Political Realities Research Articles

‘To enlarge everything as a poet’: Drama and history in John Marston's The Wonder of Women, or, The Tragedie of Sophonisba

AbstractThis article advances two arguments about Marston's use and appropriation of history in The Wonder of Women, or, The Tragedie of Sophonisba. First, it argues that Marston transforms Sophonisba from a problematic femme fatale into a virtuous woman whose constancy in the face of adversity contrasts sharply with the political realities of the play. She is opposed both to the Machiavellianism of Carthage and Syphax's tyranny, and throughout the play she advocates political honesty, loyalty and patriotism. In extolling these virtues, Marston makes the Carthaginian heroine a moral exemplar for others to imitate and learn from. Second, Sophonisba is deeply concerned with theatre's role in making, remembering and interpreting history. This is expressed in Massinissa's adornment of Sophonisba's corpse at the end of the play, which leads to an on‐stage negotiation of her historical significance, and the heroine's acts of self‐historicisation. By this term I refer to a rhetorical strategy that Sophonisba uses throughout the play in order to reflect on the nature of history and her own place in it. Analysing this particular rhetorical strategy together with Marston's appropriation of the historical sources will allow for a reconsideration of Sophonisba as a historical and metahistorical play.

Byzantine Religious Policy on the Integration of the Armenian Church, 860s–880s

In the second half of the ninth century, a new period of confrontation between the Armenian and Byzantine Churches began. The goal of Byzantine religious policy was the abolition of the independence of the Armenian Church and its unification with the imperial Church. In his letters addressed to the ecclesiastical and political leaders of Armenia, the patriarch Photios proposed that they abandon Monophysitism and accept Chalcedonianism. Under this religious veil were disguised the empire's real political, cultural and socio-economic goals. Although Photios could not achieve the final unification of the two Churches, his mission did bring about a temporary religious rapprochement between the Armenians and the Greeks.

East Africa Community Regional Tourism Policy: The Nexus between Cultural Heritage and Socio-economic Development of the Maasai Community in Serengeti-Mara Ecosystem

This paper explores how EAC tourism regional policy preserves the Maasai culture in Seregneti. It argues that in as much as the East Africa Community regional policy endeavors to protect and preserve cultural heritage of communities around the ecosystem from tourist distortions, this has not been the case. Therefore, the objective of the paper is to interrogate EAC regional policy towards preserving cultural aspects of the Maasai community from mass tourism activities. The study utilized political realism and neo-functionalism theories to analyze effects of policy cultural heritage. It employed descriptive research design to investigate how the EAC tourism policy affects cultural heritage of local communities. Purposive was used to determine samples. The study used questionnaire and interviews to collect primary. Data was analyzed using descriptive statistics. Findings of the study indicate that wildlife management groups, game control areas on Serengeti side and community conservancy groups on Mara side of the border form the central pillar through which the local populace engage and benefit from ecotourism activities. The findings indicate that cultures such as Maa dances, regalia, Manyattas, traditional ceremonies have been commercialized however, benefits for the community are not sustainable

A Magic-Realist Critique: Deconstructing History in Winterson’s Sexing the Cherry

Magical realism has been in use as a critical mode of narration since its application in art in the 1920s. In the contemporary fictional narratives, postcolonial authors and critics have used it as a narrative strategy to present realities to readers in a fascinating manner than that of the realist tradition in fiction. By challenging and subverting the notion of objective reality, it critiques effects on colonization, and it works as decolonizing device to examine the political, cultural and historical realities of the colonized. In this line of argument, I examine and explore Jeanette Winterson’s Sexing the Cherry that challenges the traditional linearity and objectivity of historical narratives through a magic-realist lens, offering a critique of history’s patriarchal and constructed nature. This study utilizes history as a narrative open to reinterpretation, where suppressed perspectives can emerge. Winterson positions her critique within deconstruction framework, aligning her narrative with a broader political project to question authority and reclaim agency for the disempowered. Ultimately, this study argues that history is not a fixed truth but an evolving story, constantly shaped by power and perspective. By deconstructing historical certainty through magical realism, Winterson invites readers to reconsider how history is told and who controls its telling.

Educational equity in contentious times: developing a grassroots organization to advocate for inclusion, diversity, and equity across communities

Issues of educational equity related to Critical Race Theory, LGBTQ+ communities, and diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives have been top political agenda items across the United States in recent years. In Missouri, policies that prevent the teaching of accurate U.S. history and ban classroom conversations about gender and sexuality have become, or have the potential to become, political realities for educators and students. Yet, these conservative policies are not proposed and passed without resistance. The purpose of this article is to explore how one non-profit organization, the Missouri Equity Education Partnership (MoEEP), was developed to counter such political agendas. Through the use of critical case study methodology and a combination of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) and Critical Policy Analysis (CPA), we found that implementation of key leadership strategies, the maintenance of a critical consciousness, and the navigation of limited resources were all critical in MoEEP’s development and success.

An ecological framework for population health and well-being.

An ecological framework for population health and well-being.

Security challenges of populism in the digital age: from political hyperreality to involuntary political consumption

The article examines the impact of digital technologies on populism and identifies the key mechanisms of its functioning in the digital environment. It explores the transformation of traditional political communication models under the influence of social media, algorithmic content distribution, and changes in citizens’ political perceptions. It is established that digital populism is based on amplified binary oppositions, discourse simplification, the gamification of political interaction, and algorithmic amplification of manipulative narratives, creating a favorable environment for its expansion. The concept of political hyperreality is analyzed as an adaptation of Jean Baudrillard’s ideas to the digital age. The study investigates how alternative political realities are constructed in the media space. The transformation of Paul Lazarsfeld’s two-step communication model into a model of mediated control is examined, illustrating how politicians, particularly populists, coordinate information campaigns through networks of influencers and digital opinion leaders. Particular attention is given to the phenomenon of political consumerism in the digital era, shaped by the politicized information space, and the role of contributorship in spreading populist narratives. It is determined that the low entry threshold for political engagement and algorithmic content selection contribute to societal polarization and the intensification of radical sentiments. The article identifies the main security challenges posed by digital populism, particularly the impact of truth decay, which leads to the erosion of fact-based discourse, the undermining of trust in democratic institutions, and the formation of an extremely polarized political landscape. Prospects for further research on digital populism are proposed, focusing on identifying mechanisms to counter manipulative technologies and developing strategies to preserve democratic discourse in the digital era.

Taking political normativity seriously: legitimacy and political realism

ABSTRACT The article challenges the notion that political realism necessarily requires a distinctively political normativity. Drawing on the works of Weber and Nietzsche, it offers an alternative reading of political realism. The article uncovers in Williams’ scholarship a dual-layered legitimacy framework, displaying three inherent demands (namely, discursive, intelligibility, and reflective vindication demand) in his idea of legitimacy. In so doing, the article demonstrates how political realism employs its own prescriptive resources to critically scrutinize politics, while highlighting the crucial distinction between political realism and applied ethics. The article finally contends that political realism can, through immanent critique, maintain its evaluative standards and critical potency without necessarily engaging with political normativity.

Transformation Of Traditional Tafsir To Modern Perspective Of Fazlur Rahman's Hermeneutics

This article examines the transformation of tafsir from traditional to modern in the perspective of Fazlur Rahman's hermeneutics. This research was conducted using qualitative methodology with hermeneutic analysis to understand the mufassir's efforts in answering the challenges of the times in a more contextual and relevant way. The traditional textual approach is now replaced by a more unified hermeneutic method, combining social, historical and linguistic analysis. This allows Qur'anic interpretation to deepen meanings that are not only appropriate to the context of the past, but also relevant to modern social, political and cultural realities. The development of globalization and modernity has had a significant impact on the dynamics of tafsir, with modern mufassirs applying adaptive methods to address social issues. However, this transformation faces the challenge of maintaining a balance between innovation and respect for tradition and the authority of the sacred text. The interim conclusion of the study shows that changes in tafsir not only enrich the intellectual horizons of Islam, but also play an important role in developing an understanding and practice of the Qur'an that is more relevant to the context of modern society.

Essential Characteristics of Media Political Discourse

Introduction. The article presents an overview of the constitutive features of media political discourse. The aim of the article is to determine the essential parameters of modern Englishlanguage media-political discourse. The main components of this type of discourse, its axiological structure are considered. Special attention is paid to the ideological and manipulative nature of media political discourse. The relevance of the study is conditioned by the necessity of singling out media political discourse as one of the sections of discourse theory through the meticulous study of its system-forming features.Methodology and sources. As a methodological basis, the article uses some ideas of the functional approach to discourse analysis, in particular, critical discourse analysis, as well as cognitive linguistics, media discourse, medialinguistics, multimodal approach to the study of discourse. The main method is an analytical scientific review of Russian and foreign works on discourse theory.Results and discussion. According to the results of the review, the main components of media political discourse are political topics, political actors, political language, and, mainly, mass media that mediate communication within the framework of MPD. The fundamental characteristics of media political discourse include ideology, manipulativeness, persuasiveness, emotionality, polycodicity, informativeness, dynamism, and theatricality. Virtual media-political discourse, as well as Internet discourse in general, is characterized by hybridity, stylistic heterogeneity, creolization, multichannel and dialogicality, and involves remote interactive and immersive communication of virtual interlocutors. A higher level of actualization, timeliness and informativeness of online media-political discourse compared to traditional media is evident. New media supplement traditional media tasks with new functions. The axiological halo of the text, which means the whole set of values presented in the text, has a decisive impact on the interpretation of the author's ideological position and contributes to the strengthening of the media political text's suggestiveness. Based on the definition of such features of media political discourse as polycode and multilevel, it seems most effective to consider this type of discourse from the position of multimodality.Conclusion. The main function of media political discourse can be considered the construction of collective political reality in this type of discourse. Media political discourse is a construct that has constitutive power and participates in the construction of social reality. The media political picture of the world is constructed through the broadcasting of certain images, meanings, ideological attitudes, values and political preferences.

Romeo and Juliet in Korea: Love and the War

Romeo and Juliet remains one of the most frequently performed plays of Shakespeare in Korea, one reason for which is obvious: the feud between the Capulets and Montagues resonates with the continuing division of Korea into North and South. Indeed, many productions of the play in South Korea since the Korean War (1950–53) have made direct and indirect allusions to the political reality of division. Nothing defines Korea so much as division and the desire to overcome that division. With this context in mind, my essay will examine four representative but unique productions of the play from the War period to the twenty-first century: a women’s musical theater adaptation during the War that was a popular success; a production by the Mokwha Repertory Theatre from the early 2000s that alludes directly to the state of division into North and South, and which has toured the globe; a 2009 musical theater version by the National Changgeuk Company of Korea that emphasizes regional rivalries; and a 2022 production that sets the play in the DMZ. However, while exploring the depiction of division in these productions, I will focus in particular on how marriage is understood in relation to national division and the possibility of reconciliation. I will argue that the productions bring attention to the intersection of the social and political practices that sustain division.

A political economy analysis of the legislative response to unhealthy food and beverage marketing in Chile, Canada and the UK

United Nations bodies call for legal responses to restrict children’s exposure to unhealthy food marketing; however, few governments have introduced legislative controls. This research studies the underlying political economy influences that impacted the introduction of legal responses. We used a multiple case study methodology to examine the political economy influences on the policy process in three contexts (Chile, Canada and the UK). Data from documentary evidence and 21 semi-structured key informant interviews were analysed using a political economy framework studying the institutions, interests, ideas and the associated power dynamics that shaped the policy process. The prevailing neoliberal ideologies and overarching institutional paradigm, in which all actors were operating, meant any form of government intervention had to be justified, evidence-based and no more intrusive on commercial enterprise and public life than necessary. The neoliberal paradigm permeated each of the political economy elements (institutions, ideas and interests). In addition, its influence was observed in all stages of the policy process, from introduction through to adoption of the resulting law or regulation, and experienced in both the executive and legislative branches of government. A paradigm shift away from the protection and primacy of commercial enterprise and limited government interference would reduce the barriers governments face when introducing legislative responses to unhealthy food marketing. These dynamics may be tempered if institutional, actor and discursive power is harnessed in support of the legitimate public health measure, which would involve a strong mandate for the ministry responsible and a dedicated and influential policy entrepreneur. - Provides an insight into how three different governments legislated unhealthy food marketing. - Provides lessons for other governments about what challenges those countries faced and how they overcame them. - Considers the political reality behind policy making that impacts on how evidence-based policy making occurs.

Practising reflexivity: Ethico-epistemological and political practice?

In recent times, the term reflexivity has gained prominence in bioethics. For scholars engaged in both qualitative and quantitative research methods, particularly amid the prevailing climate of the empirical turn and reflexive turn, the concept of reflexivity opens up diverse epistemological and methodological possibilities. Given the varied moral paradigms and normative assumptions that shape applied ethics scholars’ understanding of moral knowledge, it becomes imperative to explore what practising reflexivity entails and how it impacts the discourse within the domain of applied ethics, especially in so-called empirical bioethics. In this paper, I aim to examine the current conversations surrounding reflexivity in bioethics scholarship, offering a critical analysis of the dominant interpretations of this concept. Acknowledging the limitations of thin reflexivity, which risks reinforcing the status quo through its depoliticized approach and lack of critical engagement with systemic issues in the politics of knowledge, my argument is that reflexivity should be understood as an ethical, epistemological and political practice that demystifies the process of knowing. Practising thick reflexivity not only requires acknowledging that the pursuit of knowledge is neither value-neutral nor value-free, but also involves seeking knowledge that explicitly accounts for inherent value commitments. This approach enables a deeper understanding of the complexities of social, moral and political realities. I conclude that embracing reflexivity necessitates a recognition of the politics of knowing, specifically, the non-innocence inherent in our processes of knowledge production, construction and representation of moral and social realities.

Agenda For Studying The Causes Of The 44-Day Nagorno-Karabakh War Within The Framework Of Neoclassical Realism: A Methodological Introduction

This article aims to contribute to the agenda of the study of the causes of the 44-day Nagorno-Karabakh war based on theses of theories of International Relations and their conceptions. The article is part of a planned comprehensive study, and it tries to prove that when exploring the roots of the 44-day war within the framework of political Realism of International Relations theory, the most relevant approach is Neoclassical Realism. The study of the causes of the 44-day war through the lenses of theories of International Relations is a more systemic approach to the object of inquiry, which directs the thinking of a scholar to a framework of more comprehensive and logically interrelated variables. It is worth mentioning that this article does not concentrate on the reasons for the 44-day war per se. The article argues that though Structural Realism (among IR realist theories) is very important to focus on the structure and dynamics of the international system (both global and South-Caucasian regional levels), it does not overwhelmingly address the reasons for the 44-day war. Those reasons should be looked for in the foreign policy strategies of the actors in the South Caucasus, as well as in the perception of the regional structure and dynamics by the Armenian elites and their ability to mobilize resources according to those perceptions. The variables are part of the ontology of neoclassical realism.

The Role of Patronage in Shaping Indonesia's Political Landscape

This article presents a systematic literature review on the role of patronage in shaping Indonesia's political landscape. Using a systematic literature review approach, the article analyzes 30 selected articles out of a total of 250 articles that underwent identification and screening processes. The main focus of this review is to explore how political patronage influences power structures, political participation, and the dynamics of relations between political elites and the public in Indonesia. Drawing on Michel Foucault's theory of power and knowledge, the article explores how patronage not only functions as a tool for distributing resources but also plays a crucial role in the construction and dissemination of political knowledge. According to Foucault, power is not just imposed from above but operates through networks of relationships, shaping the way knowledge is produced and legitimized. Patronage systems produce specific truths that validate the power structures and create a discourse that legitimizes inequality and exclusion. The findings suggest that patronage remains an essential tool in political mobilization, influencing both the distribution of resources and the strengthening of social and political networks. However, the complexity of patronage also poses challenges for the development of an inclusive and transparent democracy. This article provides a deeper understanding of the influence of patronage in Indonesian politics, offering insights for the development of more just and sustainable political policies, while reflecting on Foucault’s ideas about how knowledge and power intertwine to shape political realities.

Semantic changes in the meaning of ‘Olympic minimum’

ABSTRACT This article focuses on the use of the term ‘Olympic minimum’ as the professional standard determining Israeli athletes’ eligibility for participation in the Olympic Games. Over the years, this standard was influenced by external social factors reflecting the national mood as well as by contemporary political events. The sociological-professional discourse surrounding the modest achievements of Israeli athletes to some extent contributed to obscuring the meaning of the term ‘Olympic minimum’ or else to stripping it of its pragmatic intentions. The article examines the significance of this term in the context of specific circumstances. The political, security, and social reality in Israel imbued diverse meanings on this term that at times bolstered its status and at times weakened it. Indeed, during certain periods the Olympic minimum was thought of as a wall defending the nation from disgrace in the international arena, whereas during other periods it was treated as an enemy that needed to be defeated, for it prevented Israeli athletes from serving as ambassadors. The ‘demise’ of the Olympic minimum was declared during the fourth decade of Israeli statehood, when the Elite Sport Department of Israel was established and professional standards for Olympic participation were set.

The ethics and politics of military withdrawal

ABSTRACT Military withdrawals are a comparatively understudied topic within the broader subject of war and conflict. While both historians and Just War theorists have recently wrestled with this challenging topic, they have done so in isolation and failed to appreciate the complex interplay of both ‘ethical’ and ‘political’ considerations. This article examines the ethics and politics of military withdrawals by drawing from Just War theory and examining four historical cases of military withdrawal. We argue that there is a moral obligation to end a war if, at any point during the conflict, it ceases to meet the requirements of jus ad bellum. We further suggest that ending an armed conflict is both a single episode and decision, as well as a process with its own moral and political considerations to be taken into account. Accordingly, ethical guidance on the issue of military withdrawals needs to be reconciled with difficult political realities if there is to be hope of a ‘model’ of ethical military withdrawal.

The State Symbols of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Twentieth Century

This paper explores the relatively frequent changes of symbols that had been used to represent the land, province, territory and state of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the twentieth century. Throughout this time the small multi-ethnic Balkan country had mostly been a part or unit of larger state structures, such as the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (1878-1918), Royal (1918-1941) and Socialist Yugoslavia (1943-1992). In 1992 it managed to gain its independence which was then followed by a three-year-long brutal military aggression and armed conflict that ended in 1995. Seeing as each regime change also required an adjustment of symbols which would have reflected the newly established political realities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this case study can serve as an appropriate illustration of the significant role symbols can play in modern state-building processes and construction of collective identities. In analysing these changes, the author examined a number of legal texts and contemporary discussions, revealing that the political elites responsible for designing Bosnia and Herzegovina’s symbols often oscillated between traditional heraldic inspirations from the Middle Ages and the unconventional modern desire for neutral solutions.

Madagascar within the framework of the Indian Ocean Commission

The relevance of this study is due to the low level of academic interest on the part of both Russian and foreign scientists to the problem of the activities of the Indian Ocean Commission. The object of the study is the activities of the IOC. The subject of study is the role of the Republic of Madagascar in the Indian Ocean Commission. The purpose of the study is to determine the role of the Republic of Madagascar in the activities of the Indian Ocean Commission. The key objects of the study are : the history of the Indian Ocean Commission, key areas of IOC activity, key financial partners of IOC, key ongoing IOC projects, the role of foreign partners in IOC activities, determining the effectiveness of IOC activities, identifying key potential benefits for Madagascar from membership in the IOC. This study is based on the theory of political realism, implying a permanent struggle of key players in the international arena in the face of national states for their own national interests. In the process of research, the author used the following methods: problem-chronological method, analysis, comparative analysis, deduction. The scientific novelty of this study is based on, first, the definition of IOC as a tool for France’s neocolonial influence in the western Indian Ocean region; second, the identification of key potential benefits for Madagascar within the framework of the Indian Ocean Commission. The results of the study can be used to further analyse France’s neo-colonial policy in Africa. The key results of the study are the identification of the transformation of the IOC from an intergovernmental organization to the instrument of French neo-colonial influence in Africa, identification of low IOC effectiveness, Identification of potential benefits for Madagascar within the framework of the Indian Ocean Commission.

The functions of figurative units in mediatized political discourse

The subject of the study is the function of figurative units in mediated political discourse, their influence on the perception and interpretation of information by the audience. The object of the research is mediated political discourse, represented in the texts of Russian and Chinese internet blogs, interviews with politicians, and political talk shows reflecting current political realities. The author examines in detail aspects such as the concept of mediated political discourse and imagery, the use of figurative units to enhance the impact on the audience, perform evaluative functions, and soften or intensify the content of the message. Special attention is paid to comparing the types of figurative units used in political communication in both countries, their significance in creating a convincing image and strengthening the emotional connection with the audience. Using continuous sampling, more than 150 texts from political talk shows, interviews with politicians, and blogs were collected and analyzed in terms of figurative units. The article proposes a new approach to classifying figurative units in mediated political discourse, identifying five key types: metaphors, figurative comparisons, idioms, precedent phenomena, proverbs, colloquialisms, and swear words. The author introduces a functional classification that allows a more detailed examination of the role of these units in political communication. Attention is paid to three functions of figurative units: the impact function, the evaluative function, and the functions of intensifying or softening content, which helps to better understand the mechanisms of influence on public perception and the political context. Figurative units in mediated political discourse play a crucial role in shaping political image, enhancing persuasiveness, and influencing public opinion. The influence of figurative means on the perception of information and evaluation of political events is key for shaping political views.