The problem of interrelation and interdependence of various human and civil rights and freedoms in the light of the concept of social justice is investigated. The problem of a fair measure of human and civil rights and freedoms is considered, it is argued that a fair measure of rights and freedoms in any sphere of human activity should initially proceed from the idea of natural human rights to life, freedom and property, but this measure should be conditioned by the concrete historical realities of a given society. The author considers social justice as a measure of freedom. In the course of researching issues related to the problem of human rights and freedoms, the author proceeds from the theoretical position that all economic, political and spiritual rights and freedoms are interrelated and mutually conditioned. The author explores the problem of human rights and freedoms and social justice using the principle of development, an axiological approach and a criterion of practice. The author explores various aspects of freedom from the point of view of the concept of social justice, in the context of the relationship between freedom and responsibility, rights and duties. The problem of various human rights and freedoms is studied by the author in the context of their interrelation and interdependence. It is argued that the basis of political and spiritual freedom is, first of all, economic freedom, but at the same time the value of spiritual and political rights and freedoms in themselves is emphasized. The author interprets the problem of human rights and freedoms and social justice as tools in reflecting the realities of the modern world and tries to identify ideas in them that can be used in modern society to solve existing problems in it. The problem requires further investigation.

The article analyzes the correlation between the ideas of freedom, first of all the individual freedom, worldly power and Divine power in the poems of Ale­xander S. Pushkin, written on Kamenny Island (St. Petersburg) in the summer of 1836. In the poem From Pindemonti, Pushkin explicitly rejects worldly power, both in the form of autocracy and democracy, and contrasts it with the idea of complete self-sufficiency and freedom of the individual. Pushkin may have been influenced by Fichte with regard to the doctrine of the, in essence, absolute liberty of the individual, French translation of whose Destination of Man (Desti­nation de l’Homme, 1832) is attested in the poet’s library. In Fichte, however, it is exclusively the “will” and “force” of the individual himself that appear to be the “ultimate grounds” of all his activity. In Pushkin’s understanding, however, absolute individual liberty cannot ignore, on the one hand, the Divine basis of the universe, and on the other hand, the fact that man in his highest creative manifestations is guided and inspired by God, obedient to His will (cf., e.g., The Monument). The author does not exclude the possibility that Pushkin implic­itly correlates the mystery presented in the poem of the Kamennoostrovsky cycle From the Italian with the action allegorically described by him in The Prophet (1826), as if contrasting the acts of the devil and Satan in relation to Judas with the acts of the seraphim and God in relation to himself. In general, one gets the impression that with the passage of time Pushkin, to a certain extent, increas­ingly correlates his “soteriological” poetic-spiritual mission with the mission of the New Testament Savior, which finds its highest expression in The Monu­ment. In general, the author concludes that after the death of Alexander I and the defeat of the Decembrists’ revolt, Pushkin increasingly expresses the idea of the unconditional value of the individual as such, the possibility of its spiritual transformation, and when speaking of freedom, less and less he means political or social freedom and more and more he contrasts the power of heaven with the worldly power, which finds its culmination in the poems of the Kamennoost­rovsky cycle. The article also makes an attempt to conditionally distinguish sev­eral main ideological stages in this process.

There have been ample academic efforts discussing prospects of liberalizing the authoritarian regime in China, but most of them primarily addressed possible institutional reforms by the party and to some extent overlooked importance of the mass. Therefore, this article attempts to identify factors that dissuade or refrain Chinese citizens from voting in local elections and devise corresponding solutions, for their political enthusiasm to be improved independently of state sanctions, while the finding may provide a novel theory regarding weak correlation between the level of political freedom and turnout rate in liberal democracies. By considering subjects as economic agents in cost-benefit analysis, the combination of underestimated benefits and overestimated costs of voting is highlighted as one fundamental reason for non-voting, which comprises of antiquated cultural norms, aloof social relations and inappropriately handled class struggles. In response to phenomenon of apoliticism, political cynicism or political inactiveness, this paper suggests eligible voters to keenly defend their interests, for instance studying publicized government information, participating in trade unions and respecting their suffrage, as the prerequisite for becoming genuinely and consistently active in political affairs.

Prevention as a form of state coercion is one of the most important means of ensuring public order and security in Ukraine. The use of preventive restrictive measures in the conditions of the legal regime of martial law is provided for by the norms of the Constitution of Ukraine (Article 64) and other regulatory and legal acts [1]. Preventive restrictive measures are constituent elements of state coercion, which include termination, restoration of administrative and procedural support, and administrative responsibility. The word “coercion” means the necessity to act in a certain way even if you are unwilling to do that, being influenced by someone or something. [2, p.543]. In our case, we are considering the administrative and legal influence of the state, which, under the conditions of martial law, forces people who do not respond to its demands and violate restrictions and prohibitions that operate on the territory of the country. It is worth agreeing with the opinion of V.V. Gordeev. V.K. Kolpakova, A. T. Komzyuk, I. M. Sopilko and other scientists that the state embodies power, the use of which in relation to violators can be considered as violence [3, p. 228]. At the same time, it is worth considering the existence of the “preventive coercion” as one of the methods of legal influence on a subordinate subject, which is used by competent state bodies (officials) in the event of a violation of established legal norms to stop the relevant illegal activity or to prevent such a violation, as well as ensuring that the culprit is brought to justice [4, p. 34]. As we can see, the concept of coercion does not include its application to subjects (natural and legal entities) who are not subordinated to the authority of the subject, which to some extent indicates the need for a broader interpretation of the meaning of this concept. The use of these means is a peculiar reaction of the state to a possible commission or fact of violation of the restrictions acting under the conditions of the legal regime of martial law. It should be mentioned that the restrictions on the duration of the legal regime of martial law put into effect by the Decree of the President of Ukraine (from February 24, 2022) have socio-political and social significance because they are aimed at strengthening law and order in the state. The mandatory content of restrictions, which are of a preventive nature in the conditions of martial law and in the territory of its operation, can be conditionally divided into: 1) measures of administrative coercion that limit the personal inviolability of citizens. These include: verification of documents certifying the identity of a citizen, inspection of a person and his belongings, administrative detention, administrative expulsion of foreign citizens outside Ukraine or internment of citizens of a state that is at war with Ukraine. 2) measures of administrative coercion that limit the property rights of citizens. These include: confiscation of property and other material assets (weapons, ammunition, poisonous substances, vehicles) for the needs of the country's defence, followed by their compensation. Citizens may be also forced to work. 3) measures of administrative coercion that limit the political activity of citizens. This concerns the suspension of the activities of public national and foreign organizations, the creation of censorship bodies to control the activities of the mass media, as well as other constitutional restrictions on the citizens’ political rights and freedoms.

ObjectivesPolitical participation differs across the age range, but little is known about these patterns outside of developed countries. Political context is a particularly important consideration for all political behavior in Africa, where only a few countries are fully democratic. Drawing from political opportunity structures theory, we investigate how political freedom conditions the age-based pattern of electoral and nonelectoral political engagement, as well as protesting.MethodsThis study merges the fifth, sixth, and seventh rounds of the Afrobarometer data sets, spanning 36 African countries, with country-level data on political freedom from Freedom House. Using multilevel regression models, we examine how political freedom shapes the relationship between age and 3 forms of political participation.ResultsAfricans aged from 18 to 60 years and living in nonfree countries are most engaged in electoral and nonelectoral political activities, though participation begins to drop markedly past age 60. For protest participation, young Africans living in partially and non-free countries are the most engaged in protests; yet limited political freedom again means a sharp age-based decline.DiscussionThe impact of political context on the age–participation association is nuanced in ways not anticipated by mainstream research on the developed West. Repressive regimes, while spurring engagement at younger ages, appear to disproportionately deter older Africans from political engagement, especially its riskiest forms. We conclude by calling for more country-comparative gerontological research with careful attention to contextual heterogeneity, particularly in the understudied Global South.

The promotion of sustainable environmental development is at the forefront of world leaders' policy agendas. The human race is currently confronted with a formidable challenge in the form of a global environmental issue. In each nation, political institutions are responsible for formulating and implementing policy agendas. This study's objective is to examine the relationship between the current state of political institutions, environmental emissions, and development indicators, taking into account the impact of diverse economic conditions such as a free economy, a fluctuating economy, a degraded economy, and an improved economy. Over the course of twenty-four years, from 1998 to 2021, information for this study was collected from ten different ASEAN nations. The panel data methodology is utilized in order to answer the research question. Estimates that account for fixed effects indicate that there is a significant positive correlation between economic growth and CO2 emissions. It is also evident that CO2 emission levels are higher in Asian economies that are more volatile, such as Indonesia and Thailand, while they are lower in economies that have improved, such as Singapore. This is one of the earliest studies conducted on the subject at hand. This study's findings will serve as a guide for implementing environmental policy.

This study examined cryptocurrency regulation in post-Soviet countries and identifies potential areas for improvement. It was analysed the varying regulatory approaches among these countries, ranging from restrictive policies (Ukraine and Georgia) to more liberal ones (Moldova). Armenia and Azerbaijan, while not implementing specific regulatory measures, had expressed concerns regarding cryptocurrency adoption, positioning them in an intermediate stance. It was found that the technological and political foundations of the cryptocurrency markets in five post-Soviet countries are similar, forming the most comparable group. However, they lag significantly behind the European Union and the United States. Although political freedom in these countries remained within the range of 55-72 points in 2024, the trend from 2020 to 2024 showed a decline. The disparity in information and communication technology (ICT) development among post-Soviet countries ranged from 70 to 88 points, whereas in the United States, Germany, and France, this indicator varied between 87 and 97 points. However, the overall trend for ICT development in post-Soviet countries remains positive. The study concluded that adopting regulatory practices from the United States, Germany, and France – by analysing their experiences, challenges, and mistakes – would be beneficial for Georgia and Ukraine. Specifically, Georgia should enhance its legislation and the legal status of cryptocurrencies based on the European Union and U.S. experience, while Ukraine should focus on improving tax policy, drawing from Germany’s approach. Furthermore, both countries need to strengthen measures to combat financial crimes involving cryptocurrencies, following France’s example. For Moldova, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, rather than addressing cryptocurrency-related challenges directly, an alternative approach was recommended: the development and implementation of central bank digital currencies

ABSTRACTThis article uses a process‐tracing approach to understand changes in Singapore's health sector from the start of self‐rule in 1959 to the end of the COVID‐19 pandemic in 2022. Singapore is a developmental state recognized for its effective management of healthcare costs and its lack of political freedom. In both respects, the ‘Singapore model’ is of interest to other cities and nations. The standard narrative is one of technocratic proficiency in a context in which civic freedoms are heavily constrained, but this article identifies the surprisingly important role of social voices at key moments. It finds episodes in which effective changes to social policies are not the product of a state embedded in an organized society, but rather are influenced by the independent organizational capacity of certain social groups providing inputs to state elites on social grievances and policy needs. Effective policy changes require a responsive state elite that — even if it is technocratically dominated, as is the case in Singapore — can listen to social claims and provide answers that are not repressive. The article conceptualizes these dynamics as ‘grievance politics’ and shows their role in explaining health reforms. It contributes to understanding global health systems and policy making in developmental states by a fruitful cross‐fertilization with social movement studies.

Abstract The right to freedom of expression, not without purpose provided for in the first amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America, is one of the main basic rights on which modern democratic states were founded. The enjoyment of this freedom is closely related to a series of other equally basic rights, such as freedom of belief, freedom of organization, the right not to be harassed for personal opinions, the freedom to be attached to a certain political party, etc (Salvatore, 2019). The right to freedom of expression is one of the oldest freedoms that arose as a result of freedom of religion, mentioned by the first Christian writers during the II-III century, and then during the conflicts between Catholics and Protestants in the centuries XVI-XVII. On the other hand, it was encouraged and elaborated by the great theorists of the freedom of scientific research (just think of Descartes and Galileo) and of political freedom (such as Milton). Later, the right of Freedom of Expression was elaborated by philosophers of the XVIII-XIX centuries such as Voltaire, Fichte, Benthan. In this sense, John Stuart Mill said that freedom of expression protects us from corrupt power, tyranny, and this freedom is one of the basic guarantees for an open and pluralistic society (Mihajllova, Bacovaska and Shekerxhiev, 2013). Since the circulation of ideas is a prerequisite for the communication of thought, the freedom of expression or manifestation of thought has always been considered by Italian constitutional jurisprudence as the cornerstone of the democratic system (Bin and Pitruzzella, 2012). Main objective of this manuscript is the analysis of the Albanian legislation and jurisprudence about the freedom of expression.

The long mendicant era of the Indian National Congress (1885-1905) created a need for a leader in Indian nationalist politics who could rally the populace to struggle for political independence from the British. Sri Aurobindo fulfilled that space and employed his ideas of nationalism that has been the subject of scholarly debate for a long period. His inclusive national strategies to stir the entire nation played a key role. But his conception of nationalism goes beyond the struggle for freedom. He was on a mission to create a new country based on India's rich spiritual and cultural heritage and modern European sciences. As far as India’s diversity is concerned, the task seemed greater than anything else. His writings especially in his journal Bande Mataram created waves among the masses. He appealed to the then-fragmented population to ascribe to the identity of one nation. His nationalism aimed at the Indian Renaissance through both political freedom and spiritual regeneration. This study will highlight most of the salient features of his nationalism.

Abstract The constitutional crisis of 1993 was one of the major turning points in the failed democratization of Russia and subsequent turn of the country towards personalist authoritarianism. The October 1993 conflict, as the crisis is commonly called in Russia, was driven by a strategic choice of priorities by Russia’s political leadership during the post-Communist “triple transition”. After the overthrow of the Communist regime in August 1991, Russian elites prioritized market reforms and sacrificed further democratization of the country for the sake of preserving the new political status quo. This choice, made at the expense of building new democratic institutions, greatly contributed to the clash between the plebiscitary legitimacy of President Boris Yeltsin and unconstrained legality of the parliament, which was resolved in a violent zero-sum game in October 1993. The new Russian constitution sought to drastically reduce institutional constraints to presidential power. Its approval paved the way to authoritarian regime building and served as a role model for other post-Soviet countries.

Political freedom and financial inclusion: Unraveling social trust and political rent-seeking

This year marks 60 years since the establishment of the first inter-state institution for Africa, the Organisation of African Unity. It was established principally to support the achievement of independence and political freedom by African colonies during a decade that is associated with the idea of winds of change. Political sovereignty through the control of the nation-state was seen as critical to the achievement of the ideals of Pan-Africanism, including African unity, African pride, cohesion, and common African prosperity.

The article is devoted to the analysis of socio-political discussions in A. Solzhenitsyn’s novel “In the First Circle”. The “playwriting” of dialogues and polylogues on political topics has received an original compositional embodiment here and is based on the mobile, acutely conflicting interaction of various speech flows. Political disputes acquire a moral and philosophical dimension in the work, push the interlocutors to historical assessments and prophecies about the future social structure. Episodes of situational mass disputes are combined with individualized, lengthy and conceptually rich discussions, which often have their own compositional preliminaries and “afterwords”. The article examines in detail the substantive and rhetorical aspects of conversations and clashes involving Rubin, Nerzhin, Sologdin, Gerasimovich, pays attention to uncle Avenir’s political strategies, internal disputes, the evolution of Volodin’s social views, the positions of Galakhov, Radovich, Clara Makarygina. Paradoxically, it is the prisoners’ disputes that show in the novel the highest level of moral, intellectual, and political freedom, unthinkable for the social climate of the Stalinist decades. In the structure of the novel, explicit political battles and hidden, forcibly suppressed social differences form a holistic, branched macro-plot in which, despite the pressure of the totalitarian system, individual and collective social reflection continues to pulsate.

Abstract Against the backdrop of the current political developments in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, such as Ukraine, Poland, and Romania, the question arises as to the role played by economic transformation and the resulting innovation linkages in these countries over the last 20 years. The main purpose of this paper is to explore the impact of economic and institutional dimensions on the development of CEE countries, explicitly distinguishing between European Union (EU) members and non‐members, and thus reflecting the differences in institutions and path dependency. Furthermore, the paper contrasts the performance of CEE countries with that of Western European countries. To achieve these objectives, the impact of factors such as innovation, institutions, and political practices on the economic development of 37 European countries from 2000 until 2020 is followed using fixed effects regression and Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression. The results of the analysis show the importance of institutional factors such as low levels of corruption, political freedoms, and intellectual property. The effect of institutional variables was particularly pronounced in the case of non‐EU countries, which indicates the particular importance of the development of stable institutions for achieving higher levels of economic development for this category of countries.

According to the decision by the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Austria, Prussia and Russia, which included parts of the territory of the Duchy of Warsaw, assumed mutual obligations to ensure the rights of the Polish population. In the Kingdom of Poland, established on Polish lands within the Russian Empire, which was granted a constitution, preserved state institutions and some political and civil liberties, the French Civil Code (Code Napoleon) and the French Commercial Code continued to apply. Thus, the Duchy of Warsaw and the Kingdom of Poland were involved in the process of systematising state and civil law, which took place in many European countries at the beginning of the nineteenth century. At the same time, from the end of the 1820s onwards, the legislation of the Kingdom of Poland was brought closer to that of the Empire. This process, especially after the suppression of the Polish Uprising of 1830-1831, accompanied by the restriction of political and civil liberties granted by the Constitution of 1815, favoured the incorporation of the Polish lands into the Russian state. At the same time, the 1809 incorporation of the French Commercial Code into the national legal system of the Duchy of Warsaw, which was also in force in the Kingdom of Poland, even after the creation of the independent Polish state in 1918, contributed to the creation of legal and economic unity, which was perceived as a manifestation of economic and political freedom under conditions of a significant restriction of national rights. The implementation of French legislation in the early nineteenth century had a significant impact on the systematisation of state and civil law in the Kingdom of Poland.

Political rights and freedoms, as well as other human rights and freedoms, represent a guarantee of democracy, as well as a means by which it is controlled. The author answers the question to what extent the fact that power is exercised in elections and that it is also changed contributes to a more secure realization of guaranteed political rights and freedoms for citizens. The author points out that it is very important for the government to enable freedom of thought and expression, as well as freedom of association and assembly, and if this is not the case, then there will undoubtedly be a loss of political support from voters. The author treats the right to freedom of opinion and expression in his work as a foundation for building a democratic society and as a basic assumption that proves respect for the principle of the rule of law. The author further explains that it is precisely the possibility to realize this right that is a condition for the realization of all other political rights and freedoms. Voting rights in labor stand out as one of the most important political rights of citizens. The author believes that by respecting this right, the Republic of Serbia guarantees that its role is to achieve general well-being for its citizens. The author presents the freedom of peaceful assembly of citizens as one of the significant forms of citizen participation in the political life of the community. The Law on Public Assembly from 2016 in the Republic of Serbia significantly improved the legal framework for exercising the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and achieved a higher level of compliance of national law with European Union law. The right to petition is a human right guaranteed by the Constitution, and the author explains in the paper the legal basis of the petition, what it should contain and to which authorities it should be submitted. The author places special emphasis on the analysis of media freedom, which represents one of the fundamental political freedoms in the Republic of Serbia

B a c k g r o u n d . This scientific investigation conducts a constructive-critical, comprehensive, and systematic analysis of the state, paradigms, and trends in the development of Ukrainian and European fundamental science. It highlights, at a synthetic level, the epistemological and social functions, historical mission, and vision of domestic science in shaping the traditions and values of European culture. The article draws attention to the significant contributions made by domestic scientists to the research of theoretical-methodological, epistemological, and worldview foundations of Ukrainian fundamental science as an intellectual phenomenon. This topic is covered in extensive monographic works, articles, discourses, and scientific investigations by such scientists as B. Paton, A. Zahorodnii, A. Naumovets, D. Zerbino, O. Habovych, V. Kuznietsov, L. Kurylo, N. Semenova, S. Honcharenko, A. Pavko, Z. Partiko, A. Filipenko, and others. Valuable, little-studied, and debatable aspects of this issue have also been highlighted in the works of foreign scientists. Among them, the author of the article includes interdisciplinary publications by J. Barroso, J. Gorgon, V. Humboldt, K. Popper, and other Western thinkers and researchers. At the same time, there are practically no professional generalizing works in domestic socio-humanitarian thought that consider Ukrainian fundamental science from a comprehensive, synthetic perspective as a powerful intellectual factor in shaping the traditions and values of European culture. M e t h o d s . The article uses a set of methods (analysis, synthesis, inductive and deductive methods) as well as general scientific approaches such as dialectical, systematic, and interdisciplinary methods to study this socio-humanitarian problem. This has led to the revelation of the internal contradictory nature of trends in the development of fundamental science, the evaluation of Ukrainian science in the system of European values and culture. Meanwhile, the dialectical method provides the theoretical and methodological foundation for a deep, essential understanding of the intellectual potential of fundamental research. In contrast, the systematic approach used in the article is extrapolated to conduct a correct, comprehensive analysis of the integral components that determine the regularities and features of the development of domestic science in modern conditions. The interdisciplinary approach, creatively applied in the article, made it possible to combine achievements in the field of social humanities, which significantly determine the determinants of the methodological culture of scientific analysis, critical thinking in the process of producing and assimilating scientific knowledge. R e s u l t s . The article identifies the following trends in the development of Ukrainian fundamental science as an institutional factor in shaping the traditions and values of European culture: Powerful, systematic development of fundamental science is a necessary condition for improving the mechanisms of deepening European integration processes in Ukraine. Modern fundamental science is one of the components of the socio-cultural progress of humanity and defines such important characteristics as the differentiation and integration of science, computerization, and humanization of each of them. The historical experience of the development of European civilization shows that science, both in the past and in the present, has been and remains an important intellectual factor, a reliable rational foundation of strong states and nations. C o n c l u s i o n s . The conclusion establishes that the scientific potential of the state is an integral component of European culture and the intellect of the modern Ukrainian nation. It is important to consider that European values should have a profound and irreversible nature for domestic science rather than a temporary one. The preservation and modernization of national intellect, intellectual capital are essential conditions for its integration into the educational, scientific, and cultural space of Europe, and for the preservation and development of Ukraine as a modern, scientifically powerful democratic state with established civilizational traditions. The article emphasizes that the constant pursuit of intellectual and political freedom, patriotism, tireless industriousness, intelligence, education, creativity, intellect, healthy pragmatism, persistence, courage, ingenuity, and a sense of humor are precisely the universal, distinctly defined, characteristic traits of our compatriots that make them resilient and open up a unique intellectual space in Europe, a wonderful European world of existence.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the role of U.S. governmental and non-governmental institutions in supporting democratic values in Ukraine following Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. It examines how American assistance has contributed to preserving Ukraine’s democratic governance, sovereignty, and political freedoms during the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict (war). The article also provides an overview of key U.S. institutions and organizations that have actively supported Ukraine’s democratic aspirations through financial aid, technical assistance, and institutional reforms. The methodological basis of the study includes a thorough review of publications from the websites of relevant organizations and agencies, official reports and news for 2022–2024. The research also draws on analytical works from prominent U.S. think tanks, including the Brookings Institution and Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, alongside data from surveys conducted by the National Democratic Institute and Razumkov Center. Comparative analysis and case studies are used to assess the feasibility of U.S. support in areas like anti-corruption initiatives, civil society development, and local governance reforms. The scientific novelty of the article lies in its holistic approach to understanding the diverse dimensions of U.S. support for democratic values in Ukraine. Unlike previous studies, which focus on specific aspects of U.S.–Ukraine cooperation, this research presents a comprehensive examination of how American institutions, including the U.S. Department of State, USAID, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) etc. are making efforts to strengthen democracy in Ukraine during the war. The author concludes that U.S. assistance is important for Ukraine’s democratic foundations. However, it has not yet addressed such problems as the decline in Ukrainians’ trust in government institutions, which underscores the need for continued efforts to increase transparency, anti-corruption measures, and accountability to bring Ukraine closer to European standards in the long run.

Subject. Quality of life is an integral indicator characterized by strategic orientation. Goal. Assessment of the level and quality of life in the regions of Russia based on quantitative and qualitative indicators and rating. Method or methodology. In the course of the work, general scientific methods were used: comparison, analysis, synthesis, analogy, as well as rating. The results of the work. Strengths are the availability of real estate, the quality of higher and secondary education institutions. The main problems of Lipetsk are housing and communal services, low interest in cultural values, quality of medical care, and unfavorable environmental situation. Conclusion. The basis for strategically ensuring sustainable growth in the quality of life of the population of the city of Lipetsk is: providing jobs, income that guarantees an acceptable level of well-being, high quality medical care, and basic social services. In addition, quality of life implies the opportunity for all members of society to participate in making vital decisions for the city and the use of opportunities provided by social, economic and political freedoms.