress on a Hill—as well as the publisher’s description from Blue Ear Books, the review situates Troublemakers within the broader context of post-9/11 veteran literature. The memoir’s political critique, cultural significance, and ability to bridge the civilian-military divide are analyzed in depth. The review concludes that Russell’s work is a powerful, irreverent, and necessary contribution to the discourse on war, service, and storytelling.

Botswana has relied on migrant skilled labour since gaining independence in 1966. Migrant skilled labour was recruited worldwide, contributing to Botswana’s socio-economic development trajectory. Consequently, Botswana was classified as a developmental state and an upper-middle-income economy by the 1990s. Using immigration politics to frame the debate, this research argues that migrant skilled labour was instrumental to Botswana’s political and socio-economic development, albeit creating systemic challenges. It contends that some of Botswana’s key economic sectors are controlled by some immigrants who exert undue influence on Botswana’s political leadership and economic policies, while also igniting xenophobic sentiments from indigenous communities. The research further maintains that Botswana has securitised immigration and indiscriminately declared immigrants who are not politically connected as prohibited. In conclusion, this research proposes immigration laws and policies that are inclusive and balance the interests of indigenous people, the state and immigrants.

ABSTRACT Using the Global East Survey of Religion and Spirituality, this paper explores the prevalence of multiple religious identities in Taiwan, where religion diffuses into social institutions and everyday life, leading to less exclusive affiliations. The findings indicate that a significant proportion of Taiwanese identify with multiple religions, primarily folk religion, Daoism, and Buddhism. This group displays distinctive patterns in religious beliefs and practices, particularly in their differentiation between religiously and culturally prescribed practices. While individuals with multiple religious identities are no more likely than those with a single religious identity to engage in religiously prescribed practices, they are significantly more active in culturally prescribed practices. We discuss how Taiwan's macro‐level cultural environment, influenced by specific political developments, contributes to its robust yet non‐secularizing modernization, offering theoretical implications in comparison to its OECD counterparts in East Asia.

The 1998 Reformism expanded democratic and decentralized spaces, yet scholarly engagement with sharia legislation often remains confined to normative or formal frameworks, leaving its intersections with electoral competition, identity politics, and shifting power configurations insufficiently examined. This study explores the development of Islamic legal politics in post-reform Indonesia, with particular attention to the dynamics of sharia legislation within a constitutional democracy. Employing a normative legal approach enriched by historical and conceptual perspectives, it analyzes secondary legal materials to assess implications for democracy, constitutionalism, and human rights. Findings reveal that post-reform sharia legislation is shaped by complex interactions among political elites’ electoral strategies, the mobilization of religious identity, and decentralized structures that facilitate symbolic regulation at the local level. While national laws on waqf, zakat, and sharia banking address substantive socio-economic needs, local morality regulations—such as dress codes or alcohol restrictions—frequently serve symbolic and populist functions. This study contributes a contextual and integrative framework for understanding Islamic legal politics, underscoring the importance of inclusive paradigms attentive to social plurality, constitutional principles, and gender justice in Indonesia’s multicultural society.

ABSTRACT The recent military coups in Chad (2021), Mali (2020 and 2021), Burkina Faso (2021), Guinea (2021), Niger (2023), and Gabon (2023) have raised longstanding questions about the role of African militaries in democratization processes. Drawing on the existing literature, open-source data, and field research in all six coup-affected countries, the article provides the first conceptual and empirical analysis of the post-military coup transitions processes across francophone Africa. It demonstrates that the recent coup surge in the region is quantitatively and qualitatively different from previous post-1990 post-coup transitions. Subsequently, it assesses the capacity of each junta to secure long-term access to executive power, and whether they face viable opposition from within their militaries-at large, organized civil society, and external powers pushing for a return to civilian democratic rule. The juntas’ greatest challenge in consolidating their access to executive power arises from their militaries. Organized civil society and external democracy promotors hold no effective leverage over their polities’ post-transition trajectories. The article advances hypotheses about the direction of post-coup transition outcomes and serves as the point of departure for future actor-centric studies about the effects of coups on future political regime developments.

Problem statement. The present article addresses the transformation of traditional processes of signification in the digital era and the emergence of polysemous meaning in contemporary media. The study investigates how digital media technologies, including social networks, participatory platforms, artificial intelligence, and immersive virtual environments,reshape collective perceptions of reality and reconfigure semiotic processes. Illustrative material includes viral memes, AI-generated content, virtual worlds, and participatory media campaigns. An attempt is made to characterize the mechanisms of digital polysemy, clarify the interplay between human and algorithmic agents, and demonstrate how meaning is continuously negotiated and re-signified in the digital semiosphere. The research situates these phenomena within theoretical frameworks of contemporary semiotics, media ecology, and posthuman theory, providing a conceptual basis for understanding the dynamics of meaning production, circulation, and reception in networked environments. Purpose of the article. The aim of this article is to examine the processes through which digital signs acquire multiple, context-dependent meanings, in order to clarify the theoretical concept of digital polysemy and its implications for contemporary semiotic practice. To achieve this aim, the study addresses several objectives: 1) to describe the axes of polysemous meaning in digital media, including contextual, participatory, and algorithmic dimensions, 2) to illustrate these axes with concrete examples from memes, AI-generated content, and virtual environments, 3) to analyze the interaction between human and machine agents in meaning-making, and 4) to discuss the broader implications of digital polysemy for identity, cultural expression, and humanities research. Research methodology and methods. To meet the aims of this study, descriptive and analytical methods are applied, including semiotic analysis and case-based examination of selected digital media artifacts. This approach allows for the identification of recurring patterns of polysemy, the interrelation between visual and textual elements, and the role of algorithmic mediation in shaping visibility and interpretation. By combining theoretical reflection with empirical illustration, the study provides a coherent framework for understanding how meaning emerges and evolves in networked digital environments. Results. The analysis demonstrates that digital signs are inherently polysemous, circulating across diverse cultural, social, and technological contexts while acquiring multiple, sometimes conflicting, meanings. The Bernie Sanders mittens meme exemplifies this phenomenon, as the image simultaneously signifies humor, political critique, authenticity, and commercial potential depending on the context of reception and the participatory actions of users. Algorithmic mediation further shapes which interpretations gain prominence, creating feedback loops that amplify certain readings while marginalizing others. The interplay between human creativity, participatory engagement, and algorithmic structuring reveals that meaning is not fixed but emergent, continuously negotiated, and contextually contingent. Conclusions and prospects. In examining these examples, several key mechanisms of digital polysemy emerge. Contingent contextual shifts illustrate how a single sign acquires diverse interpretations across cultural and social environments. Participatory practices demonstrate the co-creation of meaning through remix, commentary, and audience engagement. Algorithmic mediation shows how computational processes influence visibility, circulation, and interpretive salience. The study highlights that even simple lexical units, such as the word “mittens,” acquire layered cultural and semiotic significance when integrated into visual and interactive media, revealing the entanglement of human cognition, technological mediation, and social practice. The perspective of the present study suggests that understanding digital polysemy is essential for analyzing contemporary communication, identity formation, and cultural production, and provides a foundation for further research in humanities and media studies.