This study analyzes the framing of news coverage on the alleged corruption case involving Tom Lembong related to the 2015 sugar import policy, as reported by Antaranews.com and Tempo.co. The case drew attention because it involved a political figure in opposition to the government, raising suspicions of legal politicization ahead of the 2024 elections. This research aims to examine how both media outlets framed the case. Antaranews.com and Tempo.co were chosen due to different ownership structures: Antaranews.com is state-owned under BUMN, while Tempo.co is privately and publicly owned. The study uses Robert Entman’s framing analysis model, covering four elements: define problems, diagnose causes, make moral judgments, and treatment recommendations. The findings are connected to Michel Foucault’s theory of power relations. News articles were collected using the keyword “Tom Lembong” from October 29 to November 30, 2024, yielding 51 articles from Antaranews.com and 154 from Tempo.co. These were further filtered by stages of the case: suspect naming, political responses, pretrial & alleged politicization, and pretrial rejection. From this, 5 articles from Antaranews.com and 6 from Tempo.co were selected as the most representative. The results show clear differences. Antaranews.com emphasizes the legality of the Attorney General’s actions, supports the legitimacy of the legal process, and relies on official sources. Meanwhile, Tempo.co frames the case more critically, questioning the legal process and highlighting broader political narratives. These differences reflect power relations that influence media framing according to ownership.

In the realm of politics, scandals involving public figures often attract significant attention, especially when reported by the media. One major scandal that once stirred public discourse was the alleged affair involving Ridwan Kamil. The media plays a crucial role in shaping public perception of political figures, often through news reporting constructed with specific narratives. This study aims to explore how the media constructs narratives surrounding the alleged affair of Ridwan Kamil, and how it utilises its influence to shape public opinion and reinforce power structures through such reporting. Using Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, this research analyses how major Indonesian media outlets, such as Kompas.com, Detik.com, and CNN Indonesia, presented news coverage of this scandal. It also examines how the media frames the news in ways that influence the public’s perception of Ridwan Kamil and his political standing. The method employed is discourse analysis, focusing on the texts and narratives built by the media. This research not only investigates what is reported but also how the reporting itself constructs public perception and discourse. The findings reveal that scandals related to personal morality have significant destructive potential, as Indonesian society still views political leaders as moral figures. The clear polarisation of public opinion in Ridwan Kamil’s case is not solely caused by the content of the news but also by the selective consumption of information facilitated by social media algorithms. This study also identifies character assassination as a political communication strategy used to damage reputations by attacking personal aspects. Ideological bias in media coverage aligns with Herman and Chomsky’s propaganda model, where the media serves the interests of capital owners and those in power.

This study explores the role of local knowledge and community cohesion in constructing socio-cultural resilience among agrarian communities in the remote Koh-e-Suleiman range of Dera Ghazi Khan, Punjab, Pakistan. Through ethnographic research, the study examines indigenous land use practices, agricultural wisdom, and the kinship system that enables these communities to devise effective coping strategies for flash floods. The research highlights the influence of socio-economic cooperation, local leadership, and community networks in managing and distributing flood water for irrigation across both upper and lower regions. Data were collected using purposive sampling in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observation with farmers, community elders, political figures, and government officials. The findings indicate that the traditions, particularly during crisis, underpin their collective resilience, and local leadership plays a vital role in organizing responses, including the equitable distribution of resources. Furthermore, indigenous knowledge systems, such as weather prediction techniques and flood water management strategies, are integral to the community’s adaptive capacity. In addition, the community’s early warning systems, based on traditional knowledge of weather patterns, wind directions, and lightning activity, are critical for timely responses to imminent floods. While government intervention is crucial for disaster preparedness. This study underscores the need for integrating local, context-specific knowledge in policy formulation to enhance the effectiveness of disaster management efforts.

This study aims to explore Begum Nasim Wali Khan's life, services, political career, and the achievements she made. The political history of Pakistan and the available research establish that hereditary politics is the only source of female political leaders in Pakistan. The main argument of the study is that Begum Nasim Wali Khan is a case in the contrary. Although she had a political background but pursuing and retaining a political position was solely her interest in active politics, adept use of political strategies, and thorough study of Pakistani politics. Begum Nasim Wali Khan demonstrated some rare leadership qualities that won her a prominent place in Pakistan's political fraternity. Her adept analysis of the political situation assisted her in neutralizing, overcoming, and benefiting from the political crisis. Her political foresight gained her substantial popular support and admiration even from her political competitors. The study proves that she was not just a political figure but also a social activist.

Di era digital, di saat akses terhadap pengetahuan terbuka luas, banyak yang mengira masyarakat akan lebih logis, kritis, dan objektif, sehingga glorifikasi yang mengarah pada pemberhalaan terhadap figur akan berkurang. Faktanya, glorifikasi justru menemukan tempat yang lebih masif dan luas di era digital. Meskipun banyak laporan media dan opini publik tentang glorifikasi terhadap tokoh politik, studi akademik yang menggunakan pendekatan sistematis untuk memahami fenomena ini sangat terbatas. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengidentifikasi glorifikasi tokoh politik di media sosial menggunakan metode sentiment analysis. Ada 8.000 tweets yang dianalisis. Hasilnya, mayoritas tweets memuat sentimen positif, yaitu sebanyak 4.200 tweets atau 52,5% dari keseluruhan data, mengindikasikan adanya glorifikasi terhadap tokoh politik. Glorifikasi yang ditemukan, yaitu Overgeneralization (22% tweets), Hero Worship (15% tweets), dan Dismissive of Criticism (12% tweets). Pola glorifikasi yang banyak muncul sering kali tidak didasarkan pada fakta objektif, yang menunjukkan kecenderungan pemberhalaan, di mana tokoh politik diposisikan sebagai figur yang ideal, sempurna, dan berada di luar kritik. Menjadi penting untuk meningkatkan kesadaran masyarakat tentang bahaya glorifikasi bagi kohesi sosial, kualitas demokrasi, dan akuntabilitas publik

Public trust in science and scientific authorities is pivotal to effective vaccine policy and public health. This article develops a cultural-cognitive model to explain how ideological identity structures trust in vaccine-related authorities. Drawing on a novel survey instrument, it examines how partisanship shapes perceptions of scientific authority and the legitimacy of science in public health. Findings reveal that conservatives consistently express lower trust in scientific authorities regarding vaccination while expressing greater trust in religious and political figures. These partisan effects are magnified among scientifically literate individuals, suggesting that vaccine skepticism is structured less by knowledge deficits than by political identity. This underscores how public health attitudes are anchored in social institutions-particularly trust in experts and the perceived role of science in policymaking-clarifying the institutional foundations of vaccine polarization.

This article explores certain aspects of the life and work of Yusuf Afandi Klychev (al-Yahsawi), a distinguished Dagestan scholar, political figure, theologian and poet from the mid-nineteenth century. These details have come to light through the examination of his manuscripts, now preserved by his descendants in Khasavyurt, Republic of Dagestan. Famous as one of Imam Shamil’s ideological opponents, Yusuf Afandi al-Yahsawi held significant respect among Dagestani scholars. At the same time, he was also marked by his broad outlook, cultivated by his time in the Life Guards Caucasian-Mountain Half-Squadron and his contacts with religious leaders from the Volga region and the Middle East during his Hajj pilgrimages. By studying the marginalia of Yusuf Afandi’s copy of al-Hariri’s Maqāmāt – which he made while stationed in Tsarskoye Selo and brought home to his village of Aksay after returning – it has been possible to determine the exact dates of his service in the imperial convoy and other key events in his life. In addition, this work has greatly expanded what is known about Yusuf al-Yahsawi’s family: the precise number of Yusuf Afandi’s children, their full names, and birth dates have been identified, and a family tree for the well-known Klychev kin in Zasulak Kumykia has been created.

Abstract Personal branding strategy of Dedi Mulyadi as a humanist political figure on Instagram @dedimulyadi71 This study analyzes how Dedi Mulyadi uses Instagram to build a humanist political image through consistent visual storytelling, cultural symbols, and direct social engagement. Using a qualitative descriptive method with an interpretative approach, data were gathered from Instagram content analysis and in-depth interviews with followers. Findings reveal that Mulyadi’s empathetic and grounded communication style fosters public trust and reshapes perceptions of political leadership. His strategy highlights the power of authentic narratives in digital political branding. This research contributes to political communication studies and offers practical insights for politicians navigating social media platforms. Keywords: Personal Branding, Humanist Politics, Digital Communication, Political Narative

This paper examines the problem of starting of the Second World War and analyzes both Russian and foreign scientific research. These works are based on archival materials, including recently declassified documents, produced by well-known historians, political and public figures, international relations experts, and career diplomats. This study highlights a set of key foreign policy events that occurred during the 1930s and early 1940s, which significantly influenced global political developments. The authors of this paper identify the factors that led to the outbreak of the large-scale war, which caused immense human losses. Particular attention given to the Soviet Union’s policies aimed at establishing a system of collective security and its active efforts to prevent a global conflict. The paper concludes that while the political leadership of the major European powers in the 1930s did not seek war, they were ultimately unable to stop the aggressor, leading to the unfortunate reality of the Second World War.

Abstract This study investigates how Islamic reform and renewal ideas introduced by Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905) in Egypt have been transmitted, received, and appropriated in Indonesia and Malaysia. Although some previous studies have been conducted on the transmission of Muhammad Abduh in Southeast Asia, they are mainly historical and lack epistemological analysis. Muhammad Abduh’s ideas and works, which had epistemological roots driving Indonesian and Malaysian reformists to implement reform ideas, were discussed trivially. By closely reading the Theology of Unity (Risālat al-Tauhid) of Muhammad Abduh and examining how his ideas are adopted, appropriated, and impacting reform movements in Indonesia and Malaysia, this study shows that the concept of unity of God, the importance of independent reasoning (ijtihād), and positive outlook toward worldly affairs through good deeds have impacted Islamic reform in Indonesia and Malaysia differently. In Indonesia, reform ideas are taken by civil society organizations (CSOs) that continuously promote reform and renewal through civil society-based activities, means, and institutions. In contrast, in Malaysia, they are handled by religious scholars, political figures, and state officials who employ religious institutions, political means, and state apparatus to implement reform.

Over the past two decades, audio-based media has proliferated, with podcasting emerging as a globally accessible platform. Within this landscape, comedy podcasts play a significant role in shaping sociocultural and political discourse. This article examines veteran comedian Alexei Sayle’s approach to podcasting by analysing The Alexei Sayle Podcast (TASP). A founding figure of Britain’s Alternative Comedy movement, Sayle combines his distinctive left-wing humour with sharp reflections on contemporary politics and culture. Episodes frequently feature interviews with activists, academics, and political figures, in which Sayle balances comedy and pathos to interrogate contemporary political turmoil.Introducing the concept of intimate political discourse, this study explores how podcasting fosters personal, affective forms of political engagement beyond traditional media. Through detailed episode analysis and a theoretical discussion of podcast affordances, it argues that TASP exemplifies a sophisticated mode of political commentary, leveraging podcasting’s autonomy and intimacy to produce authentic critique. Sayle’s podcast work represents both a continuation and an evolution of his Alternative Comedy roots, adapting to digital media while sustaining his commitment to left-wing critique.Drawing on studies of podcasts, political communication theory, and comedy scholarship, this research contributes to our understanding of how digital platforms enable new forms of resistance and democratic engagement. By foregrounding intimate political discourse, it offers a framework for future studies of podcasting as a site of democratic renewal. Ultimately, TASP consolidates Sayle’s diverse body of work—spanning film, television, novels, and radio—while positioning podcasting as a means of reaching and retaining new audiences.

This study aims to evaluate the significance of educational multiculturalism within the educational sys-tem, drawing on key perspectives related to this concept. The research identifies the critical compo-nents necessary for fostering culturally tolerant education. To achieve the study’s objectives, the au-thors employed general scientific research methods, including analysis, synthesis, comparison, and ge-neralization, along with forecasting techniques. Interviews with educational and political figures from various European countries were analysed, focusing on their views regarding multiculturalism in educa-tion. This analysis highlighted prevalent opinions on racial and intercultural differences in today’s world and pinpointed the primary obstacles hindering the implementation of a multicultural approach in Eu-ropean schools. The study proposes several solutions to these challenges, such as enhancing teacher training with a focus on interethnic relations and the cultural characteristics of diverse ethnic groups, and integrating representatives of ethnic minorities into the educational process. A survey was pre-sented as a method to assess the effectiveness of the proposed educational strategies. Ultimately, the study concludes that incorporating multicultural approaches in contemporary education offers clear benefits. The practical significance of this research lies in identifying the connections and methods for integrating a culturally tolerant approach into education, which can enhance the overall educational process.

The grassroots leadership by women has become a revolution in rural India especially in the Panchayati Raj system that has seen women participating actively in it. This paper examines visual representation as an effective tool of recording, analyzing, and magnifying the lived experiences of elected women politicians. It does not rely on traditional policy and governance analyses but draws a visual-cultural approach to discuss portraits, photographs, and community-based visual stories as a means of telling a story, gaining strength, and political representation. The concepts analyzed include the ways in which visual stories can trap intersections between gender, caste, class, and local power dynamics, displaying the limited and determining women in the process of leadership. These delineations demonstrate some of the normal governing, negotiating, and survival practices, which refer to the women Panchayat leaders, not as symbolic recipients of constitutional reservations, but as time-takers of decision-making in the rural developing and social justice, and community welfare. The methodology of the work incorporates the visual analysis together with qualitative analysis based on the field documentation, interviews and participating observation to allow the development of the sensitive meaning-making and definition of representation. The results show that visual narratives are very effective in redefining how people view them and disrupting the stereotype of a passive political figure in rural women, and give confidence to young leaders. This visual documentation is a simultaneously archival, pedagogical, and political intervention, which adds to the feminist discourse, deepening democracy, and inclusive governance. The foregrounding of voices of women using images empowers the study by highlighting the possibilities of the visual culture as a tool of empowerment and social change at grassroots in rural India.

Importance. The October Revolution in the Central Black Earth Region was carried out by leaders of the leader-type, who established a new government by their own will. They were resisted by no less authoritative state and public figures. At the same time, the style of political behavior of such leaders varied, which requires understanding, since leaderism is usually associated with the peremptory nature of words and actions. The purpose of the study is to study political leaderism from October 1917 to February 1918, the role of authoritarian leaders at this time and the situation of their rapid disappearance from the political scene. Methods and Materials. Historical-systemic, historical-comparative and prosopographical methods. Materials from the central archives, archives of Voronezh, Tambov, Kursk and Lipetsk; periodicals; memoirs. Results and Discussion. In the first half of autumn 1917, political activists of the region openly discussed the need for a coup d'etat to implement the tasks of the revolution. There was no unity among the revolutionaries on this issue. As a result, the transfer of power to the new political regime that took place in October 1917 – February 1918 turned out to be associated with the actions of specific political leaders: A.S. Moiseyev in Voronezh, E.N. Zabitsky in Kursk and the examples of I.I. Fokin in Bryansk in Bryansk, Oryol province, N.N. Ispolatov in Usman, Tambov province. By the summer of 1918, these leaders, especially at the level of provincial centers, ceased to play the role of leaders of the revolution. The phenomenon of leaderism in the period under study also turned out to be associated with the actions of politicians of the liberal and rightsocialist wing. The figures of the leader of the Cadets A.I. Shingarev and the leader of the Voronezh People's Socialists Party N.V. Chekhov are analyzed as examples. Conclusion. Local leaders-chiefs, who were able to act by force of will, achieved the greatest success in implementing the tasks of transferring power to the October regime. Leaders of other types looked less bright against their background, but were able to solve the problem of gradual transfer of power to the Bolsheviks, or act as an opposition from the right. By the summer of 1918, the most prominent leaders, who showed a tendency towards an authoritarian style of action and individual decisions, were ousted from the sphere of making important political decisions. This is due not only to the collapse of the left coalition, but also to the specifics of the emerging political system, where individualism was not welcomed. The need to create detailed biographies of political figures of the revolutionary period is emphasized in order to better understand the nature of the processes taking place in the political sphere.

Colonialism has meaningfully participated in the change of many things in African world. Form social degradation to environmental change, African society remains politicized by new colonial settings. These settings are built through the colonial order and continue to impact African people’s lives. In Nigeria, like anywhere in Africa, social phenomena have changed with the effects of colonialism. The present paper explores “Literature” and “Society” as two foundational social and political figures in the exploration of human life. Buchi Emecheta and Helon Habila’s <i>The</i><i> </i><i>Joys</i><i> </i><i>of</i><i> </i><i>Motherhood</i> (1979) and <i>Oil</i><i> </i><i>on</i><i> </i><i>Water</i> (2010) are special works when talking about Women’s conditions and sociopolitical realities before, during, and after colonial rule. Through close reading and theories developed in relation to the most relevant themes in these two novels, we seek to explore women's conditions, the consequence of oil production, social change, and social struggle. The present work investigates the dynamic relationships between literature and society, examining how literary texts shape and are shaped by the social, political, and cultural conditions. Drawing on the theoretical perspectives from sociological literary criticism, this research paper underscores literature’s role as a mirror and a critique of societal structures, ideologies, and transformations. Helon Habila and Buchi Emecheta give two important representative images of African postcolonial society and politics. They develop in the selected novels African post-colonial social facts in relation to their social and political concerns, more precisely their country, Nigeria. Emecheta explores women conditions while Habila tries to analyze the effects of oil exploitation in postcolonial context. This review is an analysis of social representation of women’s conditions and oil production in Africa.

Background Even though a lot has been written on ‘failure to fail’ behaviors of educators in developed and resource-rich countries, there have been no studies from developing and resource-constrained countries, which are among the major contributors of international medical graduates to the healthcare systems worldwide. Understanding such behaviors of examiners has significant implications for professionalism, patient safety, and healthcare worldwide. Using game theory, the current study explores the determinants of ‘failure to fail’ underperforming medical students from examiners of six medical schools in Pakistan. Methods A qualitative multi-institutional case study was carried out in Pakistan. Using a purposive maximum variation sampling technique, 15 examiners of basic and clinical sciences from six medical schools providing undergraduate medical education were selected and interviewed. The data were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using a Framework analysis approach. Results The examiners were against passing any student who did not deserve to pass, but they reported failure to do so. Using Game Theory, we identified four key elements that may influence examiners’ decision-making in assessment: players and their strategies, perceived personal payoffs, perceived social payoffs, and game rules (policies, norms, and practices). The examiners comply under pressure from various players, including the students, friends, family, higher administration, and political figures. Their behaviors were also influenced by rules set by examiners, the assessment system, the competitive market, and socio-culture environment. Conclusions The personal, social, and systemic constraints and consequences lead to poor assessment of medical students’ knowledge and competence, which has significant implications for patient safety and healthcare worldwide. Some of these constraints may be unique to the developing countries’ context; however, many others are prevalent even in the developed countries. Whether through examiner peer mentorship, restructured institutional incentives, or clear assessment policies, breaking the equilibrium of ‘failure to fail’ lies in a society of integrity and accountability.

During the Napoleonic Wars (1803-1815), public opinion became a decisive force, shaping loyalties and enabling political figures to consolidate their power. Such was the case of Pedro Cevallos Guerra, who, having served Joseph I, used his influence to consolidate his position on the Spanish insurgent side by publishing his Exposition. This text enhanced his reputation and contributed to the legitimisation of Ferdinand VII beyond the borders of the Spanish monarchy. This study explores how Cevallos used his work to reformulate his image and strengthen his influence, revealing public opinion as an essential political tool in this historical context.

This paper compares the communication strategies adopted by national authorities in Iceland and the United States during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic (January–May 2020). The first wave was a critical point in the pandemic as the overall crisis responses were formalized during this period in both countries. Using qualitative content analysis of televised briefings, we examine how each country’s approach reflected guiding principles of effective crisis communication; transparency of the communication and to promote civic engagement of citizens in the government’s infection-control measures. Iceland largely followed an Expert Appointee Prominence Model, where health and civil protection experts led information briefings about the pandemic and politicians were usually not part of those briefings. This led to communication that was mostly transparent and clear. By contrast, the United States relied on a Politician Prominence Model, in which President Trump and other political figures were central to communication, often overshadowing or contradicting expert voices. While US briefings did include health experts, political framing and inconsistent messaging reduced transparency and credibility. Both countries sought to empower citizens and foster solidarity, but Iceland’s messaging was overall more consistent and community-centered, while US communication was marked by mixed signals and limited attention to diverse community needs. The results show that the Expert Appointee Prominence model, as followed in Iceland, was much more effective in communicating transparent information and to promote civic engagement than the Political Prominence Model used in the United States, where politicians took the lead.

Political discourses always serve the agenda of political figures through the use of manipulative and vituperative language. Manipulative language is cunning or scheming language, having a certain agenda, while Vituperative language is bitter and abusive and hurts someone’s feelings either directly or indirectly. Today’s society is breaking away from normative language and is choosing the manipulative language that most of the public uses in daily conversations. This article delves into the complexities of the layers of political language by thoroughly studying the words’ approach at different levels. The correctness of language is marred by the grossness spread among the masses. The study is based on the analysis of the political speeches delivered by Imran Khan and Nawaz Sharif during different periods in the course of their tenure to check the validity of their language choice. This research will be beneficial to unmask their vituperative and machiavellian language, penetrating the roots of society and invigorating the masses to be vigilant and critical. Their victory speeches, speeches after their government was toppled, the speech by Imran Khan at the prominent event of Amar bil Maroof, and the homecoming speech of Nawaz Sharif are analyzed. Moreover, Fairclough’s 3D model is applied to these speeches to interpret them at different levels. Collectively, the article’s approach is to cover the broader perspective of language use or misuse.

The authors consider the history of the transfer of Russian officers who served in the Armenian army, and Armenian officers who served in the armed forces of Southern Russia from 1918 to 1920. The article is based on archival sources, primarily the documents stored in the National Archive of Armenia and memoirs of military and political figures of that time. It is shown that during this period, at the very height of the Civil War in Russia, there were close military-political and military-technical ties between the First Republic of Armenia and the armed forces of Southern Russia. At the same time, the army of the Republic of Armenia acted in accordance with the traditions of the Tsarist army. In particular, it inherited its structure (general staff, administration), military ranks, and military regulations. Despite the fact that the Republic of Armenia was not legally recognized, both sides appointed their own military representatives to reach other, which contributed to the strengthening of their relationship. The authors come to the conclusion that from 1918 to 1920, an effort was carried out to recruit the Russian military personnel remaining in Armenia for the armed forces of Southern Russia. As a result of there was a policy of Armenization by the armed forces of the First Republic of Armenia, as hundreds of ethnic Russian officers left Armenia and joined the armed forces of Southern Russia. At the same time, there was an effort to return to their homeland the Armenian officers and soldiers serving in the armed forces of Southern Russia, so that they could continue their service in the army of the Republic of Armenia. As a result of the negotiations, several thousand Armenian servicemen were allowed to return to their homeland.