Political Opposition Research Articles

Filtering politicisation towards a more social Europe? The European Parliament and EU social legislation

ABSTRACT The European Parliament (EP) has historically positioned itself as an advocate of social Europe. Although the EP has been repositioned from an agenda-setter to a co-legislator, increasing polarisation and politicisation have potentially made agreements on social issues more challenging. This article contributes to the debate on increased politicisation within the EP and its consequences for social Europe, as well as literature on politicisation management, by analysing how politicisation manifests itself and is managed during the committee stage of the EP legislative process. The article asks, to what extent is social Europe politicised within the EP during the committee amendment phase, and how is such politicisation managed at the committee level? Empirically, it analyses three recent directives: the Work-Life Balance Directive (2019), the Minimum Wage Directive (2022) and the Pay Transparency Directive (2023). It finds that the considerable politicisation during the amendment phase is managed by separate, yet simultaneously occurring mechanisms of technocratic filtering and normative filtering. This filtering steers the EP towards a stronger position of social Europe than the initial political division and opposition would suggest while aligning this position to the logic and framing of the Commission’s proposal rather than aiming for a radical expansion of the scope of social Europe.

Misuse of emergency powers and its effect on civil society—the case of Hungary

Democratic tolerance has been used for their own destruction in Hungary. Gradually, various forms of crisis management have become the very nature of the governing political parties since 2010. Under the framework of Carl Schmitt's enemy-friend dichotomy, the Orbán regime has created its own “enemies” partially among those who would never be thought to be a threat to a constitutional democracy but to be considered its foundational elements (political opposition, NGOs, free media, etc.). This article shows how emergency powers and autocratic legalism were misused against civil society. There is one simple goal for the Hungarian autocratic regime: defending “our democracy” against “them,” who would still like to promote liberal democracy and the rule of law.

Guardians or disrupters? Peace discourses and politics in Tanzania

ABSTRACT The African Union declared 2010 the “African Year of Peace and Security,” with its famous slogan “Make Peace Happen.” However, the meaning of peace is contested depending on particular discursive contexts and the purpose that the peace narratives of the dominant political actors serve. This paper interrogates peace discourses in Tanzania. Drawing from desk reviews and key informant interviews, it reveals how Tanzania’s political opposition and civil society actors contest the ruling party’s rhetoric of peace and tranquility. The paper unravels critical perspectives about national peace, particularly how it can be achieved and maintained. The findings reinforce previous research on language, ideology and politics that shows how dominant political parties in Africa reproduce and maintain power through peace narratives. Specifically, the paper adds to the emerging literature on peaceocracy, where political stability and order are prioritized at the expense of democracy.

Structural adjustment, partisan alignment, and protest in the developing world

When do IMF programs induce protest? Despite much cross-country research on this question, there is little evidence on how IMF programs affect individual predispositions for protest and protest behavior. This article argues that governments facing IMF conditionality allocate adjustment burdens strategically, protecting their partisan supporters while punishing supporters of the political opposition. This intensification of distributional politics under IMF programs will increase protests by opposition supporters. To test this argument, we utilize a mixed-method strategy combining individual-level survey evidence from 12 sub-Saharan African countries and an intertemporal case study of Kenya. The results find strong evidence for our argument. Opposition supporters are significantly more likely to protest when a government goes under an IMF program, especially when the program entails public-sector conditions. Our analysis suggests that governments are not innocent bystanders in the adjustment process. Instead, they co-determine inclinations for protest by deciding over the allocation of adjustment burdens to the detriment of opposition groups and the benefit of their supporters. These results have important implications for the role of governments as purveyors of pressures for global policy reform induced by international financial institutions.

Tapping on Collective National Trauma

Tapping on Collective National Trauma

Overcoming the Barrier to Cross-Strait Trade to Advance Taiwan's Economic Growth

Abstract The purpose of this research is to present a comprehensive framework for studying and finding a solution to the cross-strait dilemma between China and Taiwan, which goes beyond the political aspect. China has become a global economic powerhouse, significantly affecting trade throughout the Asia-Pacific region and beyond. Taiwan has become increasingly dependent on China for its economic growth, with 40% of our reliance on the mainland. However, recent political changes and opposition to China have led to strained relations, which are now impacting our exports. To ensure the well-being and interests of the Taiwanese people, our leaders need to recognize the current situation and adjust our national strategy accordingly. Our focus should be on stabilizing cross-strait relations, promoting economic and trade cooperation, and working towards a mutually beneficial partnership based on equality, cooperation, and trust. The most important thing is to prioritize the Taiwanese people's welfare and create a strategic plan that benefits both. JEL classification numbers: D72, F10, F17. Keywords: Mutual Trust, Mutual Benefit, Equality, Cooperation, Relationships.

From Silk Road to China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): A Comprehensive Analysis of Economic, Geopolitical, Socio-cultural and Environmental Landscapes of Pakistan

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a transformative infrastructure and economic development project that has garnered global attention. This research paper delves into the historical context of the Silk Road and its resurgence through the CPEC, examining the geopolitical, economic, and socio-cultural implications. CPEC's potential is undeniable, offering economic growth, job creation, and regional connectivity. However, it is not without its complexities, including security issues, political opposition, and environmental impact. The paper concludes by emphasizing that addressing these challenges, promoting transparency, and adhering to sustainable practices are essential to unlock CPEC's full potential and contribute to economic prosperity and regional stability. CPEC's journey from the past to the future symbolizes the enduring power of collaboration, offering valuable lessons for international development and connectivity initiatives. Through a multidisciplinary approach, this paper explores the origins, motivations, challenges, and opportunities associated with the CPEC, shedding light on its potential to reshape regional dynamics and global trade.

The State and Political Opposition in Yemen during the period between 1918 and 1948: A Historical Study of Thought and Politics

يهدف البحث إلى : تقويم فكر المعارضة وتقويم المسار السياسي للرؤى الفكرية للفترة مابين 1918- 1948 م والتي انتهت بسقوط النظام الملكي الحاكم .وقد استعمل الباحث المنهج الفلسفي مع الاستعانة بالمنهج التفسيري السياسي ،وقد تم تقسيم البحث على مقدمة وثلاثة محاور ،تناول المحور الأول:تكوين اليمن وفكر إدارة الدولة 1918- 1948م ,وتناول المحور الثاني: نشأة المعارضة السلمية ومواجهة النظام الحاكم 1918- 1948 م.وتناول المحور الثالث: المعارضة وسقوط الإمام يحي 1948موتوصل البحث إلى مجموعة من النتائج أهمها: نتيجة للسياسة العنصرية والطائفية مارسها الإمام يحي مع شركائه من المعارضة ,فقد تجمعت قوى شبابيه زيدية وشافعية وهاشمية وقررت تصفيته دمويا إلا أن ولي العهد الأمير احمد نجح في وأد حركة المعارضة الانقلابية خلال ثلاثة أسابيع , وكان أفضل من أبيه في انفتاحية على العالم الخارجي.

Assessing the domestic political impacts of Turkey’s refugee commodification

ABSTRACT Refugee commodification, or the use of refugee hosting to extract political and economic concessions, has attracted growing scholarly attention in recent years. Yet, studies tend to focus on its international component, neglecting the domestic political space and how these extractions impact domestic political dynamics. To address this gap, we ask: how does refugee commodification influence domestic politics? Our study focuses on the Republican People’s Party (CHP) in Turkey, in order to assess the political implications of refugee commodification within domestic politics. Through a mixed qualitative approach using semi-structured interviews with opposition politicians and an analysis of policy documents, we examine the nexus of international and domestic spheres, assessing how political actors beyond the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) engage in, react to, and employ refugee commodification strategies. The findings of this study have implications beyond Turkey, demonstrating the transformative effects of refugee commodification for domestic politics across Global South states.

On the ‘demonic grounds’ of South African higher education: centering Black women and queer activists’ experiences in decolonization movements

Amidst the global wave of decolonization movements, the #RhodesMustFall (#RMF) movement in South Africa has echoed globally, connecting struggles against racism and colonial legacies such as Black Lives Matter movement in the U.S. to Change the Date campaign in Australia. This study focuses on the experiences of Black women and queer activists within #RMF, examining their role in disrupting hegemonic patriarchy and addressing gender-based violence. Using McKittrick’s (2006) demonic grounds as an epistemic framework, we delve into how Black women and queer activists navigate and resist ‘violent grounds’ spaces of historical oppression and violence – within their geographical and institutional contexts in South Africa. Our findings reveal how such violence is an empirical manifestation of the ‘demonic’ and how resistance materializes through counter-movements and oppositional politics in contested spaces. This research illuminates the intricate dynamics of resistance within the #RMF movement and highlights its significance as a microcosm of broader struggles for social justice, emphasizing the transformative power of marginalized voices in the global discourse on decolonization.

No Safe Haven: Operation Condor and Transnational Repression in South America

Abstract Transnational repression, i.e., the deliberate targeting of refugees and dissidents by states across borders, is a relatively understudied subject in international relations. This article analyzes why states act together to persecute political opponents abroad and explains variations in such practices. It proposes a theory of cooperation in transnational repression and uses the case study of Operation Condor in the 1970s to test it. Through Operation Condor, South American authoritarian states willingly forewent key aspects of their sovereignty to establish a sophisticated system of cooperation to target dissidents abroad. This scheme was a critical extension of these countries’ domestic-level policies of repression against political opposition and enabled them to target politically active refugees wherever they were located. Exiles were perceived as constituting an existential threat to these autocracies’ survival, given their ability to potentially undermine both their internal and external regime security, which therefore warranted their elimination. We draw on an interdisciplinary methodology, which combines archival research, interviews, trial observation, and the analysis of legal verdicts, alongside conclusions derived from our novel dataset, the Database on South America's Transnational Human Rights Violations (1969–1981).

Remedying Horizontal Inequality: The Changing Impact of Reform in Northern Ireland

Northern Ireland is a case that lets us explore how people respond when deep‐set horizontal inequality is substantively reduced. This article focusses on the reform of horizontal inequality in the cultural sphere and argues that it is likely to be contentious because units and measures are directly related to conflicting constructs of group identity, meaning, and value, and intertwined with conflict over state legitimacy. Northern Ireland shows when and how this becomes politically problematic. The article traces an uneven but largely successful process of economic and political reform, followed by a reversal in the second decade of the 21st century, when unionist unease with cultural equality was reframed into political opposition which at times threatened the stability of the settlement itself. The backlash came when it did because of a confluence of processes: a particularly inappropriate presentation of cultural equality, at a time when the momentum of the peace process was coming to an end, and other opportunities, in particular for the Protestant working class, were closing. The case suggests the need to develop a conception of cultural (in)equality that is attuned to the asymmetric and contested constructions of “groupness” well before backlash occurs.

The Energy Transition and Support for the Radical Right: Evidence from the Netherlands

Energy transition policies often have distributional effects that could have electoral consequences. I study this issue in the context of a Dutch policy change that increased taxes on household natural gas consumption and redistributed the revenues as subsidies for renewables. Radical right parties were the only source of political opposition. A Differences-in-Differences (DiD) analysis with panel data from 2007-2020 shows that after the policy change renters with individualized utility bills became 5–6 percentage points more likely to vote for the radical right compared to renters with utilities included in their rents. Renters with individualized utility bills also became relatively less sympathetic towards the Green party and more concerned about price increases but they did not alter their left-right self-placements nor their views on immigration or the European Union. A secondary analysis finds similar effects for individuals (including home-owners) who are energy poor. This suggests an emerging economically rooted political cleavage over energy transition policies.

The Italian payback effect: the causal impact of the great recession on political discontent

ABSTRACT Grounding on the theories of economic voting and political opposition, this paper investigates whether the Italian Local Labour Markets (LLMs) most affected by the Great Recession reacted in the ballot box voting against the domestic institutions or in favour of anti-European parties. We exploit a recent econometric technique in the counterfactual framework, which adopts a non-parametric generalisation of the difference-in-differences estimator. Our findings show a causal negative impact on the share of Berlusconi’s party, the incumbent party during the crisis, statistically significant in those LLMs with the lowest institutional quality and in the Centre and in the Islands of Italy. We find no causal effect on the anti-European vote whatsoever. People living in the LLMs that suffered the most the effects of the Great Recession used their vote to harm the party in charge, which they deemed responsible for the economic consequences, with a payback effect.

Characteristic features of Reformation in Hungary and the Formation of the Unitarian (Anti-Trinitarian) Church in Transylvania in the Second Half of the 16th Century

This article examines the peculiarities of the Reformation process in the Hungarian territories, followed by the formation of a Unitarian (Anti-Trinitarian) church in Transylvania in the 16th century. The study aims to identify the specific features and periodization of this process in the said area. The first feature is the complex ethnic composition of the population, which led to political and religious opposition and the strengthening of state power by certain ethnic groups that adopted Protestant religious doctrines. The second feature is related to the complex military-political situation in Central Europe in the 16th century: the disintegration of the Kingdom of Hungary, the annexation of parts of the disintegrated kingdom by the Ottoman Empire, which led to several major Austro-Turkish wars and constant border skirmishes. This resulted in the emergence of various vassal formations and the use of interfaith conflict as a means to achieve success in military-political confrontations. The third feature, closely related to the previous ones, is the strengthening of magnate clans, which, in the context of weak government and a challenging international situation, became independent political forces significantly influencing the religious processes in the country. These characteristics of Reformation in the Hungarian territories led, in the second half of the 16th century, to a substantial expansion of Protestantism supporters and an increase in the number of Protestant denominations. In the small, frontier, vassal state of the Eastern Hungarian kingdom under the Ottoman Empire, the widest religious freedom in Europe was granted. A few years later, a Unitarian (Anti-Trinitarian) Christian church was established, receiving equal rights with all other religious denominations. It continues to exist in Hungary and Romania. This study will be of interest to the researchers of history of Reformation and religion in general.

Scouting in Iran Amid Changing Practices of Masculinity and Childhood

ABSTRACT This article examines the Boy Scout Movement in Iran, under Reza Shah Pahlavi (r. 1925–1941) and the role it played in the formation of a new elite boyhood. I argue that the movement’s emphasis on self-reliance, masculinity, and loyalty aimed to soothe adult anxieties that stemmed from changing attitudes toward and practices of modern Iranian masculinity and childhood. These adult anxieties also derived from the conflicting hopes and fears inspired by elite adolescence as a modern phenomenon. The gradual transition from child labour, as the expected constitutive experience of adolescence, to schooling as required and ubiquitous caused these mixed public sentiments on boyhood. Alongside the desire to see independent, educated, and self-reliant youth, fears of potential political activism among young Iranians drove the state to support scouting as fostering obedience and loyalty to the Shah. The article will demonstrate how scouting sought to inculcate loyalty and obedience, in order to answer the possible challenge posed by educated, strong, teenagers – namely that of political opposition to the ruler. In this manner, scouting was perceived as an antidote to the maladies of modern masculinity and childhood in Iran and solved the problem of legitimate activities of children in the outdoors.

Between Land Reform and Postcolonial Frustration: Understanding the Social Roots of Local Opposition to the PAIGC/PAICV in Santo Antão, Cabo Verde, 1975–91

AbstractThis study discusses the processes of increasing social malaise and an “oppositional mood” in the Cape Verdean island of Santo Antão, where growing frustration between 1975 and 1990 led to the building of massive political opposition against the single-party regime in the archipelago. Early scrutiny of the shortcomings of independent administration, anger about the installation of a new police force, resettlement schemes, a failed agrarian reform, regime violence to achieve that reform, and a generalised mood of decline in the second half of the 1980s, constitute different elements explaining the unrest in that island. Based on newly available, local archives as an innovative source, the interpretation of a remote Cape Verdean opposition island also addresses the potential of studying opposition against “winning parties” and regimes after independence in wider regional frameworks, referring to discontent and “oppositional mood” elsewhere in postcolonial (Lusophone) Africa.

The role of Grassroots Movements in achieve Community Sustainability

Grassroots sectors dedicated to promoting sustainable development by addressing pressing global challenges such as climate change, resource depletion and social inequality have emerged as key drivers change occurs These initiatives despite their potential often face significant obstacles, including limited resources, political opposition and challenges related to long-term interventions The use of strategies in research explores the role of grassroots in improving sustainability, . drivers and causes. Objectives include understanding how grassroots initiatives mobilize communities, use local resources, and influence policy, as well as identify success factors and challenges they face. The results show that grassroots agencies are more effective in achieving community engagement, with participation rates as high as 85%, and demonstrate impressive success rates in policy comments with 60% in favor of the proposed changes including relying on local resources encourage sustainable practices, materials for It receives 75% a it works well in use. But the study also highlights persistent challenges such as budget constraints and the need for radical reform. With an emphasis on collaboration, education and capacity building, this study concluded that grassroots infrastructure is essential to achieving local, sustainable solutions and requires increased support from government, NGOs and the private sector to increase their impact.

The shifting impact and response to COVID-19 in Florida.

The first cases of COVID-19 in Florida were diagnosed on March 1, 2020. Three years later, more than 7.3 million people have had COVID-19 in Florida, and more than 93,000 individuals have died from this illness. When considering the impact of COVID-19 on Florida, several key factors need to be considered, including that Florida was one of the most medically vulnerable states due to a substantial proportion of older individuals and those with underlying medical conditions. Florida also has a centralized Department of Health and Division of Emergency Management structure that facilitated response activities. Looking at the impact of COVID-19 on Florida, two distinct phases need to be considered: the pre-Delta variant phase from March 2020 to July 2021 and the Delta variant and beyond phase that began July 2021 and still continues. During the 16-month first phase, about 38,000 people died. Yet, 24,000 people died during the 5-months of the Delta variant wave from July to November 2021. During the Omicron waves that followed Delta, an additional 31,000 people died. Florida thus went from ranking 26th in death per capita in the United States at the end of the first phase to 10th a few months into the Delta wave and now ranks 8th. Why did these phases differ so dramatically in terms of mortality? During the first phase of the pandemic, adherence to established nonpharmacological and older adult protection measures was recommended. When COVID-19 vaccines became available in December 2020, there was an aggressive campaign to promote COVID-19 vaccination, and public acceptance was high. The second phase followed political opposition to CDC and public health expert guidelines, the rise of anti-vaccine sentiment and misinformation, and falling vaccination rates. These factors contributed to considerable population vulnerability to severe disease when the Delta variant hit. As the former State Surgeon General and Secretary of Health of Florida from June 2019 to September 2021, this report provides perspective on the shifting impact and response to COVID-19 in Florida, which is the third most populous state in the United States. This perspective shows the clear consequences of shifting from standard public health practices and vaccine promotion to attacks on public health and vaccines.

Constructing liberty and equality – political, not juridical

ABSTRACT When offering constructions of political values, it is common to generally strive for unity, i.e., to aim at principled definitions and the reduction of normative conflict. In this article, by contrast, I argue that we should aim to construct broad and conflicting concepts of the central liberal democratic values of liberty and equality. Taking my cue from an under-appreciated debate between Ronald Dworkin and Bernard Williams, I suggest that the demand for unity derives its appeal from a juridical model of political value construction, which assumes the unified perspective of public decision-making. But while this model may be apt for constructing institutional rights, the construction of the political values liberty and equality had better operate according to a political model, which focuses on the perspective of citizens that live in a relationship of political opposition. Not only is there no demand for unity from that perspective, but there is a positive demand for political plurality: we need to draw on broad and conflicting concepts of liberty and equality if we are to respect the claims of fellow citizens with whom we have value-based political disagreements.