Political Opportunity Structure Research Articles

From the PYD-YPG to the SDF: the Consolidation of Power in Kurdish-Controlled Northeast Syria

Within a multiparty civil war involving domestic rivalries and regional antagonisms, the Kurdish-led PYD-YPG rebel movement managed to consolidate its political-military power in northeastern Syria. Using the analytical framework of Political Opportunity Structures (POS), we describe how, through its ability to maintain organizational cohesion and establish its own governance structures, and by forging alliances with domestic and foreign actors, it became the hegemonic power in the territory. Whereas it initially relied on coercive consolidation against its main Kurdish rivals, to secure local and international support against the significant threat posed by the Islamic State it had to shift to cooperative and cooptation strategies of power consolidation.

The Structure of the Political Opportunity in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq – a study of the popular protests during 2003-2013

The structure of political opportunity is often defined as those dimensions of the political climate that provide the incentives for the victory of protests about political power and its societal policies, which generates pressure on the political elite and forces it to openness and transition to the democracy. The theory of the structure of political opportunity appeared in the seventies of the last century, and the theory focused on: that the structure of political opportunity depends on certain variables in order to create a societal transformation at the level of politics, culture and economy, such as: the opening of political entrances to reach participation at the legislative and executive level, instability of the arrangement the political, influential alliances about political power and the authority itself with some of the forces that see it revolving in its orbit, the emergence of divisions among the ruling political elite. There were positive influences in the structure of political opportunity in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in the period 2003-2013 in the field, such as: time, awareness, welfare, openness, weakness of party affiliation, the rise of social movements and civil society organizations, the revolutionary elite, media and political communication available to all, Supporting national and international equations, change in the political map. However, until now, it faces the political opportunity structure for many internal and external challenges at all levels, and among these challenges are: the party-dominated formation of society, limiting transformations in partisan convergence, flexible repression and in the name of democracy, the monopoly of power, the response of power to the demands of citizens, the absence of the constitution, and the external interventions.

بنية الفرصة السياسية في إقليم كوردستان العراق – دراسة الإحتجاجات الشعبية خلال 2003 – 2013

The structure of political opportunity is often defined as those dimensions of the political climate that provide the incentives for the victory of protests about political power and its societal policies, which generates pressure on the political elite and forces it to openness and transition to the democracy. The theory of the structure of political opportunity appeared in the seventies of the last century, and the theory focused on: that the structure of political opportunity depends on certain variables in order to create a societal transformation at the level of politics, culture and economy, such as: the opening of political entrances to reach participation at the legislative and executive level, instability of the arrangement the political, influential alliances about political power and the authority itself with some of the forces that see it revolving in its orbit, the emergence of divisions among the ruling political elite. There were positive influences in the structure of political opportunity in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in the period 2003-2013 in the field, such as: time, awareness, welfare, openness, weakness of party affiliation, the rise of social movements and civil society organizations, the revolutionary elite, media and political communication available to all, Supporting national and international equations, change in the political map. However, until now, it faces the political opportunity structure for many internal and external challenges at all levels, and among these challenges are: the party-dominated formation of society, limiting transformations in partisan convergence, flexible repression and in the name of democracy, the monopoly of power, the response of power to the demands of citizens, the absence of the constitution, and the external interventions.

Environmental Movements in North-East India: Political Opportunity Structure and Movement Success

Since the last two decades, the North-East region of India witnessed many environmental movements with similar goals and forms of mobilisation that challenged government policies and actions. Many of them achieved their goals or objectives whereas others failed. This study is an attempt to understand the factors that determined the success and failure of those movements and protests by employing rich details of four case studies from the North-East to make a systematic comparison. This study uses political opportunity structure as a theoretical construct to understand relative success and failure of environmental movements in the North-East.

Revisiting the nexus of Internet and political participation: a longitudinal study of environmental petition in China

ABSTRACT The political implications of the Internet remain as a long-debated question. To clarify this puzzle, this study draws on insights from political opportunity structure theory and three prompts for political action in the digital media environment to examine how the development of the Internet is related to environmental petition, a type of citizen-initiated political activity in the state realm in China. Using government statistics from multiple sources, we conducted time-series cross-sectional analyses to estimate the impacts of Internet penetration on environmental petition in China’s 31 provinces over a 13-year period (2003–2015). The findings show that Internet penetration had a long-term negative effect on visit petition but a positive one on letter petition. Implications of the findings and future research directions are discussed.

Money matters: The impact of gender quotas on campaign spending for women candidates

Despite concerns that women candidates are hampered by gender gaps in campaign financing, few scholars have examined how gender quotas impact women candidates’ access to campaign funds. We examine the effect of a party-based gender quota on women candidates’ financing and electoral success in Ireland. Under the gender quota, the number of women candidates increased and parties acted strategically to provide women challengers with increased financial support. However, women challengers spent less candidate funds than men challengers and were less likely to have prior officeholding experiences associated with fundraising. Women challengers’ disadvantage is concerning because candidate expenditures are associated with winning votes. Our findings show that the effectiveness of a gender quota is partly determined by how the quota interacts with the campaign finance system and the political opportunity structure.

Transnational political economic structures: explaining transnational environmental movements against dams in the lower Mekong region

Influenced by regional economic integration and politics, the transboundary common water resources in the lower Mekong River are being exploited by the riparian states for hydroelectric dam development at the expense of local livelihoods and the environment. Affected communities and non-governmental organisations – formed into ‘transnational environmental movements’ (TEMs) in the framework of transnational activism – have challenged these riparian states to abandon dam construction on the main stream of the Mekong River. This paper explores the conditions that undermine TEMs’ ability to cancel dam projects in the region. This paper argues that, among several other factors, TEMs were unable to halt construction of the dam primarily due to the transnational political economic structures (TPES) of the riparian states that possess hydroelectric dams on the Mekong mainstream. TPES shape the sovereign power of the riparian states in making decisions regarding extracting economic value from the common water resource of the Mekong at the expense of the environment rather than complying with the demands of TEMs. By factoring TPES into understanding the outcomes of TEMs, this paper contributes to the understanding of political opportunity structures and transnational networks of transboundary movements, and of the political economy of the Mekong transboundary resources.

ARUS TOP-DOWN DAN BOTTOM-UP PADA GERAKAN DIALOG ANTAR AGAMA DI INDONESIA

The interfaith dialogue movement in the top-down current as described above, namely the movement originating from the state, was welcomed by various communities in Indonesia as a bottom-up current, namely the interfaith dialogue movement originating from the people. At least in this bottom-up flow, there are two communities, namely dialogue developed in academic institutions, and dialogue conducted or facilitated by civil society institutions, such as NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations), both focusing on dialogue and raising issues. -Other issues related to dialogue. In this research, the researcher focuses only on two groups, namely the state (top-down current) and academic institutions (bottom-up current) trying to examine religious movements in the realm of inter-religious dialogue using social movement theory. There are three key concepts in social movement theory which usually play a very important role in determining the success of collective action. The three concepts include (1) political opportunity structure, (2) mobilizing structures, and (3) framing of action.

Linguistic ambivalence amidst suburban diversity: LGBTQ2S municipal ‘social inclusions’ on Vancouver’s periphery

Social inclusion frameworks to enhance ‘diversity’ inform late neoliberal municipal governance in North American metropolitan areas, especially in central cities, but suburban LGBTQ2S constituencies are neglected by researchers. This paper, therefore, uses linguistic discourse and content analysis of an LGBTQ2S-inclusion archive of municipal public-facing communication in the Canadian peripheral municipalities of Burnaby, New Westminster, and Surrey, in the Vancouver city-region to trace the micro-patterns of linguistic ambivalence shaping suburban sexual citizenship. It demonstrates municipal variance in vernacular vocabularies of LGBTQ2S social inclusion that signals equivocation within divergent local linguistic political opportunity structures for suburban sexual and gender minorities. It concludes with a typological narration that details varied gradations of linguistic obfuscation, revealing patterns of civic ambivalence towards LGBTQ2S social inclusion amidst suburban diversity. Across a shared regional geography, the paper shows that LGBTQ2S populations are infrequently referenced relative to other marginalized social groups and that their presence in social inclusion frameworks is dictated by the extent to which they align with civic priorities, particularly festivalization and marketization, but also safety, welcoming newcomers, integrating seniors, and anti-discrimination initiatives.

Analysing how crises shape mass and elite preferences and behaviour in the European Union

The COVID-19 pandemic proved the latest stress test for the European Union, after Brexit, the Eurozone crisis and the large influx of refugees. This highly relevant and well-timed special issue examines how past crises have left an imprint on the opinions and behaviour of ordinary citizens and political elites regarding the European Union. This Forum article reviews the special issue contributions by spelling out which lessons we can learn from each of them and which paths for future research they have opened up. In terms of a path forward, I argue that scholars ought to pay more attention to (a) the role of political elites, (b) political opportunity structures, and (c) heterogeneity both between and within member states.

LGBT Russians and Political Environment for Activism

This article examines the impact of external and internal state policies on Russian LGBT activism. Drawing on the political opportunity structure (POS) framework, it focuses on the analysis of two factors (the level of state repression on LGBT people and the direction of state foreign policy) and their impact on LGBT activism. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia’s goal for closer relations with the West facilitated the decrease of pressure on LGBT people. That created positive conditions for LGBT activism. Since the late 1990s, however, Russia’s direction in foreign policy has become more assertive. That has facilitated the increase in state repression on LGBT people and activists. Such negative changes in POS have posed challenges for LGBT activism complicating its further development.

THE NEW-NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: ARE SOCIAL MEDIA CHANGING THE ONTOLOGY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS?

Our hypermediated societies affect the very nature of what a social movement is. This article identifies five core nodal points of what constitutes a social movement: Program claims, Identity construction, Connections, Actions, and Resolve (PICAR). Primarily using France’s yellow vest movement case, I assess the impact of social media on these nodal points. I find that social media afford opportunities as well as present challenges for contemporary movements which taken together amounts to a newly emerging ontology. This new-new social movement ontology is characterized by processes of discontinuity (open ideological positioning, fluid collective identities, weak ties, an online repertoire of action, and relative ephemerality) co-existing with continuity (the return of a class politics of redistribution, the continued importance of collective identity, offline repertoires, and cycles of protest). This analysis demonstrates the dynamic interplay between political and mediation opportunity structures, producing new emancipatory potentials and challenging constraints.

The Theories of Transnational Terrorism, Relative Deprivation and Fundamentalism in Terrorism Act: The Case Study in Indonesia

This research aims to describe the concept of transnational terrorism, relative deprivation and fundamentalism in various terrorism acts that occurred in Indonesia. The research method is qualitative and the type of research is explanatory that explain the cause of terrorism acts that influence by the global actors, fundamentalist that reject the changes and also satisfy the expectation in many aspects in the country from economics to the politics. The results of this research indicate that most of the terrorism cases in Indonesia has various motives starting from their mission in bringing the country led by a caliphate to enforcing the regulations of the country based on the Islamic teachings. Viewed from the perspective of social movements, framing, and resource mobilization strategies seen in the rejection‟s movements of the Transnational Islamic Organization. In addition, the political opportunity structure in the reformation era makes the system and political structure existed became more open. It has provided an opportunity for Transnational Islamic Organization to conduct its movement in criticizing the government.

The ulama, the state, and politics in Malaysia

ABSTRACT This paper investigates the relationship between the state and Islam in Malaysia under the previous Barisan Nasional (BN) regime, focusing on the role of the ulama (Islamic religious scholars). Interactions between the ulama and the state redefine, or have the potential to do so, the contours of both the state and Islam. Drawing upon the concept of political opportunities, the paper argues that the more liberating the political opportunities are for the ulama, the more the state has to acquiesce to their demands, and thus, the ulama’s understandings of Islam. In Malaysia, wide political opportunity structures enable the ulama to drive rising conservatism, both with regard to the state and Malaysian society. The process of defining Islam is not static, as the case of Malaysia demonstrates, since the ulama adjust the definitions of Islamic concepts based on socio-political conditions. This study is situated within the literature on state-society relations, and Islam in politics.

Embedded data activism: the institutionalization of a grassroots environmental data initiative in China

This study explores how a citizen-led environmental data initiative first emerged as bottom-up data activism and was then co-opted by a state-sponsored environmental campaign in China. This research employs the social movement institutionalization perspective to explore the interplay between environmental data activism and authoritarian political institutions. It investigates how grassroots activists contest and collaborate with institutional actors, thereby reshaping data activism tactics and strategies under a specific political opportunity structure. Our analysis demonstrates the institutionalization of data activism, which results in the coexistence of contention and collaboration between civil and institutional actors. This study is expected to advance the scholarship on data activism by highlighting the institutional environment within which data activism is shaped in a nondemocratic context.

Innovations in urban integration policies: Immigrant councils as democratic institutions

Cities differ widely in how they integrate migrants, even within the same nation state, and this local dimension in integration policies is understudied. One model that a growing number of cities in both Western Europe and North America have been trying out is setting up immigrant councils and other institutional structures to integrate immigrants. Such representation of immigrant interests in local bodies –has accordingly gained more importance. In this paper, we consider two such local consultative bodies focused on immigrant issues in Norway. Drawing on Smith's concept of ‘democratic innovations’ this paper explores the innovative potential in increasing immigrant's political opportunity structure through such institutions and discusses the democratic potential of such boards. The value of consultative bodies like these as a part of cities integration policy is disputed. Much of this contention has to do with their institutional design, as some may end up being ‘institutional ghettos’, while others become catalysts for enhanced participation. We therefore explore how the local context influences the design and performance of such bodies.

‘It Is a Tradition in the Nuclear Industry . . . Secrecy’: Political Opportunity Structures and Nuclear Knowledge Production in France

Employing the example of France’s civil nuclear program, we connect political opportunity structures (POSs) to mechanisms of knowledge production, identifying how opposing stakeholders generate knowledge about a controversial technology. A history of nuclear dependence in France creates a context that praises, normalizes, and rationalizes nuclear energy while stigmatizing attempts to question or contest the nuclear industry’s dominant position. Integrating Bond’s knowledge-shaping process with Coy and colleagues’ concept of oppositional knowledge, we consider how the broader social, political, and economic context influences opposing stakeholder assessments of nuclear energy. Employing qualitative semi-structured interviews, we offer unique insight into the French nuclear debate, discussing the role of POS in shaping knowledge production.

Genealogi dan Gerakan Sosial Protes Taman Gezi

The Gezi Park Protest is the largest demonstration in the history of the AKP’s power in Turkey. This paper wants to see the protest not only from the surface but also from the roots of Turkish society. In an effort to meet this goal, the authors use theory, first, political cleavages and, second, social movements with a focus on collective challenges, political opportunity structures and framing. The method which used in this paper is qualitative research method, data collection using existing data methods. This study found that the PTG was not actually a protest against the urban planning policy of Taqsim Square, but rather a protest against the accumulated disappointment of the secular groups against Erdogan's government.

Keeping a roof over your head: housing and anti-debt movements in Croatia and Serbia during the Great Recession

ABSTRACT We establish features of political opportunity structures of Croatia and Serbia as parameters that help explain the strategies pursued by housing and anti-debt social movements in the two countries. Relying on the protest event analysis data for 2007–2017, we identify peaks in protest mobilisations and levels of disruptiveness. Furthermore, we analyse the actors' strategy of electoral contestation and compare it across cases. In Croatia, movement actors organised into political parties, while in Serbia, the electoral turn has remained fringe. We argue that this divergence can be explained by different levels of institutional openness to new challengers.

The role of traditional rituals in resisting energy injustice: The case of hydropower developments in Svaneti, Georgia

This study intervenes in the energy justice literature by bringing to the foreground the local, emplaced, and bottom-up perspective. We specifically explore the potential of place-based agency, expressed in the form of traditional rituals, to expand the repertoire of extra-institutional means of resistance against various manifestations of energy injustice. We investigate the recent developments in the hydropower sector in the Svaneti region of the Republic of Georgia. Based on a qualitative research design involving personal interviews and document analysis, we explain how and why the traditional ritual of taking the oath of unity on the icon of St. George has been used to oppose hydropower developments, and how the employment of this extra-institutional action is linked to the changed political opportunity structure. In addition to underscoring the need to recognize and respect the cultural and religious importance assigned to traditional rituals by local communities, the findings of our study imply a need to consider traditional rituals not merely as symbolic or/and performative means of resistance, but also as political tools that may have a significant impact on the development of energy projects.