This article examines Sarah Hall’s The Carhullan Army (2007) in order to address how resistance can be reconceptualized beyond ideological and discursive frameworks and understood as a materially grounded, embodied activity. The article contends that Hall’s work emphasizes resistance as transcorporeal phenomena arising from the entanglement of human and nonhuman forces, in contrast to conventional readings of dystopian fiction that frequently favour political or psychological interpretations of resistance. In addition, this article examines how group labour, environmental interaction, and physical punishment influence the protagonist Sister’s transition from docility to agency, using posthuman feminist theory and Foucauldian biopolitics as its methodological framework. In the discussion, firstly, the political management of female bodies is examined. It is followed by tracing the process of embodied transformation and ended with displaying how a form of material resistance is made possible through environmental participation.

With the incapacity of King George III in 1788 and early 1789, a political crisis developed as the opposition Whigs looked to force a regency for the Prince of Wales, which would potentially see the fall of the Pittite government. The political machinations of this unsuccessful parliamentary campaign are well established; however, the political battle was not only fought in parliament but at length through the press. This article examines the press war that was fought between the opposition and the government. It shows that the developments in opposition party political management in the 1780s meant that the press war during the Regency Crisis represented a further development in the organisation of adversarial party politics. This was established by parliamentary and press arguments which were intrinsically intertwined for both opposition and government across newspapers, pamphlets and graphic satire as well as in Westminster.

Political responsibility in the political management plan is formatted depending on the dominant system of political management: "according to goals and objectives", "according to processes and results" and "according to values". The evolution of management systems and models is accompanied by the evolution of human capital, which is necessary for a modern innovative economy, and an increase in the level of freedom and responsibility. If in the models "by goals and objectives", "by processes and results" freedom and responsibility are almost absent or have a framework character, which corresponds to the command and administrative management system and political management systems, then the model of political management "by values" is based on creativity, initiative, self-organization, conscious performance of professional political and civil based on public values, which meets the urgent needs of Russia's strategic development and the formation of high-quality human capital. The purpose of the study is to characterize modern theories of socio-political management and co-management based on the institutional and behavioral aspects of a culture of civic participation, democracy, which set a certain framework for the interpretation and realization of collective and personal freedom and responsibility. In this article, the author relied not only on sources of theoretical and methodological information, but also on current data from sociological research. In the course of the research, a structured approach was used, including dialectical, systemic, structural and functional methods and comparative analysis. From a methodological point of view, it is possible to distinguish traditional and innovative models among management models, both based on the chronological criterion and their historical evolution, and based on the nature of socio-economic processes that replace traditional socio-economic and political structures with innovative post-industrial information economies. In the latter case, not only human resources, subjects and management facilities are currently involved, but also cybernetic information systems, artificial agents based on artificial intelligence, and robotic complexes, which exacerbates the problem of moral competence and socio-political responsibility. The article examines political responsibility in the basic systems of government management: "by goals and objectives"; "management by processes and results"; "management by values". The article substantiates the following as the main formats of political responsibility: political-administrative (normative-targeted); political-managerial (normative-motivational); political-value–based - based on the main clusters of political-managerial values (values and codes of national–state and cyclical development - development values; values of political order; values political and communicative; socio-political values). The author comes to the conclusion that in modern Russian political practice, focused on the formation of a "state-civilization", the orientation towards political responsibility within the framework of the system of political governance "according to values" is beginning to prevail. The theoretical significance of the research lies in structuring the typology of political responsibility in the basic systems of public administration and assessing the transformation of the domestic model of political governance in modern Russia.

The study employed a survey research design to gather quantitative and qualitative data from employees of a Bottling Company in Nigerian on the impact of personnel resource management on office politics. The population comprised over 3,000 staff across departments, with focus on Lagos and Ogun plants. Using Yamane’s formula, a sample size of 150 was determined, while 80 conveniently accessible participants completed structured questionnaires. Data were collected through primary and secondary sources and analyzed using mean, standard deviation, and Chi-square in SPSS (v23). Instrument validity was confirmed through expert review, and reliability (r = 0.68) indicated consistency. Ethical approval and informed consent were obtained. Findings revealed that human resource policies were effective in managing office politics, as all mean scores exceeded (2.50). Transparency in decision-making (2.71), employee engagement (2.60), fair appraisal systems (2.52), conflict resolution (2.80), and training programs (2.69) were all accepted as effective measures. Challenges identified included resistance from top management (2.60), limited resources (2.62), cultural and hierarchical barriers (2.70), distrust in HR processes (2.72), and inconsistent policy application (2.59). The Chi-square result (χ² = 5.079, p = 0.046) indicated a significant relationship between HR management practices and the management of office politics in the bottling company. The study concluded that effective HR policies enhance workplace fairness and cohesion, while challenges must be strategically addressed to strengthen organizational harmony.

Background. The management of village funds in Indonesia has become an important foundation in strengthening community-based development. However, in practice, the effectiveness of budget allocation often faces complex local challenges. Purpose. This study aims to examine how village head leadership and local institutional strength can encourage the optimization of the use of village funds amid political pressure stemming from local rivalry after the village head election. This study was conducted in Mekarsari Village, Selaawi District, Garut Regency, a village with economic characteristics of the community that is mostly engaged in bamboo weaving crafts and has a strong social structure but is vulnerable to political polarization. Method. Using a qualitative approach with the main method of documentation study, this study utilizes official documents, namely RPJMDes, RKPDes, APBDes, and village deliberation minutes. Interviews are only conducted on a limited basis to strengthen the interpretation of document data. Result. The results of the analysis show that even though the village head has prepared a development plan according to the applicable rules and stages, the implementation of the program has faced obstacles by political resistance and subjective perceptions from some communities. However, strengthening participatory and transparent village institutions is able to withstand this pressure and maintain the direction of village development in accordance with the medium-term vision contained in the RPJMDes. Conclusion. This study recommends the need for a local political management strategy based on open dialogue and the strengthening of village institutions as a protector against short-term conflicts of interest. Implementation. These findings contribute to the village governance literature and demonstrate the importance of a balance between leadership, institutions, and local dynamics in village fund management.

<p><span><b>The Secret Foundations of the Long Peace: Domestic Intelligence, the Architecture of Anti-Communism & Western European Stability </b></span></p>

Challenges to Philosophy of Management in Business and Politics

The article examines the interpretation of water (river, water spring, well, water supply system, etc.) in the Shumen political discourse after the Liberation until 1912. This is a period in which the institutions of modern Bulgaria are being formed, and although the environment is not among the most important topics for discussion, natural resources are beginning to be accepted as resources that require political management. The main information in the article comes from the official documents of the local political administration in Shumen, which show what the water problems are and what measures should be taken to solve them. Problems such as the unregulated flow of the river that flows through Shumen, the unregulated operation of the mills, old clay water pipes, missing sewage, dumping of garbage into the river, etc. require a political solution and engineering services. All measures for their solutions are recognized as necessary so that the conclusion of the Shumen district governor from 1912 "Shumen suffers from water, not for water" could remain just a phrase describing a problem from the past. However, the problem of misunderstanding the connection between health and water is more complicated and requires not only the intervention of the authorities, but also time for all of this to be realized by people.

Politics is a means of recognizing and, ultimately, reconciling competing interests within the organization. Organizational politics refers to the intentional acts of individuals and groups to protect and enhance their self-interests. This paper examined the concept of politics and organizational politics. It’s x-rays how management of organizational politics could lead to effective productivity in Nigeria tertiary institutions. The paper also itemized four challenges hindering effective productivity as a result of negative politics being played. The paper concludes by asserting that issue of organizational politics in tertiary institutions in Nigeria is not a new idea. During colonial era, the activities relating to management of education were influenced politically. The paper therefore suggested four ways forward towards improvement of organizational effective productivity. Keywords: Organizational Politics, Effective Productivity, Tertiary Institutions, Educational Management, Institutional Governance

Introduction. The article examines the specifics of the development and historical legacy of the Russian party system and European democratic institutions. The root causes of the emergence of popular representation in the political sphere of life are investigated, and a comparative analysis of the experience of Western and Russian countries is carried out. The subject of the research is the Russian society and the political structure of modern Russia. The purpose of the study is to identify and substantiate the need to start considering the possibilities of reforming political institutions in order to create a new architecture of legislative power radically different from the Western model. Materials and methods. The article uses materials from domestic and foreign scientific sources. The methodological basis of the research is based on the following general scientific and special methods: comparative method; method of system analysis; analytical method; institutional method; historical method; civilizational and identitarian approaches. The results of the study. In Russia, the evolution of government institutions, starting with the Veche assemblies and Zemstvo Councils, has laid the fundamental foundations of legitimacy and legality in the public consciousness, which are radically different from the Western political culture of Great Britain and the United States of America. Contrary to popular opinion, the article draws conclusions about the fallacy of believing in the axiom of universality and the lack of alternatives to the Western democratic model of the party system, shows the impossibility of its effective implementation in Russia, due to the uniqueness of Russian civilization and culture and the peculiarities of spiritual, historical and social development. Discussion and conclusion. Attempts to transform Russian political consciousness, ignoring the prevailing historical and socio-cultural realities in building the party system, are currently not yielding the expected results. Moreover, orientation towards Western patterns has repeatedly undermined Russia's stability and unity, which means that a new crisis is likely to arise in the future if the country refuses to form its own approach to political governance. It is necessary to start discussing the possibilities of creating a new architecture of legislative power that is fundamentally different from the models of another Western civilization.

This study examines the use of money politics in Lembata Regency by emphasizing the legal responsibility of the perpetrators and preventive efforts by Bawaslu, the Police, and the Prosecutor's Office. Using a descriptive-analytical approach, data were obtained through interviews with the Lembata Bawaslu Secretariat Coordinator and relevant literature reviews. The research findings indicate that the management of money politics faces various complex challenges: (1) structural obstacles such as the perpetrators' escape, weak evidence of transactions, and ineffective coordination between institutions; (2) the shift in the practice of money politics from giving cash to project-based activities or social relationships that are difficult to suspect; and (3) the powerlessness of the Gakkumdu mechanism due to its reliance on unanimous consensus and strict administrative time limits. This study shows that law enforcement is hampered by the dualism of regulations (the Criminal Code versus the Election Law) and the influence of local political interests. Some recommended solutions include increasing investigative capacity utilizing technology, devolution of prosecutorial authority, public education for participatory supervision, and adjustments to general and specific criminal laws. Without comprehensive reform, law enforcement efforts in elections risk getting caught up in procedural formalities.

The article examines the processes of ethnic categorization of Tatars during the Population Census on the territory of Bashkortostan in the context of the state national policy of the regional authorities in the 20th and 21st centuries. The case is solved in the framework of the polyparadigmatic approach that allows combining constructivist, instrumentalist and primordialist methodologies. This allows us to identify the place and role of reified categories of ethnicity in the state policy at the level of the national republic. The analysis traces the stability of the established political management patterns in the interaction of two levels of political practices: the central and the regional one. Thus, the regional interests of the republican authorities – the desire to increase the number of Bashkirs at the expense of Tatars during statistical surveys of the region’s population – are explained by the Bolshevik national policy and the principles of ethno-territorial division of the Soviet State. The case demonstrates the possibility of reconstructing ethnic identity among ethnic groups close in culture and language (Bashkirs and Tatars) using the following: administrative resources, symbolic policies, and information technologies. Based on the conducted analysis, the following conclusion has been made: a) regarding the significance of the political situation, which influences the reliability of the population statistical survey; b) the importance of developing more sensitive tools (the All-Russian Population Census form) for adequately recording ethnic identity in a culturally complex society; c) regarding the need to depoliticize the All-Russian Population Census for the harmonization of interethnic relations and the success of the process of integrating the peoples of the Russian Federation into the Russian nation.

Contrary to the stereotypical assumption that the foreign policy of populists is geared toward conflict, much of the literature in recent years has converged on the understanding that populism results in a complex and often seemingly incoherent mix of cooperation and confrontation. Populist leaders often adopt a confrontational stance toward other states and international institutions, yet they are also capable of striking deals, defusing tensions and reconciling with multilateral settings. This inconsistency is due to a variety of factors like geopolitical and economic pressures or the thick-ideological proclivities of populists. But in this article, we are interested in how populists reconcile the contradictory trend to antagonize internationally but end up striking deals. Drawing on the literature on populist discourses and a view of foreign policy as political management of state-society relations, we argue that this reconciliation takes place primarily at a discursive level, as populists deploy a discourse of cooperation that remains consistent with the binary and Manichean logic of populism. We identify three populist discursive strategies of justifying cooperation after conflict: elite-splitting, issue-bundling and audience-hopping. We demonstrate our argument by comparing two cases of populist compromising with the EU following a protracted period of confrontation: Greece’s acceptance of a third bailout from the Eurozone under Alexis Tsipras in 2015; and Britain’s signing of a final Brexit deal under Boris Johnson in 2020.

The article looks at state social policy and its role in social conflicts, which are studied in modern literature. It focuses on the specifics of forming and implementing state social policy and the role of public administration, where there are unique challenges and limitations related to political, social, and economic factors. Particular attention is focused on the application of approaches and actions in the Ukrainian context, as well as the practices of developed countries, which are of particular importance for Ukraine in the context of the decade-long Russian-Ukrainian war and the post-war reconstruction of the already liberated territories of the state. It has been established that political management and public administration are key aspects of modern social policy aimed at the effective achievement of the goals and objectives of public institutions. The article highlights the inadequacy of social policy in the state, which leads to various kinds of conflicts that escalate into crises and revolutions, cause significant damage to effective interaction in society and its groups, and become a cause of human and production losses and distrust of the authorities. It is illustrated that conflicts related to the actions of public authorities in the state are of paramount importance for its modern leaders, who must master the mechanisms and techniques for timely identification of the causes of conflict situations, which can become a means of their resolution and management, and the solution of pressing tasks of society’s development as opposed to the need to resolve conflict problems and their consequences. It is proven that effective management of social conflicts is possible only under conditions of a comprehensive approach, combining legislative, social, educational, informational and economic mechanisms.

The purpose of this article is to analyze modern challenges in the field of cybersecurity and mechanisms for countering cyber threats, assess the problems our country faces in this area, and identify possible solutions. To achieve this goal, the article studies the basic concepts related to cyberspace, considers real examples of cyber attacks recorded in recent years, and studies the experience, legislative and institutional framework of the leading countries in this area. In this context, the author highlights the structural similarities and differences of the countries in question. The relevance of this article is due to the analysis of new challenges to cybersecurity and the growing scale of application of information technologies in all spheres of human political activity. In the era of digitalization, information is acquiring the status of the most important object, a strategic resource of both the state and any management structure in the political management system. In this context, the relevance of the research topic is manifested in the development of the concept of a knowledge and information society developing on the basis of modern information and communication technologies. Information as a strategic resource requires a special state attitude not only in terms of its development and accumulation, but also protection. The article also analyzes the development of new information technologies, which causes an increase in the technological gap between the increasingly complex requirements for information resource security indicators in all countries and the capabilities of information technologies and software and hardware used to ensure information security.

Abstract. The article explores the concept of strategic narrative, analyzes the evolution of its application in US strategic communications, in particular in the field of national security. The role of strategic narrative in determining US state information policy is outlined. Domestic academic researchers dealing with the topic of strategic narrative are indicated, as well as related official documentation of the state of Ukraine, including in the context of the direct involvement of this concept in it. The article covers the main stages and actors that contributed to the inclusion of the concept of strategic narrative in the official US political discourse, as well as the contexts that led to the growth of its relevance. Conceptual approaches to strategic narrative in US academic and expert circles are considered. The relationship between the strategic narrative and the institutionalization of strategic communications in the sphere of US political management is described. A separate part is devoted to the consideration of the functions of the strategic narrative as a tool for forming organizational strategy, defining employee roles, and articulating axiological principles implemented through communication policy. Its significance in forming the identity of business, state, and international structures, influencing public perceptions, and legitimizing political actions is substantiated. The aspects of the application of the strategic narrative in the information space are considered, in particular its role in designing the external positioning of the state. An analysis of the implementation of the strategic narrative in official US political documents is conducted. Its significance in the formation of public opinion and US foreign policy is determined. The conclusion is made that the strategic narrative is an important tool of state policy that ensures effective communication and contributes to the implementation of strategic goals in the sphere of national security and international relations. Its significance in shaping information policy in the context of hybrid warfare is emphasized. Keywords: Strategic narrative, political narrative, strategic communications, discourse, foreign policy, external communications, national security.

This rticle aims to understand the regional elections as a collective political process strough the practice of local political management involving the milenial generation and utilization of social media, particularly face book in the North Central Timor Regency (TTU). Based on the results of a quantitave study involving 200 milenial respondents who participate in the 2020 TTU regional elections it was found that the political participation of the younger generation is very high and diverse including rules as simpathizers, organizer, success team and party members. Social media has become the main channel mediating political information, building social - political networks and strengthening the relationship between voters and candidates. Local political governance in regional elections takes place through interactions based on social networks, collective values and informal consensus. This article suggest the importance of designing regional elections as a collaborative space that recognize the rule oh the younger generation and the power of digital communication in realizing substantial and inclusive local democrazy.

Revealing the concept of "communication," the author emphasizes its imperative meaning as a two-way process of interacting subjects. However, when interpreting the concept of "mass communication," almost all researchers consider it as a unidirectional and targeted effect, which, in his opinion, is completely incorrect. The author proposes and justifies the need for two-way mass communication. Reveals its structure in the diagrams. Mass communication functions are discussed in detail. It is shown that the manipulative nature of the use of mass communications in political management is already losing its effectiveness, does not correspond to modern realities, that the mass communication system must be rebuilt in accordance with the model proposed by the author.

Scientific and technical development of Russia does not stand still. In recent years, we have been talking about the use of artificial intelligence (AI) in all spheres of life in Russia, including politics. In his article, the author notes the stages the country has gone through in its desire to streamline and develop rules and laws for the use of AI in political management. The author aims to analyze the political and legal experience of Russia in relation to the use of artificial intelligence in domestic and foreign policy. The author comes to the conclusion that in recent years there has been an active development of the regulatory framework for the Russian Federation’s policy in the field of AI, there is a tendency to increase funding for projects in this area. Along with large Russian companies, government bodies at various levels are increasingly turning to AI technologies. And for example, if we talk about Russian diplomacy, AI technologies also bring certain benefits – the ability to analytically process a large array of information, simplifying the daily routine work of consular offices. It should also be noted that today Russia is already among the top ten leaders in the field of AI, but on this path our country still has a lot to do to strengthen and consolidate its position on the world stage, since leadership in the field of ICT and AI is a necessary element for the country to take a leading position in the world hierarchy.

In this paper I deal with Bernard Mandeville's views on political economy, in order to reconstruct his overall perspectives on individual moral psychology and on the topic of luxury. First, I discuss Mandeville's views on labour, wages, political management and the balance of trade against the background of contemporary paradigms of 'mercantilism' and 'free trade'. I argue that he freely moved between these categories, and I also contend that they can not be taken as a rigid orthodoxy, which would prevent a real historical recovery of their meaning. Then I turn to his discussion of luxury. I maintain that this aspect of Mandeville's thought can not be reduced to a paradoxical provocation (however brilliant), but must be reconstructed along a three-dimensional framework, because Mandeville elaborated the relative difference between needs and desires in three contexts. This framework was not explicitly stated by Mandeville, but can be recosntructed through a close reading of his writings: first, an international context, in which certain countries specialised in exporting, whereas others in consuming, luxury goods; secondly, a social context, in which the differentiation between luxuries and wants mirrors a social hierarchy; and finally an evolutionary dimension, in which the consumption of luxury goods helps spread benefits to all social ranks in the next generations. In a final section I reconsider the classic question of Mandeville's role in the growth of political economy and his alledged theory of 'possessive individualism' coupled with classical liberalism. I disagree with those reconstructions that take for granted the attendant rise of free trade, individualism and liberalism. Mandeville is a crucial case in point for showing how economic arguments were still strictly interwoven with insights in moral psychology, party politics and social criticism.