We live in an age where education is considered as a universally recognised fundamental right and an important objective of the development of the world and yet millions of children living in certain conflict-driven countries are stuck in an educational distress that alarms to put them in an infinite loop of conflict, instability and poverty. This paper targets the examination of the issues which has led to the disconnection between multiple international educational commitments like Millennium Development Goals and Sustainable Development Goals from the brutal realities of different countries in the South Asian region like Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. These nations have been not only been experiencing their own unique issues of political instability and corruption but also economic disasters, natural calamities, institutional failure and many more, which ultimately explains how this fragility has demolished the educational infrastructure, leading to total collapse of hopes for the future generations to enjoy their fundamental right to learn and grow. This paper seeks to demonstrate by the analysis of these three states that although the international community has produced thorough and detailed frameworks for addressing educational difficulties by these governments, there is still a significant implementation gap. The paper finally calls for a fundamental reconstruction of how education is protected and provided in contexts of complete failure and fragility, arguing that current approaches, despite the evolution from MDGs to SDGs, fail to adequately address the complex interrelation between political instability, security threats, economic collapse and educational access.

In an era marked by profound social inequalities and ethical dilemmas, the role of religious institutions in advocating for social justice has never been more critical. This article explores the response of the Ghana Catholic Bishops’ Conference (GCBC) to the social justice imperatives outlined in Ecclesia in Africa (1995), a post-synodal apostolic exhortation by Pope John Paul II. A descriptive and critical analysis will be conducted based on selected pastoral letters and other statements from the GCBC. This analysis will address pressing social issues, including economic inequality, conflicts, inequality in access to quality education, political corruption, and environmental degradation, challenges that continue to impact Ghanaian society. An analysis of the documents and teachings of the GCBC on social justice reveals the Conference’s stance on issues pertinent to the Ghanaian context. This research enhances understanding of the GCBC’s role in promoting social justice in Ghana and its implications for policy and practice.

This study examines the dominant themes in Sahara Reporters' coverage of Nigeria's COVID-19 crisis management and its implications for the country's global perception. Using qualitative content analysis, we analyzed 134 news articles, features, and opinions published between March 30, 2020 and May 5, 2023. The findings reveal four dominant themes: criticism of government responses, non-compliance with COVID-19 guidelines, official corruption and mismanagement of funds, and challenges facing Nigeria's healthcare system. The majority of the content was negative, with significant implications for Nigeria's global image and crisis management capacities. The study recommends that the government engage with diasporic media outlets to promote balanced narratives, prioritize transparency and accountability, and improve crisis management capacities, particularly in health-related issues.

This research examines money politics as a root problem in Indonesia’s democratic system, focusing on the 2019 and 2024 general elections. Money politics refers to the practice of distributing cash or goods by candidates, campaign teams, or volunteers to influence voters’ political choices. This study employs a qualitative method with a literature study approach to analyze several cases that occurred across different regions in Indonesia. The findings reveal that money politics was widespread during both elections, with the main modus operandi involving the distribution of cash, basic goods, and facilities. This practice not only violates the principles of free and fair elections but also undermines citizens’ dignity, weakens popular sovereignty, and serves as a major driver of political corruption. Contributing factors include power ambition, vulnerable economic conditions, low political education, weak oversight, and entrenched transactional political culture. To address this issue, the research highlights the importance of political party reform and strengthening democratic education, particularly through civic education programs. These efforts aim to increase political awareness among citizens and improve the overall quality of Indonesia’s democracy.

The study examined the impact of political leadership on infrastructural growth towards Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) growth in Nigeria. The study’s specific objectives were to ascertain whether political leadership has an impact on the infrastructural growth of transportation, health, education, social and urban infrastructures in Nigeria. Survey design was adopted; thus, the study used a structured questionnaire to gather the primary data. The instrument has 4 4-point “Likert” scale ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree for positively worded items. Data from the survey were analysed by obtaining the mean and modal scores. The t-test was conducted, while estimation was done using SPSS statistical packages. Outcome of the investigations show that political leadership has impact on all the investigated structures and that political corruption is linked to all the decay in infrastructures and inadequacy of the infrastructures to sustain SMEs in Nigeria, the study concludes that all forms of growth in infrastructures of any country, Nigeria inclusive, depend to a large extent on the capacity of its leadership to facilitate, entrench, and sustain good political governance. Recommendations from the study include, among others, that political leaders in Nigeria should make infrastructural growth and SMEs sustenance a compelling part of their promises, upon which the populace should demand performance.

The paper analyzes the student movement that emerged as a reaction to the death of 16 people in the collapse of a canopy at the Novi Sad railway station, on November 1st 2024. This movement is the response of the student population to lawlessness, social injustice and repression by the corrupt regime. The current student movement in Serbia is a social and political avant-garde, which has not existed in Europe since 1968. In terms of its character, duration, mobilization of citizens and pressure on the regime, this movement has no counterpart even on a planetary level since the beginning of the 21st century. The student movement is by its nature anti-corruption, sovereignist, focused on building legal identity and the rule of law as the supporting pillars of the new order. The author of the paper starts from the hypothesis that anti-corruption is a centripetal force of the student movement that mobilizes citizens in the fight to establish Serbia as a legal state in which the rule of law exists. Student movement influenced the construction of a student protest identity and the formation of a generation of critically thinking and socially engaged youth. The political awareness of Generation Z, the mobilization of citizens and the offering of alternative ways to resolve the institutional, political and social crisis is the legacy of the current student protests. The student movement is deeply rooted in anti-corruption foundations, which dictate a policy of discontinuity and the responsibility of high politics for the abuse of the public interest. The political activism of students in the blockade exposed the corrupt, blackmailing and repressive nature of the hybrid regime and gradually led to a change in the value and political pattern. The student movement has changed tactics and forms of manifestation since its inception, but the demand for a legal state and the rule of law has remained an unchanging variable. As the most credible social actor capable of mobilizing citizens to support its demands, the student movement is becoming a political actor oriented towards institutional changes and the redefinition of political and economic processes.

In Sinclair Lewis' novel Arrowsmith, through its rich disease narrative, an image of an upright doctor who encounters repeated setbacks in social practice is created. The novel satirizes the materialism of society and the abuse of power by government officials in the early 20th century. Unlike the mere description of disease symptoms from a medical perspective, the author's depiction of disease in the novel carries profound metaphorical connotations. Therefore, based on Susan Sontag's theory of disease as metaphor, this paper focuses on the plague in the novel. By analyzing the three metaphors embodied in the plague, it reveals the realistic problems in the colonial society, such as official corruption, the distortion of people's values and moral degradation. In the novel, Lewis criticizes the colonial society by virtue of the disease narrative, demonstrating the close connection between disease and society.

The article provides a systematic legal analysis of the role of Ukraine’s judicial and law-enforcement bodies in the implementation of anti-corruption policy in the context of the state’s European integration commitments. On the basis of the Constitution of Ukraine, special anti-corruption legislation, the Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2021–2025, as well as empirical data of judicial statistics and international assessments, it examines the transformation of the institutional architecture of anti-corruption efforts – from a fragmented model to a specialized multi-level infrastructure. The article outlines the legal status and functional specificity of the NACP as the centre for preventive policy, NABU as a body for pre-trial investigation of high-level corruption, SAPO as the core of prosecutorial guidance, HACC as a specialized court authorised to adjudicate particularly complex corruption cases and cases on unexplained assets, as well as the SBI, the prosecution service, the National Police and courts of general jurisdiction as elements that ensure the delineation of investigative jurisdiction and the maintenance of public prosecution. It is shown that, despite the institutional strengthening of anti-corruption bodies, conflicts and gaps in criminal-law and procedural regulation, inconsistency of judicial practice, staffing and resource constraints of specialized bodies, as well as risks of external influence on these institutions, still persist. It is argued that the further development of the anti-corruption infrastructure should be aimed at clarifying the boundaries of investigative jurisdiction, enhancing the capacity of the judiciary and pre-trial investigation bodies, improving mechanisms for asset recovery and protection of whistle-blowers, as well as deepening institutional integrity as a key criterion for the genuine implementation of the rule of law and Ukraine’s readiness for integration into the European legal space. Particular attention is paid to the functional division between preventive, investigative-prosecutorial and judicial components, which likewise requires coherent procedures for the detection, investigation and adjudication of corruption offences. The article emphasizes the importance of specialization of judges and prosecutors, the development of internal control systems and cooperation with civil society in order to foster a culture of zero tolerance for corruption.

The construction market in Ukraine plays a significant role in the country's economic development, infrastructure growth, and employment generation. However, it remains one of the sectors most vulnerable to violations of economic legislation and criminal offenses. The article examines the problematic aspects of legal regulation and law enforcement practices in the field of criminal-law protection of economic relations within the construction industry. A particular focus is placed on identifying the types of economic crimes most frequently committed in this sector, including fraudulent schemes, abuse of official powers, tax evasion, embezzlement of budget funds, and violations of public procurement rules. Fraud in the construction sector often manifests in the manipulation of contracts, overstatement of project costs, and falsification of documentation to divert funds illegally. Official misconduct may include negligence in oversight, collusion with contractors, or abuse of authority to facilitate corrupt schemes. Tax evasion is another critical issue, as companies often underreport revenues, misclassify expenses, or create fictitious entities to minimize tax liabilities. Violations in the use of budgetary funds, particularly in state-funded construction projects, lead to significant financial losses and undermine public trust in governmental institutions. Current Ukrainian legislation provides a framework for criminal-law protection of economic relations, including the Criminal Code, laws on public procurement, anti-corruption legislation, and tax regulations. However, there are significant gaps and inconsistencies in the regulatory framework that complicate enforcement. For example, overlapping responsibilities among regulatory bodies, ambiguities in definitions of economic crimes, and insufficient alignment with modern construction practices hinder the effective prosecution of offenders. The lack of comprehensive guidelines for investigating complex economic offenses in construction projects further exacerbates the problem. The effectiveness of law enforcement agencies in preventing and combating crimes in the construction market is another area of concern. Investigative authorities often face challenges due to insufficient resources, limited technical expertise in construction economics, and difficulties in tracing complex financial transactions. Corruption within regulatory and supervisory bodies further diminishes the ability to prevent and punish violations. Despite these challenges, certain measures, such as the introduction of electronic public procurement systems and stricter reporting requirements, have shown potential in increasing transparency and reducing opportunities for misconduct. Based on this analysis, several directions for improving criminal-law mechanisms for protecting economic relations in the construction sector are proposed. First, there is a need to strengthen liability for offenses specific to construction, including stricter penalties for fraud, embezzlement, and abuse of authority. Second, anti-corruption measures should be enhanced, including increased oversight of public procurement, mandatory conflict-of-interest declarations, and development of whistleblower protection mechanisms. Third, harmonization of national legislation with European and international standards is essential to ensure that Ukrainian law adequately addresses contemporary challenges and aligns with best practices. Additionally, capacity-building initiatives for law enforcement and judicial authorities should be implemented, focusing on technical knowledge, financial investigation techniques, and understanding of construction project management. In conclusion, the protection of economic relations in Ukraine’s construction market requires a multifaceted approach that combines legislative reform, institutional strengthening, and enhanced preventive mechanisms. Only through comprehensive legal regulation, effective law enforcement, and consistent anti-corruption efforts can the risks of economic crimes be mitigated, ensuring sustainable development and integrity within the construction sector.

In this article, we focus on the data obtained by an international survey on faith and religious experience amongst young people aged between 18–29 years in Italy. This survey was conducted by the Footprints Project and involved researchers from eight countries: Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, Kenya, and the Philippines. We will specifically examine the representative sample of young Italians on: the prevalent image of God amongst the youth; which religion is followed most; what values are embraced; the degree of conviction with which people identify themselves as believers or non-believers; whether they pray and, if so, how; if they are Catholic; how they perceive the Catholic Church; their thoughts about the Bible, the Magisterium, tradition of the Church, and the sacraments; and their approach to Catholic doctrine. We will also explore the views of young people on moral issues such as the role of conscience, relationships (such as the effects of pornography and contraception), and social issues (war, the death penalty, political corruption, and pollution).

ABSTRACT This article focuses on the interplay between port governance and different types of corruption, taking as a case-study the port of Genoa (Italy). Through a typological analysis four distinct models of corruption within port systems are singled out, taking as relevant variables the nature of the corresponding decision-making process (port-specific or common to other administrative bodies) and the potential involvement of organised crime (OC): transit corruption, administration corruption, transit corruption with OC, and administration corruption with OC. Despite the case-study nature of the empirical analysis, preliminary findings suggest how certain specific port-governance characteristics may facilitate diverse forms of corruption by blending public and private interests, fostering opportunities for corruption. The presence of organised crime groups further compounds these vulnerabilities, enhancing the stability of corrupt networks while facilitating illicit trafficking.

This study examines the causal relationship between Pakistan’s gross domestic product (GDP) growth—used as a proxy for economic development—and eight key macroeconomic variables: urban population, rural population, net migration (used as a proxy for migration), trade, personal remittances, poverty, political stability, and control of corruption. Utilizing annual time series data spanning from 2000 to 2023, the study employs the Augmented Dickey-Fuller (ADF) unit root test to assess the stationarity of the data. To address the mixed order of integration among variables, the Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) and co-integration techniques are applied. Additionally, the Breusch-Pagan-Godfrey test is conducted to detect heteroskedasticity, while the Lagrange Multiplier (LM) test is used to examine serial correlation. The empirical findings reveal that net migration, trade, and personal remittances exert a statistically significant and positive long-term impact on Pakistan’s economic growth. However, results from the Granger causality test indicate no causal relationship among the studied variables in either direction. Although political stability and control of corruption are correlated with economic growth, their effects are statistically insignificant. These findings provide valuable insights for policymakers, highlighting the substantial roles of migration, trade, and remittances in driving long-term economic development. Furthermore, the study underscores the importance of institutional reforms to enhance the effectiveness of governance-related variables such as political stability and corruption control.

ABSTRACT This article theorizes about weak checks and balances (C&B) and its plausible consequences. Drawing on empirical data from over 1100 municipal officials in Mexico, the study examines how executive dominance over three key institutions—the local council, internal comptroller offices, and human resources offices—facilitates consequences associated with abuse of power and a demise in democratic regimes. We use the case of systemic corruption in local governments to propose how C&B erosion undermines institutional autonomy and capacity, thereby fostering conditions in which corruption becomes normalized and self‐sustaining. By offering theoretical propositions supported by extensive survey data, the article illustrates how C&B mechanisms are systematically undermined. These findings have broader implications for understanding the global drift toward illiberal governance and the challenges to revert the situation. The study contributes to global debates on democratic backsliding by highlighting how subnational dynamics reflect broader patterns of authoritarian power consolidation.

Organized human trafficking in India is a highly structured, multi-layered criminal enterprise that thrives in the shadows of the country's vast socioeconomic landscape. This research article meticulously dissects the operational architecture of these trafficking networks, revealing a sophisticated and resilient business model that has become one of the fastest-growing illicit economies globally. The paper argues that a comprehensive understanding of this crime requires a deep dive into its hierarchical structure, from the strategic masterminds to the frontline exploiters. The study first establishes the distinct roles within these syndicates. At the top are the kingpins, who finance and coordinate the entire operation, remaining insulated from direct contact with victims. They rely on recruiters, often individuals from the same marginalized communities, who exploit social trust and economic desperation with deceptive promises of jobs, marriage, or a better life. Once lured, victims are moved by transporters who navigate complex internal and cross-border routes, frequently with the complicity of corrupt officials. They are then sold through brokers to the final exploiters, who profit directly from the victims' forced labor, sexual servitude, or other forms of exploitation. Furthermore, this research examines the key drivers behind the trafficking ecosystem, including pervasive poverty, gender inequality, and a lack of awareness, which create a fertile ground for traffickers to operate. The article maps the primary trafficking corridors, highlighting how victims from impoverished states like West Bengal and Jharkhand are funneled into major urban centers. It also addresses the transnational dimension, where India serves as a key source, transit, and destination country for victims from neighboring nation Ultimately, this paper argues that combating this modern-day slavery requires more than just law enforcement. A successful strategy must dismantle the entire criminal ecosystem, address root causes, and provide comprehensive, victim-centric care to truly disrupt this pervasive human rights violation.

ABSTRACT In Ghana, unlicensed artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), locally called galamsey, has reached an unprecedented scale over the past few years. It is leading to the destruction of large tracts of forests crucial for carbon sequestration and climate change mitigation. At the same time, there is a massive drive by the state for large-scale tree planting to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 13 on climate action. Using photovoice and bringing together literature on citizens’ trust in government and political ecologies of the state, power, and discourse, this paper explores what galamsey means for tree-based climate action in Ghana. The findings show that politicians are deeply involved in galamsey while also actively leading the state’s drive for tree-based climate action. A recurring concern raised by study participants is that there is a deep contraction in planting new trees for carbon sequestration while intact forests are being destroyed through galamsey. Further, while politicians use discourses of ‘development’ to justify their complicity in galamsey, the findings show otherwise. Politicians engage in galamsey for their own political gains in a context of competitive clientelism, leading to counter effects on climate action. This paper contributes to literature that calls into question the usefulness of large-scale tree planting for climate mitigation without addressing the socio-political drivers of deforestation. It is also a political-ecological case that sheds light on political parties and corrupt state officials amassing wealth at the expense of everyday citizens, the environment, and global responses to climate change.

Our study identified that poor governance quality in emerging economies, being detrimental concern to financial development, could also explain the poor depth and growth of the green finance market. This prompted the study to consider the influences of institutional quality and governance quality in explaining green finance development in twenty-one (21) emerging economies from 2010 to 2022. Due to data availability factor and nature of data, the most suitable technique is the linear and nonlinear panel ARDL/PMG and estimators to address the dynamic implications of governance on green finance market in emerging economies. The findings showed that green finance was improved when corruption control, government effectiveness and governance index in emerging economies are considered independently but impeded by political stability. However, when considered collectively, only government effectiveness was beneficial to green finance, even though insignificantly, while both political stability and corruption control exert significant negative effect on green finance. Dynamically the index of governance exerts proportional influences on green finance in emerging economics, with the positive shock supporting green finance as against the negative shock that impeded it. The findings offer options for integrated environmental policies into institutional reforms because of their significant influence on green finance development.

Law enforcement in the context of recovering state finances does not solely focus on corruption offenses, but also on administrative errors that may potentially cause losses to the state. The State Attorney (Jaksa Pengacara Negara/JPN) holds strategic authority through legal audits to identify, assess, and provide recommendations regarding potential state financial losses arising from administrative actions inconsistent with applicable regulations. This research formulates two main issues: first, how the legal authority of JPN is applied in conducting legal audits on administrative errors potentially causing state financial losses; second, what legal mechanisms are employed by JPN in conducting legal audits on such administrative errors. The findings of this study indicate that the implementation of legal authority by JPN through legal audits aims to ensure that every aspect of authority, procedure, and substance in governmental decision-making, as well as in the procurement of goods and services, complies with legal provisions, starting from the needs identification stage up to the final handover of work results. This is essential for JPN to accurately determine administrative errors that may potentially cause state financial losses and to formulate them in a legal audit report. The mechanism for resolving legal audit findings is carried out through coordination between JPN and the Government Internal Supervisory Apparatus (APIP) to determine the amount of potential losses. Subsequently, JPN provides recommendations to the applicant to return the potential losses to the state or regional treasury.

ObjectivesPast studies show a mixed relationship between the Global Health Security (GHS) Index and COVID-19 pandemic health outcomes. Some recent work that suggested higher GHS Index scores are associated with better mortality outcomes has been criticised on methodological grounds. There remains scope for improved analyses of these relationships, including of island nations and macroeconomic pandemic outcomes. We aimed to determine the relationship between GHS Index scores and COVID-19 pandemic excess mortality 2020–2021 and macroeconomic pandemic outcomes.DesignCross-sectional, multivariable regression design (controlling for per capita gross domestic product (GDP) and political corruption), comparing island and non-island jurisdictions.Setting194 jurisdictions with 2019 GHS Index scores.Outcome measuresAge-standardised cumulative excess mortality 2020–2021, GDP per capita growth 2019–2020 and 2020–2021.ResultsThe GHS Index predicted better health outcomes in terms of age-standardised excess mortality through 2020–2021 in non-island jurisdictions (β=−0.046, p=0.00068, adj R2=0.48), but not in island jurisdictions (β=0.012, p=0.734). For a starting age-standardised excess mortality of 100 per 100 000, a +10-point rise in overall GHS Index score predicts a 26.7 per 100 000 reduction in age-standardised mortality. We found no robust evidence that a higher GHS Index predicted higher year-on-year GDP per capita growth through 2019–2020 or 2020–2021.ConclusionsThe GHS Index demonstrated clear associations with favourable health outcomes of non-island jurisdictions through the COVID-19 pandemic, supporting its use to guide pandemic preparedness investments. Contrasting findings for islands suggest the need to enhance how the Index measures border biosecurity capacities and capabilities, including the ability to support the exclusion/elimination strategies that successfully protected islands during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Political Corruption, Regulatory Red Tape and Stock Returns

Escaping political instability and corruption: Emerging market multinational enterprises' controlling ownership in cross-border acquisitions