This paper explores faculty well-being in nursing education as a moral and political issue, emphasizing a humane ethics of academic care that confronts institutional harm, moral distress, and inequality. Despite nursing's commitments to compassion, equity, and justice, many educators face excessive workloads, racial exclusion, and moral conflicts, leading to burnout and moral injury. Current wellness approaches individualize distress and hide institutional responsibility. Drawing on critical, decolonial, and ethical traditions, the paper challenges resilience-based discourses, framing faculty well-being as a collective moral obligation rooted in governance and power. It synthesizes decolonial scholarship, moral resilience, transformational leadership, and human rights, grounded in ethical principles and ESG standards. Using examples from faculty development and institutional practice, it introduces the Becoming HUMANE Framework as a lens, not a model, to understand healing, rights, resilience, accountability, belonging, and empowerment as essential to ethical academic environments. Nurse educators are positioned as tempered radicals whose reflective resistance turns moral distress into collective agency and accountability. Reframing well-being as a moral and political issue reveals the limits of individual resilience and advocates for humane academic systems. Nursing education must address institutional conditions affecting educator well-being to uphold its moral commitments.

This study Research This study analyzes the social criticism discourse presented by female comedians in the Adu Cuanda x TAYTB Women Warriors program on OCBC YouTube, placing digital media as a space for women's advocacy and empowerment. Based on Judith Butler's theory of gender performativity and Rodney H. Jones et al.'s analysis of digital discourse, this study highlights aspects of text, context, interaction, and power relations and ideology. The results show that the comedians raise issues of gender, culture, family, economics, politics, morals, and religion, including stereotypes, objectification, subordination, double burdens, socio-economic inequality, and religious and mental health stigma. These findings confirm that stand-up comedy functions as a medium for social criticism and empowerment, while YouTube serves as an inclusive digital space for the struggle for gender equality.

This study aims to analyze how the platformization of education has placed algorithmic governance at the center of the pedagogical, administrative, and evaluative management of schools. This has contributed to the control of narratives involving ethical, political, and social issues, through a business and neoconservative logic that reconfigures the structural way of teaching, learning, and managing education, and prioritizes the personalization of teaching based on financial-informational-digital capitalism. This scenario, often invisible to students, teachers, and administrators, has been observed in schools within the Paraná state public school system and poses challenges to public policies, which need to reconcile technological innovation, digital inclusion, and the protection of fundamental rights as ways to promote inclusion and plurality, rather than acting as mechanisms for controlling social narratives. The methodology is based on Historical Dialectical-Materialism, within the categories of “historical totality”, “contradiction”, and “hegemony”, with a qualitative nature of bibliographic typology and exploratory-documentary character, in order to analyze algorithmic governance in education in its technical, ethical, political, and social dimensions, highlighting data from the public school system of the state of Paraná. The results indicate the urgency of regulatory frameworks that ensure transparency, accountability, and social justice in the use of digital technologies applied to education.

Purpose: The study documents the works of two graffiti artists in Akropong Akuapem, Ghana, and how their artworks communicate. It explores how their creative practices reflect cultural identity, social commentary, and youth empowerment. Methodology: A qualitative case study design was used. Data were gathered through semi-structured interviews, field observations, and photographic documentation. Thematic and visual analyses guided the interpretation of findings. Findings: Results show that the two artists come from different personal and educational backgrounds but share similar motivations. They use graffiti to preserve cultural heritage, promote youth development, and spark conversations on social and political issues. Unique Contribution to Theory, Policy and Practice: Their works incorporate Akan symbols, traditional proverbs, and festival imagery. At the same time, they blend these with contemporary influences such as music culture, digital design, and Afro-futuristic aesthetics. The graffiti pieces function as cultural archives, educational tools, and platforms for dialogue. The study also reveals challenges. These include limited access to resources, lack of institutional support, high material costs, and persistent public misconceptions about graffiti. The study concluded that graffiti in Akropong is more than decoration. It has contributed to education, cultural preservation, and social transformation. Through the theory of symbolic interactionism, the study added a formal recognition of graffiti, provision of resources, mentorship for young artists, and community initiatives to strengthen its developmental and tourism value. Keywords: Art, Artists, Graffiti, Street Communication, Culture, Documentation, Akropong-Akuapem

The author analyzes the reforms implemented by the Communist Party of the Uzbek SSR through its propaganda and political education departments to increase women’s socio-political activity. They consider the process of training female cadres for leadership positions. The author also examines: the easing of conditions for women’s admission to the party, the opening of special cultural centers and propaganda schools for them, the introduction of communist ideology into families through women, the use of cinema for propaganda purposes among women, and their inclusion in the nomenklatura list. From the first days of the Soviet state, mass events were held to widely involve Uzbek women in: socio-political life, communist ideology, atheistic education, and the promotion of the new culture. At various meetings, congresses, plenary sessions, and sessions of party cells held by party leaders at all levels, in addition to efforts to involve women in party life, there was an effort to eradicate illiteracy. The younger generation was also inspired by Soviet ideology. By inculcating the “attractive” Soviet ideology, party representatives aimed to cultivate the younger generation, including women, as loyal citizens of the Soviet state. To this end, party officials sought to involve women more widely in community service, political readings, and production. Clubs, kindergartens, “red corners” and their branches were established, which offered tailoring training and medical care to children and mothers, as well as consultation centers, cooking houses, laundries, etc. Books and magazines published for women, films, and theatrical productions also played a significant role in promoting women. The author concludes this effort was actively carried out through communist propaganda, as well as the processes such as the introduction of new holidays and rituals, numerous lectures on political and ideological issues for women, and their broad involvement in the active life of the country and the activities of the Communist Party of the Uzbek SSR, especially during the Great Patriotic War.

A large body of theoretical and empirical work suggests that engaging in rigorous but respectful and supportive dialogue should increase intellectual humility. We put this "collaborative dialogue hypothesis" to the test in three main studies (total N = 3,004 observations from N = 1,740 adolescents) plus three supplemental studies. Using quasi-experimental designs, Studies 1-2 tested whether students involved in an extracurricular program focused on collaborative dialogue about ethical and political issues experience more growth in intellectual humility than their peers. Study 3, a randomized experiment, tested whether almost an hour of collaborative dialogue increases intellectual humility. Despite a comprehensive approach, involving a variety of methods and measures (including self-reports, behavioral indicators, and text-analytic measures), our results consistently contradicted the hypothesis. It is possible that collaborative dialogue increases intellectual humility about topics other than ethics and politics or only under certain conditions. However, these findings highlight a need for new, more domain-specific theories and further tests of popular claims about how to cultivate this much-needed trait. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).

Non-surgical sterilization of male animals using sclerosing agents: A systematic review of intratesticular and intraepididymal injection protocols.

This article explores utopian and dystopian elements of the societies depicted in selected sf works of James Murdoch MacGregor (pen name J.T. McIntosh), a largely forgotten Aberdeen-based journalist and fiction writer. The article focuses on the impact of Malthusianism and Darwinism on McIntosh’s projections of humanity’s social and biological futures. In connection with this, attention is devoted to the way in which McIntosh’s utopian scenarios resonate with such pressing issues as overpopulation, the depletion of natural resources, and the destruction of the natural environment, topics explored in many literary and filmic narratives of the period. The article also investigates McIntosh’s fictional engagement with the social and political issues relevant to the UK and the world in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, such as the Cold War and decolonization. Last but not least, the article attempts to define the position of this Scottish author in the sf canon and to consider the extent to which his Scottishness affects the problematics of his fiction.

Migration has re-emerged as a central political issue across Africa and Europe, yet comparative research continues to privilege European perspectives and rarely incorporates the heterogeneity of African media systems. This study addresses this gap through a systematic content analysis of 1871 online news articles from 30 outlets in 15 African and European countries (2023-2024). We examine form, content, and evaluative dimensions of migration reporting, drawing on scholarship on transnationalisation, domestication, and structural influences on journalism. The findings show that domestication remains the dominant organising logic of European reporting and has become increasingly visible in African coverage, marking a notable shift from earlier studies that portrayed African media as largely agenda-following. While European outlets continue to focus strongly on security, conflict, and political regulation, African media devote comparatively more attention to the economic dimensions of migration, which is associated with more positive evaluations. By integrating African and European coverage into a unified comparative framework, the study advances debates on global news flows and indicates the emergence of a new transnational theme alongside persistent national logics: international migration ‘deals’.

ABSTRACT This paper looks at the application of pluralism (a concept developed to understand American politics in the 1950s) to psychoanalysis. The argument is that pluralism in psychoanalysis has allowed important differences to be ignored and technical and scientific issues to be treated as political issues – resolved by respectful governance and democracy rather than discussion of data and the construction of an uncompelled consensus. The pluralism we have (which is termed “anything goes”) may have been necessary to preserve psychoanalysis and manage very difficult emotions between colleagues in the aftermath of Freud’s death and later. But it is now a serious impediment to the sustainability of what we are doing – leading to governance arrangements across the profession which are often manifestly proving unable to protect the specificity of psychoanalysis and training. To counteract these developments, the author calls for “Disciplined Pluralism” and offers ways forward, based on recognizing the emotional challenges and specifically psychoanalytic research projects, that allow debate with evidence and specifically psychoanalytic training with transparent standards.

Collective memory is often taken to be central to the political and epistemic duties of citizens; remembering salient historical events or political labels is essential for understanding ongoing political issues and coming to form our beliefs responsibly. But sometimes—usually in the immediate aftermath of a deep conflict—we are faced with calls to forget aspects of our shared civic life. This article aims to provide a conceptualization and set of justificatory conditions that apply to such cases of political forgetting. I suggest that we should conceive of political forgetting as a coordinated reduction in the salience of particular issues in our civic affairs undertaken by the public in its capacity as the constituting people. I suggest that this is a more effective way of characterizing political forgetting than alternative models—namely, what I call the belief-centered model and the prohibition model. I then outline a set of demanding justificatory conditions that apply to political forgetting: (1) the transformation of the terms of political reality does not obscure issues or events that continue to structure society to the unjust disadvantage of any particular group; (2) that transformation is endorsed by all relevant social groups; and (3) the “forgotten” terms or events can be resurrected by agents in certain conditions.

War’ is a perennial issue of world politics. Building upon the insight that war is a socially constructed phenomenon (Bartelson, Butler, Wilhelmsen), one to be “explored… not explained or counted by IR theory” (Barkawi), this paper suggests an original theoretical framework for deciphering the role that language plays in making modern international conflict. The article reflects on the persistence of war in world politics, despite the extensive normative, legal, moral, and even aesthetic rejections of this form of interstate interaction that have developed over many centuries. Taking these injunctions seriously, the project explores how the ‘language of war’ (the elective framing of international issues, relationships, and even forms of actors, within militarised metaphors and symbolic invocations) enacts particular processes which participate in the making of armed (international) conflict. Specifically, the framework suggests that the language of war not only reflects but actively shapes the predispositions and decisions leading to conflict. By framing international disputes in this way, language establishes a symbolic landscape that makes recourse to violence appear permissible, advantageous, and then necessary. It argues that the metaphor of war operates through, and indeed pervades, the ‘ordinary security language’ (Leader Maynard 2022) which attends the modern international state system. By explicitly deploying such framings, which are easily brought to the surface, the language of war – inadvertently, at first – enacts a cycle of radicalisation between domestic constituencies, international diplomacy, and (political) elites. In this way, the paper begins to ask how we can talk ourselves into war.

Although abortion remains one of the most prevalent and controversial political and social issues in the United States, academic and policy research on the determinants of state abortion policies is surprisingly sparse, and most existing studies are cross-sectional. In our research, we utilize a new panel dataset on abortion policy covering the post-Casey years to explore these determinants. Our findings reveal that the Ranney Index, indicating the measure of Democrat control in state government, increases the likelihood of fewer abortion restrictions in the state, aligning with expectations and previous literature. Interestingly, liberal citizen ideology slightly decreases the odds of reducing abortion restrictions. Another surprising finding is that higher median household income and a greater share of the population that is college-educated are associated with restrictions to abortion services.

This study examines the coverage of the First World War (1914–1918) in Al-Muqtataf, one of the earliest Arab scientific and cultural journals to interpret global events through a rational and analytical framework. Rather than adopting a news-driven or emotionally charged narrative, the magazine approached the war as a complex political, economic, and civilizational phenomenon, emphasizing causality, long-term consequences, and the ethical implications of modern science in warfare. The analysis is based on a corpus of 74 articles published between 1914 and 1918, examined through a historical-analytical approach combined with sociocognitive critical discourse analysis inspired by van Dijk. The study investigates language, style, intellectual orientation, and editorial positioning toward the conflicting powers, particularly the Ottoman and British empires, with close attention to neutrality, ideological framing, and discursive silences. The findings show that Al-Muqtataf maintained a predominantly rational and conservative discourse grounded in scientific explanation and moral reflection, deliberately distancing itself from political mobilization and emotive rhetoric. While the magazine articulated an early critique of Western modernity and the militarization of science, it largely avoided direct engagement with decisive Arab political issues such as colonial partition and national self-determination. This selective neutrality reveals both the intellectual strength and the historical limitations of elite cultural journalism in a colonial context. Theoretically, the study demonstrates how epistemological neutrality can function as a form of discursive power, shaping political meaning through omission as much as articulation. Historiographically, it challenges Eurocentric narratives of World War I by centering Arab scientific journalism as an active, though constrained, intellectual response to global crisis. By reframing Al-Muqtataf as a strategic discursive actor rather than a neutral transmitter of knowledge, the article contributes to broader debates on media, expertise, and intellectual responsibility in times of war.

Beyond the Middle East, this confrontation has evolved into a major international political issue with profound global repercussions. The shifting regional landscape and the realignment of alliances underscore the deep geopolitical dimensions shaped by the conflict. Rather than serving as neutral mediators, several global political actors have viewed this confrontation as an arena to consolidate and expand their influence in the Middle East, further intensifying the escalation. This phenomenon has fostered the emergence of diverse ideological movements responding to the conflict, particularly to the colonization undertaken by Zionist forces. This study examines how the Arab-Israeli conflict has shaped the modern global political order through a historical lens, leading to the emergence and transformation of ideological currents. Employing a qualitative approach that integrates historical analysis, case study, and genealogical discourse analysis within the frameworks of classical realism and geopolitical theory, the research traces the evolution of ideologies on both sides of the conflict. The findings reveal a complex landscape of ideological responses, categorized into Arab resistance movements (Pan-Arabism, Anti-Colonialism, Marxism/Arab Socialism), religion-based movements (Hamas, Hezbollah, Jewish Anti-Zionism, Revisionist Zionism, Religious Zionism, Christian Zionism), and global movements (Neoconservatism, BDS). The study concludes that the Arab-Israeli conflict is not merely a territorial struggle but an ideological battle encompassing questions of identity, religion, and global power, which significantly complicates the pursuit of a just and lasting peace.

ABSTRACT This article examins the nexus among global corporations, the Rockefeller Foundation, and nutritional habits in Turkey after WW II. During the Cold War, hunger and nutrition became political issues, and efforts were made to establish criteria, standardize “healthy nutrition, and eliminate “the danger of hunger”. The Rockefeller Foundation has emerged as one of the leading institutions coordinating research and investment in nutrition science in Western and non-Western societies. Turkey, with its strategic position as a NATO ally against socialist rivals during the Cold War, drew further attention. Multinational companiesentered the Turkish market and became significant actors in shaping nutrition patterns during that period. Relying on primary sources in Rockefeller and corporate archives, this article examines the efforts to control wheat and corn cultivation in Turkey, and focuses on two multinational corporations, Henkel and Nestlé, and the introduction of margarine and milk powder products to the Turkish consumers.

The focus of this research is on the various ways college students in Santiago City, Isabela, Philippines engage with politics online through the “digital public square.” The study used descriptive-correlational research design and specifically examines four ways of engaging politically: latent engagement, follower engagement, expressive engagement, and counter-engagement. The results of the analysis find that latent engagement was the most common way that students participated in politics online since their average score was 2.76; this is compared to 1.64 for counter-engagement and 1.90 for follower engagement. There is a statistically significant positive relationship (r=.235) between latent engagement and expressive engagement, indicating that there is a link between the two types of engagement, and that passive consumption of information is a precursor to expressing oneself publicly. Additionally, there is an even stronger correlation (r=.636) between expressive and counter-engagement, indicating that when people are more vocal about their opinions, they tend to be more aggressive in their online behavior. The regression analysis indicated that active forms of engagement are the primary predictors of digital political followership, based on the R² value of =0.719. Therefore, while students are interested in staying informed about political issues, they often prefer to engage privately due to the negative environment created by highly polarized individuals in the digital public square.

Portugal’s housing crisis, intensified by the 2008 financial crash and subsequent austerity policies, has sparked diverse forms of resistance, including artistic expression. This article explores how music functions as a mode of protest and political articulation in response to real estate speculation and tourist gentrification, focusing on a corpus of 36 songs and 20 video clips produced between 2016 and 2024, primarily in Lisbon and Porto. Drawing on autoethnographic research and critical discourse analysis, the study examines how musicians denounce neoliberal urban transformations, express collective grievances and contribute to framing housing rights as both a political and cultural issue. It identifies three core thematic axes in these musical narratives: the commodification of housing, displacement driven by tourism and the intersection of precarity, inequality and low wages. By bridging urban sociology, cultural resistance and critical housing studies, the article highlights how music operates not only as expression but as infrastructure of protest: mobilizing affects, sustaining memory and amplifying counter-hegemonic imaginaries in contexts of deepening socio-spatial injustice.

Representation of the world’s Indigenous Peoples’ cultural, political, environmental, and social issues continues to be marginalized within and across the seven sociocultural regions designated by the UNPFII (Africa, the Arctic, Asia, Central and South America and the Caribbean, Eastern Europe, the Russian Federation, Central Asia and Transcaucasia, North America, and the Pacific). This marginalization is characteristic of the global Indigenous political identity recognized by international law and treaties. This perspective study proposes and advocates for the right of people to have their own media, a stance informed by and grounded in field research by Indigenous policy negotiation teams at the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and the UN Media Caucus Board since 2018. This study makes a case for the urgent need for Indigenous media ownership as essential to discussions of how global policy development could support this media. This includes, for example, curating specialized content provided directly by Indigenous Peoples’ newsrooms, as well as the development of special programming that links into the United Nations streaming system in parallel to negotiations through mainstream global media platforms. At present, decisive negotiations between nation-states, stakeholders, and Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities are taking place across complementary treaties, which address the case of enhancing the visibility of Indigenous Peoples through their own global media networks, a historical shift in the terms of representation between Indigenous Peoples and the rest of the world.

ABSTRACT This paper takes the 2024 European Parliament election as an empirical starting point to examine the circulation of extremist narratives on social media in three European countries: Sweden, Austria, and Bulgaria. Drawing on a visual content analysis of memes, the study focuses on visual articulations of violence and hostility directed towards perceived enemies and out-groups. The study asks: How did extremist narratives emerge around key contentious political issues? What forms of violence are articulated through these narratives? What shared visual grammars and coded symbols underpin the translocal entanglement of extremist narratives enabling them to travel across national boundaries and fuel everyday extremism in the digital mainstream? The findings highlight how memes contribute to what we term everyday extremism to describe a context in which dehumanising and violent narratives have been normalised to the point that they increasingly saturate everyday political discussions between ordinary citizens across Europe.