Rethinking "religion" and "science" to cultivate mutual trust in the United States.

ABSTRACT Responses to COVID‐19 in the United States were split along partisan political lines throughout the pandemic. People on the political left tended to take the medical threat more seriously and were more likely to adopt preventive health behaviors than those on the political right, resulting in clear differences in state‐level policies and health consequences. Here, we examine the origins of these differences, investigating whether they are based on interindividual differences or in party dynamics. Two groups of participants (), who had voted either for Donald Trump or Hillary Clinton in 2016, played the Transmission Game. Players made repeated decisions in a simulated pandemic that involved a trade‐off between increasing their expected personal payoff and reducing the chance of a total payoff‐loss for themselves and others. In four experimental conditions, the study framing (neutral or pandemic) was crossed with the presence (or absence) of a normative intervention aimed at reducing risk‐taking. We observed systematic partisan differences in all conditions, with Republicans taking more risk than Democrats, even in neutrally framed conditions—supporting the idea of interindividual differences between voter groups beyond party dynamics. At the same time, both normative interventions and the pandemic framing reduced risk‐taking and expected infection rates in both voter groups. Moreover, we examined individual predictors of risk‐taking and demonstrated that game behavior, conservatism, and psychological reactance predict intentions to adopt preventive health behaviors outside the laboratory. We discuss implications for the framing of studies conducted during ongoing crises and lessons for future pandemic preparedness.

Ho Chi Minh was honored by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) as a national liberation hero of Vietnam and a world cultural figure. This honor is based on Ho Chi Minh's many outstanding contributions to the Vietnamese nation and to progressive humanity worldwide. In Vietnam today, the political line is determined on the foundation of Ho Chi Minh's thought. And in each specific field, Ho Chi Minh's thought also plays a guiding role for state agencies and organizations in developing strategies and action plans to implement the task of managing social development. This study analyzes Ho Chi Minh's thought on culture, focusing on the content of his ideas on developing cultural resources for Vietnamese localities to apply in developing cultural tourism and promoting socio-economic development. The author constructed a theoretical framework and surveyed the opinions of 240 managers from 150 cultural and tourism organizations operating in three locations across three regions of Vietnam: Hai Phong City (Northern), Hue City (Central), and Can Tho City (Southern). Based on these survey results, the author draws empirical conclusions and policy implications for the development of cultural resources and cultural tourism in Vietnam.

ABSTRACT Recent U.S. presidential elections have deepened political polarization and fueled rising reports of election-related stress and trauma. In 2024, 69% of Americans viewed the election as a significant source of stress and 62% cited politics in general, while 12.5% reported symptoms consistent with election-related PTSD – far above the typical 3.5% annual prevalence (APA, 2024;). These experiences disrupted social bonds, undermined personal security, and heightened hostility across political lines. Strife emerged among neighbors, coworkers, friends, and family with opposing viewpoints, leaving shattered support systems, compromised attachments, and weakened trust. For many, this destabilizing climate generated fear, vulnerability, isolation, loss of control, emotional distress, and helplessness, while reinforcing tribalism and negative sentiment toward other affiliations. Despite increasing clinical presentations of election-related trauma, there has been no formal recognition of the phenomenon and no established trauma-informed treatment framework. This article addresses that gap by examining the psychosocial impact of polarization and election-related distress on mental health, relationships, and communities. It introduces an innovative trauma-informed group therapy model integrating psychoeducation and structured dialogue. By fostering understanding rather than debate, the model aims to reduce distress, strengthen attachments, and build resilience within a polarized sociopolitical climate.

Maritime movement has been essential to the current moment of capitalism, marked by the management and optimization of supply chains. As seaports continue to scale up tremendously, however, blockages, delays, and congestion persist and even multiply, complicating popular accounts of private capital unleashing an increasingly frictionless world. This article reports from research with logistics professionals in Mersin, Turkey—host to a privatized port operated by Singaporean state-held corporation PSA since 2007. Port advocates explain the recent growth in the port's trade volume with the trope of efficiency increase under privatization. And yet, all around Mersin, talk about congestion in cargo movement will not stop. As parties disagree over whether congestion is a humanmade problem fixable by efficiency measures, or a near-inevitable reality of maritime trade beyond anyone's immediate control, congestion becomes the terrain of politics—an exercise in designating objects of public governance. Through congestion conversations, many reflect on how wealth from maritime trade should flow—which frictions stand in the way of more prosperity and a more equitable distribution. Anchoring ourselves in a port city, we may be able to observe where new fault lines of politics have opened up across the frictional sites of contemporary supply-chain capitalism.

The presence of at least two members of the same family in power is a rather commonplace phenomenon, regardless of country or political regime. In Canada, the relationships between family and politics, although analyzed in the highest levels of government, are not studied much at the municipal level. However, the municipal system, and more specifically that of small Quebec municipalities, features a combination of characteristics that foster the transmission of political mandates within the same family: a political system focused on the candidate and a not very competitive context. Nevertheless, we do not know if transmissions of political mandates exist inside Quebec municipalities. Similarly, if such a transmission exists, its potential impact on political dynamics has not ─ to our knowledge ─ been documented. Based on the analysis of city councils from 1855 to 2021 in the municipality of Ange-Gardien (3021 inhabitants, located in Montérégie) and on the identification of members of the same family on city councils, this research note first shows that there were transmissions of political mandates within the same families in this municipality. Then, the analysis of the number of mandates carried out by a same person, the degree of competition of the election and the razor-thin margin of victory between 2005 and 2021 shows that elected officials from political lines tend to stay in power longer than those who do not have such kindred relationships. While these results confirm the results of previous inquiries conducted in other contexts, they encourage us to dig deeper into the characteristics of agricultural networks to better understand the importance of political and family transmissions within certain smaller Quebec municipalities.

ABSTRACT This article analyses how and why the geopolitical orientations of Belarusian elites diverged after 2020, comparing the trajectories of the Lukashenka regime and the Belarusian democratic forces in exile. Drawing on historical institutionalism, it identifies the post-electoral crisis of 2020 and Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 as critical junctures that restructured elite incentives and constraints. The regime moved from managed multi-vectorism to structurally embedded dependence on Russia, generating path-dependent lock-in. In contrast, the democratic forces shifted from initial geopolitical caution to a consolidated pro-European orientation. The analysis demonstrates that these reorientations were institutionally mediated responses to external shocks, transforming geopolitical alignment into the principal dividing line of elite politics in Belarus.

The creation and dissolution of the Special Temporary Committee for Science (1922-1924) have already attracted scholarly attention. However, most of the relevant documentation has not yet been introduced into scholarly circulation, and the issue has often been examined in isolation from the broader relationship between the Academy of Sciences and Narkompros, and in particular Glavnauka, which has led to certain distortions. The present article reconstructs the context of these events and, by bringing new archival documents into circulation, fills the lacunae created by consideration only of the upper layer of the documentation. The year 1923 marked a turning point in relations between the Academy of Sciences and Narkompros. Narkompros jealously guarded its prerogatives with regard to the Academy’s right to a separate budget and a measure of autonomy in scientific matters. These tensions, and Narkompros’s claims to full power over the Academy, emerged with particular sharpness , when Narkompros and Glavnauka began to challenge the privileges previously granted to the Academy through the Special Temporary Committee for Science. The acute phase of the conflict between the Academy and Glavnauka was settled, in one way or another, in early 1924. The subsequent discussion in the Sovnarkom over whether the Special Temporary Committee for Science should be subordinated to the Sovnarkom of the USSR or that of the RSFSR was likewise rooted in these contradictions. The legal deliberations on transforming this committee into a permanent, all-Union body ultimately led to its liquidation, yet behind the formal objections lay substantive considerations that were not articulated openly. The author argues that these actions formed part of a single political line and possessed a systemic and strategic character. As a result of this policy, the USSR for many years lacked a highly effective body for the coordination and executive administration of science on a countrywide scale.

Partisan affiliations and other demographic characteristics inadequately explain support for gun policy and provide vague public health messaging guidance. Gun-related beliefs may be more malleable and meaningful determinants of policy support for gun violence prevention. Using a nationally representative, community-engaged, mixed methods design, we examined predictive associations between gun-related beliefs and public support for six gun policies (i.e., universal background checks, waiting periods, minimum purchasing age, violent offender prohibitions, concealed carry permits, and extreme risk protection orders (ERPOs)). Gun-related beliefs were more strongly associated with policy support than political affiliation. Strength of agreement with "no one should own AR-15 style semiautomatic rifles" was positively associated with support for all six policies. Beliefs about gun policies as violence prevention were also highly salient, predicting support for five policies, with disagreement or agreement both predicting higher probability of support for universal background checks, violent offender prohibitions, and ERPOs than neutral beliefs. Beliefs that "guns are tools" were generally unassociated with policy views. Findings suggest potential for gun violence prevention messages that combine values-based language with salient themes to build support for preventive policies across political and demographic lines.

ABSTRACT Post-industrial governments around the world are increasingly prioritizing policies to accelerate digitalization, but despite the growing literature on technological change and the knowledge economy, we know little about public preferences regarding digitalization policies. We use the case of the Next Generation EU (NGEU) program, an initiative totaling nearly 800,000 million euros with at least 20 per cent earmarked to expedite digitalization in Europe, as a substantively and theoretically important case to test theories about the political fault lines such policies generate. We conceptualize digitalization policies as a type of ‘knowledge economy’ policy and develop expectations about policy preferences derived from material self-interest and ideology. We test our hypotheses with new survey data from five EU countries (Germany, France, Sweden, Poland, and Italy) and detailed measures of support for actual digitalization policies, expected economic impact, and perceptions of the main beneficiaries. Our findings suggest that digitalization policies are most strongly supported by voters of mainstream parties and least favored by supporters of radical and populist parties. Preferences are structured more clearly along ideological socio-tropic lines than along socio-structural economic self-interests. Overall, our results imply that if digitalization policies become politicized, mainstream and challenger parties will likely address this issue differently.

Abstract Based on recent declassified sources, this article uncovers the motives behind the Danish responses to the 9/11 terrorist attack and why Denmark went to war in Afghanistan. The terrorist attack was a shock, which caused a politically uncontroversial policy of showing solidarity with the United States. However, the scope of this policy was up for debate. The Danish government pursued a policy of unconditional solidarity which also included willingness to deploy military forces to Afghanistan. Behind this was an analysis that nothing but unconditional support from Europe could lead to a more unilateral or perhaps even isolationist development in US foreign policy, which would have negative consequences for Denmark’s security. The goal was to maintain the transatlantic bond. The Danish Ministry of Defence and the Danish Defence took an activist approach in their efforts to transform this policy into a military contribution. The dividing political lines unfolded in earnest when different ways of contributing militarily presented itself. The liberal, conservative and right-wing parties preferred a contribution to fighting terrorists and the Taleban regime as requested by the US, while the centre, social democratic and left-wing parties wanted to prioritise humanitarian aid and to assist the interim Afghan authorities in maintaining security in Kabul. However, Denmark ended up contributing to both military operations and humanitarian and reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan. But it was the US-requested military contribution that was valued the most and led to a closer Danish-US bilateral relationship.

Igbophobia―the racialization of people of Igbo descent―remains pervasive in Nigerian society but is often mischaracterized as tribalism. We contend that framing it as tribalism obscures and trivializes its structural and racialized dimensions. Drawing on critical insights from ethnic studies, we reconceptualize Igbophobia as a virulent racism that dehumanizes/maltreats people of Igbo descent particularly along biological, economic, and political lines. This argument is supported by empirical data sourced from X (formerly Twitter) combined with secondary sources including news reports and academic literature. By reframing Igbophobia as racism, we advance a more accurate and critical understanding of anti-Igbo discrimination in contemporary Nigeria.

This study explores the overlooked phenomenon of “political sungkeman “ as a culturally rooted yet politically strategic gesture performed by Prabowo Subianto toward Joko Widodo (Jokowi) during Indonesia’s 2019 and 2024 presidential elections. While symbolic gestures have been widely studied in global political communication, limited attention has been paid to how localized traditions like sungkeman are adapted to mitigate polarization and influence public perception in highly mediated electoral contexts. Utilizing a qualitative literature review combined with political discourse and media framing analysis, this study investigates the role of sungkeman through five analytical dimensions: political reconciliation, cultural symbolism, image strategy, public response, and media narrative. The findings reveal that sungkeman is employed as a calculated political communication tool that evokes familiarity, fosters reconciliation at the elite level, and helps craft a respectful public image. However, public reactions remain divided along cultural, social, and political lines, reflecting tensions between perceived sincerity and performative intent. The widespread use of digital platforms and entertainment politics further amplifies or challenges the authenticity of this gesture. This research contributes to the theoretical development of political semiotics by providing a culturally specific case from the Global South, demonstrating how traditional practices are repurposed for modern political goals. The implications extend to the broader discourse on democracy, suggesting that culturally resonant communication can foster national unity, but only when grounded in genuine accountability and transparent leadership.

This symposium examines how European parties mobilize electorally in an era of recurrent crises and rapid political transformation. Building on the updated PolDem dataset, which tracks media coverage of national election campaigns across fifteen European countries from 1972 to 2023, the symposium investigates how issue salience, party positioning, and voter behaviour interact under turbulent conditions. The introduction situates the contributions around three core themes: (1) measuring and comparing party communication across media and manifestos; (2) mapping cross-national and longitudinal variation in political conflict lines; and (3) identifying the drivers of politicization across economic, cultural, and political dimensions. Together, the articles offer an integrated, content-based perspective on campaign dynamics that links short-term issue emphasis to long-term party-system structuration. The collection advances our understanding of how crises reshape electoral competition and democratic representation in Europe.

Online violence and abuse pose significant challenges to public discourse, as it exacerbates existing power structures and marginalizes diverse epistemic perspectives. In this context, this study examines the epistemological consequences of hateful and toxic speech in online news comment sections, conceptualizing it as a form of epistemic violence—an effort to erase particular ways of thinking. Examining a dataset of toxic and hateful comments from The Conversation Canada, our findings emphasize four mechanisms of epistemic violence: insulting, labelling, ridiculing, and dehumanizing. These mechanisms function to delegitimize alternative epistemic positions and reinforce ideological conformity. Furthermore, these mechanisms disproportionately target those with marginalized identities along racial, gender, and political lines, further entrenching hegemonic power structures. Our research contributes to scholarship on digital epistemologies and platformized violence, highlighting the need for strategies that foster epistemic pluralism rather than simply suppressing toxic discourse.

ABSTRACT Recent literature emphasises that insurgent groups instrumentalise gender relations for strategic purposes. However, there is often a disconnect between how gender is wielded rhetorically, through propaganda, and how it plays out on the ground. I seek to explain this disconnect by examining the gendered organisations of the PYD and ISIS in the context of the Syrian Civil War between 2011-2018. In both cases, their propaganda and governance frameworks reflected images of a cohesive society unified by a singular gender ideology. However, in reality, gendered rebel-public interactions were often stratified along cultural, ethnic and political lines. I argue that such inconsistencies can be explained by the need to project an image of the insurgency that aligns with international expectations, whilst simultaneously appealing to goal-rational legitimacy vis a vis local populations.

ABSTRACT This article focuses on the relations of Czechoslovakia and North Korea within the NNSC in the 1980s of the twentieth century and based on the newly uncovered archive materials evaluates these bilateral relations and their mutual influence on joint activities, reflecting not only relations confirming the same or similar visions or ideology, but also, on the contrary, different approach to the work of the Commission, to unification or to a way of following the given political line. Based on new research findings, the article also examines the development of these relations reflecting the collapse of the Communist Bloc in Central and Eastern Europe in the end of the 1980s.

The article considers the legal basis for interaction and control over artificial intelligence systems. Theauthors note that the international community is taking steps in this direction, as evidenced by the seminarsdevoted to the development of ethical principles of interaction between people and machines. However, theproblem is aggravated by the lack of interaction within the international community itself. Thus, there areobvious disagreements between the countries of the collective West and the global South and East (namely,Russia, India and China). The absence of major international players means, in the long term, a further splitin the development of a strategy for working with artificial intelligence and the impossibility of joint workat the level of national institutions, for example, police departments. The article summarizes the results ofthe analysis of the effectiveness of domestic government agencies that create a regulatory layer of interactionwith artificial intelligence within the framework of the political line proclaimed by the Russian Federation,based on which the authors highlight some positive trends in the work, shortcomings and develop proposalsfor their neutralization. A positive trend is noted in the participation of scientific and public organizations of the Altai Territory in the construction of systematic regulation of work with artificial intelligence, giving thisactivity a more coordinated, organized character, aimed at consolidating public organizations of the regionwith executive authorities, law enforcement agencies, scientific and educational organizations.

ABSTRACT Since the mid-2010s, public discourse in Hungary has undergone significant changes, characterized by a shift in focus towards issues less relevant to voters’ daily lives and increased polarization of public attitudes along political lines. This paper explores the role of partisan identity in shaping attitude polarization. It posits that, beyond material interests or stable moral values, partisan identity independently influences social attitudes. Using a series of survey experiments conducted between 2016 and 2018, the effect of the salience of political conflict on attitudes about politically salient issues, such as immigration policy and the regulation of foreign-funded NGOs is investigated. Results indicate that partisan identity independently contributes to the polarization of attitudes, with respondents exposed to certain politicized issues aligning their views more closely with stereotypical partisan positions on other issues. The paper critiques existing experimental paradigms in political behaviour research and highlights the importance of incorporating social psychological approaches to understand the interplay between partisan identity and public opinion formation.

The Ottoman army consistently played a distinct role in the implementation of the Turkish authorities’ premeditated genocidal policy against Armenians. Units of the regular Turkish army participated in the forced deportations of Armenians, the destruction of settlements, and mass killings. The Young Turks’ policy, guided by Pan-Turkist ideology, aimed not only to annihilate the Armenian people within the borders of the Ottoman Empire but also to eliminate any manifestation of Armenian statehood. This political line was also continued by the Kemalists. The massacres in the Vanand (Kars) and Shirak provinces of the Republic of Armenia in 1920 demonstrate that the violence against Armenians was not limited solely to the years of the Genocide but continued as a perpetuation of the same ideology. Therefore, the actions of the Young Turk and Kemalist authorities against Armenians should be examined not as isolated episodes but within the context of different stages of the same program and ideology. The article demonstrates this connection through the study of archival, field research, and specialized materials. The purpose of the article is to analyze the Turkish authorities’ continuous pattern of involving the army in the process of carrying out massacres against Armenians, exemplified by the provinces of Kars and Shirak