The principle of separation of powers, as the cornerstone of constitutional government and the rule of law, faces significant practical challenges within the federal system of Iraq, particularly in the relationship between the central government in Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). The Iraqi Constitution formally recognizes the federal system. It grants various competences for implementing federalism and, based on the principle of division of powers and responsibilities, establishes coordination and balance between the federal government and local governments. This article examines the constitutional framework established by the 2005 Iraqi Constitution, which recognized Kurdistan as a federal region with legislative, executive, and judicial powers, and analyzes the ongoing disputes between federal and regional authorities. Through the study of key constitutional provisions, Federal Supreme Court rulings, and practical governance issues, the research demonstrates how the theoretical guarantees of the Constitution have been undermined by political, economic, and legal conflicts. The analysis focuses on critical areas such as oil and gas governance, revenue distribution, electoral procedures, and judicial independence, showing how ambiguity in constitutional provisions has led to competing interpretations and institutional disputes. The findings reveal that while the Iraqi Constitution theoretically establishes a framework for federal governance based on separation of powers, its practical implementation has been obstructed by centralizing tendencies, judicial overreach, and the lack of effective mechanisms for resolving federal–regional disputes. This study contributes to understanding the broader challenges faced by federal systems in post-conflict states and the complex relationship between constitutional design and political reality.

The falsification of the results of the 2020 presidential election in Belarus produced a movement of peaceful civil disobedience and resistance. Civil activism furthered radical change embracing broad democratic participation and created new political subjects. Biographical interviews conducted with Aliaksandra, a young Belarusian adult, look at the learning situation of the individual and open a space in which the search for individual meaning-making in times of biographical transition can be heard. The interviews showcase interactions in time and space between an individual and her wider out-of-frame interactions, and on the effects of social and political conflict and crisis on her biographical narrative. The concept of ‘biographicity’ is employed to describe the dynamics of ongoing biographical learning, and Raymond Williams’ understanding of the processes of social transformation provides the theoretical backdrop of the transformation of lived lives in this paper.

This article examines the role of language as a key instrument in the formation of national and ethnic identity. Particular attention is paid to its dual nature: its ability to act as both a consolidating factor and a differentiating tool. The aim of the study is to identify and substantiate this dual influence through a comparative analysis of two models of interaction between language and the state. Historical and political cases serve as empirical foundations: Italy, where the formation of a single literary language became the foundation of national unifica-tion, and Spain, where the preservation of regional languages serves as a resource for ethnic mobilization and a source of political and legal conflicts. The scientific novelty lies in the substantiation of a two-tiered model of language influence (national and ethnic), which allows for a comprehensive assessment of its potential from the perspectives of sociolinguistics, cultural studies, and political philosophy. The obtained results confirm that language is not only a means of communication but also a mechanism of political influence, determining the stability and structure of multiethnic states.

The constantly increasing measures of sanctions impact contribute to advancing development of political conflict of Russia with unfriendly countries, that results in increasing economic pressure on sectors of the Russian consumer market that are the most import-dependent ones. Currently, the European Union, the United States, Japan and other states that received status of unfriendly ones, are actively applying secondary sanctions originally developed as tool to curb schemes of circumventing existing bans against Russia, of which legalization of parallel imports, introduced in 2022, was among the most effective ones. By their content, secondary sanctions imply possibility of imposing prohibitive measures on foreign counter-agents from countries that are friendly for Russia, that cause additional difficulties with registration, making payments and increased delivery time. Of course, all the circumstances mentioned above could not help but affect export and re-export of medical devices to Russia. The detailed analysis of content of imposed sanctions measures established that currently there are no direct bans on export and re-export of medical equipment, as well as components and consumables, parts and accessories. The only exception are medical devices classified as dual-use goods and fairly large number of complex technological equipment, including its components, that fell under measures of strengthening export control imposed by the United States. Despite the fact that there are no formal sanctions against medical equipment and articles, in practice they are actively used, and given absence of unified methodology, issue of their implementation becomes even more ambiguous and problematic that makes the topic under consideration relevant. The article examines in detail main content of the prohibitive and restrictive measures taken within the framework of the sanctions impact from unfriendly states in relation to export and re-export of specialized medical equipment and components. Also are considered the listing of goods classified as of dual-use in terms of medical devices. The detailed list of medical products for which the US requirement to issue an export license for their export applies is presented. The practical recommendations are formulated to address main problematic issues.

This article explores the relationship between ethnic conflict, political polarization, and foot-voting behavior in the context of the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. By examining demographic trends and migration patterns in Catalonia during a period of political unrest (2015–2020), this research assesses whether the territorial tensions triggered significant demographic shifts, similar to the “Quebec exodus” of the 1970s. Utilizing multivariate analysis, we test the exit (migration) behavior, focusing on the role of political identity, polarization, and economic factors in shaping migration decisions. The results reveal a surprising stability in Catalan demographics, as no significant migration trends were observed despite the heightened political conflict. The analysis suggests that the lack of credibility of a secessionist threat, the stability of Catalan linguistic and cultural policies, and the lack of violent conflict contributed to the negligible demographic impact of the Catalan independence process.

ABSTRACT The 2015 ‘migration and refugee crisis’ had a major impact on national level politics, media and policy debates in Austria. This article explores how the conflictual politics of refugee reception and integration evident at the national level are articulated at the local level, focusing on changes in integration governance arrangements and multi-level dynamics in four Austrian municipalities, two towns and two smaller rural municipalities in the provinces Tyrol and Lower Austria. Leadership exercised by local government leaders and pro-migrant civil society organisations reduced the local space for conflict and opposition to migration. Key differences between the urban and rural cases derive from differences in their territorial, political, and administrative set-up and related differences in the role of civil society, the presence, or absence of municipal integration infrastructures and the nature of horizontal networks, particularly on a sub-provincial, regional level. Vertical relationships to higher levels of government varied along several dimensions.

The conflict that occurred in Tanjungbalai in 2016 was a complex phenomenon influenced by several factors, including ethnic, religious, and political factors. This conflict was triggered by differences in views and interests between groups, as well as economic inequality that worsened the situation. Therefore, this study aims to explain and describe the relationship between ethnicity and changes in local political policies after the conflict. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method, namely research that aims to be based on data obtained in the field and is accurate and in the form of interviews with the specified informants. To strengthen the explanation in this study, the researchers used ethnic political theory, conflict theory, and ethnic theory. Based on the methods and theories used, the results of this study show that the ethnic and political relations of the people in Tanjungbalai are currently running well. However, some 5% of Chinese people are still very vulnerable and require systematic and sustainable efforts to restore relations between different ethnic groups. Until now, the efforts of the Tanjungbalai city government have been very careful in maintaining religious harmony in Tanjungbalai so that this conflict does not happen again.

High-skilled mobility from Turkey to Germany: ‘uneasy minds’

The escalation of military and political conflicts, the negative impact of climate change, and force majeure circumstances determine the growing role of food security as a key element of national security. Recognizing the priority of the food security aspect necessitates an in-depth study of the mechanisms for integrating the concept of food security into Ukraine’s national security legislation and system, which defines the purpose of this article. An analysis of scholars’ approaches to the interpretation of food security has made it possible to systematize its basic characteristics and key dimensions, confirming the transformation of understanding food security not only as the availability of physical and economic access for every person to safe and sufficient food, but primarily as an integral component of economic security and a prerequisite for ensuring national security. The results of the analysis of Ukraine’s regulatory framework in the field of national security policy confirm the gradual integration of the food security concept into domestic security legislation and the national security system, as evidenced by the adoption of the Food Security Strategy of Ukraine in 2024 and the introduction of a methodology for calculating its indicators. The comparison of the factors, structural components, and calculation indicators of food security defined in the article with the methodology approved by the Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1140 of September 15, 2025, demonstrates their correlation and the comprehensiveness of the proposed indicator set. Specifically, for all categories of key factors shaping food security, the methodology provides for the calculation of indicators corresponding to its structural elements, which indicates a complex approach to food security monitoring and the ability to identify food threats at an early stage when indicators approach critical (threshold) values. The adoption of the Food Security Strategy confirms the final consolidation of food security in Ukrainian legislation as a subject of priority legal regulation and long-term planning and highlights the need to assess the effectiveness of the proposed methodology for calculating food security indicators, which determines the prospects for further research in this area.

Abstract Apart from poverty and political conflicts, India faces another major challenge that is termed as ‘Diabetes.’ It is an everlasting health challenge and not only affects the older aged ones, but also it can affect the Children and Pregnant females. The topic of discussion in this study is restricted to Gestational Diabetes Condition (GDM), a condition where the expecting mother’s blood exceeds the normal glucose levels due to various physiological and pathological factors which ultimately affects the unborn child too. The patients are fed with 75 gm oral glucose and their blood is collected thrice at an interval of 1-hour, followed by assessment of their blood glucose levels using GOD-POD (Glucose oxidase peroxidase) method and analyzing them to rule out GDM. As per WHO guidelines, those patients were considered gestationally diabetic whose FBS was > 92 mg/dL or 2-hour OGTT value was > 153 mg/dL. Among all the patients taken for the study, around 30% of them are affected with the disease. However, more detailed study with larger population is required to lay a strong conclusion and throw light on unexplored areas like connection between hypertension and GDM. Keywords OGTT, GDM, Blood glucose, Semi-autoanalyzer, GOD-POD, Vials, FBS

Abstract This paper critiques the ‘Trolley Problem’ tradition in moral philosophy as simplistically reductive and dangerous in its applications. Beginning with Philippa Foot’s abortion arguments and evolving through Judith Thomson’s and Robert Nozick’s work, trolleyology abstracts moral decisions from social context, masking a politics of extreme individualism. This decontextualized approach, masquerading as objective moral science, has pernicious real-world consequences. The paper traces how trolleyology has influenced ‘Revisionist’ Just War theory, which reduces collective political conflict to individual self-defense scenarios. This reductive framework has helped justify contemporary drone warfare and targeted killing by treating complex military decisions as simple moral calculations. I argue that genuine ethical thought requires engagement with social context, relationships, and political complexity rather than abstract thought experiments.

Abstract Background The World Health Organization Pandemic Agreement, adopted in May 2025, aims to remedy the inequities of the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic. Its centrepiece is the Pathogen Access and Benefit‐Sharing (PABS) system, which seeks to exchange rapid pathogen and data sharing for equitable access to countermeasures. Main text This article argues that the viability of the PABS system is threatened not only by the well‐documented technical–legal overlap with the Convention on Biological Diversity's new digital sequence information mechanism (the Cali Fund, established by Decision 16/2) but also by two more fundamental, overlooked political–economic barriers. This article's novel contribution is its analysis of the two underappreciated barriers: (1) the political near‐impossibility of implementing a strictly needs‐based allocation system in high‐income democracies, where governments are expected to prioritize their own populations, and (2) the difficulty of compelling or incentivizing profit‐driven manufacturers to contribute in ways that may not align with their immediate financial interests. Engaging with the literature on pathogen dematerialization and legal frameworks, this article contends that without a realistic political–economic framework that confronts these problems, PABS risks becoming an ineffectual legal instrument. Conclusions As the Intergovernmental Working Group negotiates the PABS annex, it must move beyond technical legal debates. This article provides evidence‐based recommendations to address the core political and economic conflicts, ensuring the creation of a functionally effective system.

Adolescents in conflict-affected Kashmir are at heightened risk for behavioural and emotional problems due to the longstanding political conflict. This study examined behavioural and emotional problems among 400 school-going adolescents (aged 12–18 years) in South Kashmir, using the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire. Among the participants, 63.5% reported direct exposure to violence, while 36.5% reported indirect exposure. Overall, 41% of adolescents reported peer problems, 34% hyperactivity, 29% conduct problems, and 16% emotional issues. Gender differences were noted, with males exhibiting more externalizing problems (conduct and hyperactivity) and females more internalizing problems (emotional distress and overall behavioural and emotional problems). Continued exposure to violence and insecurity appears to contribute to the persistence of these mental health issues. These findings highlight the urgent need for context-sensitive mental health assessments and interventions in schools, particularly those that account for gendered experiences and socio-cultural factors. Integrating school-based mental health services and culturally informed community supports could improve early identification and care for adolescents in conflict-affected Kashmir.

This thesis addresses the complex public opinion monitoring challenges arising from the Trump administration's tariff policies by proposing an innovative public opinion analysis framework based on Generative Adversarial Networks (GANs). The framework integrates multiple specialized GAN models (e.g., T-GAN, Senti-GAN, CM-GAN) to tackle issues such as data scarcity, sensitive information deletion, and insufficient multimodal fusion in traditional public opinion monitoring. By combining GAN-generated data with the RoBERTa-BiLSTM-Multihead Attention (RBMA) large language model, the system is expected to significantly outperform traditional unsupervised methods and purely generative models in tasks such as term recognition, stance classification, and risk warning. This architecture not only reduces the dependency on and cost of annotated data but also exhibits high robustness, providing an efficient and reliable solution for public opinion monitoring amid political and economic conflicts such as tariff wars.

The article is devoted to the study of the monetary circulation and coin counting in the Sivershchyna region in the 17th-18th centuries. During the period under the study, the Sivershchyna region was at the crossroads of the trade routes which led to the active circulation of the European and Russian coins. The composition of thirty-nine coin hoards found in the territory of the Sivershchyna region was researched. The main types of coins in circulation were determined. It was found out that in the territory of the Sivershchyna region in the 17th century, the thaler, silver florin, ort, shostak, troyak, and tymph were in circulation anf they were minted by the European issuing countries, but in the 18th century they were replaced by Russian coins: ruble, poltyna, polupoltyna, hryvenyk and kopecks.Against the background of the analysis of the obtained numismatic material, the author suggested and theoretically substantiated the typology and classification of tangible, monetary-tangible and monetary finds according to the content of the treasures, their location and the process of their accumulation (thesaurization) which is important for the study of the socio-economic processes of the Sivershchynaregion of the studied period.The counting practices used in the region were analyzed to determine the main monetary units. It was stated that in the 17th century the monetary unit used was the kopa, which was eqyal to 60 groszy. In the Ukrainian lands that were part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the " Lithuanian kopa” was used which was equal to 60 Lithuanian groszy. In the lands that were part of Poland, the “Polish kopa”was used which was equal to 60 Polish groszy. In the 17th century the ratio between different «kopas» changed. For example, a «kopa of money» could be equal to 75 Polish or 60 Lithuanian groszy, as well as 50 Moscow kopecks.The influence of the political and economic factors on the monetary circulation of the Sivershchyna region was studied. It was found out that the Sivershchyna region during this period was part of different states: the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Moscow Kingdom. These changes affected the composition of the monetary circulation, since each state had its own monetary system. Wars and political conflicts led to inflation, instability of the monetary circulation and the appearance of the false coins. Periods of the economic crisis associated with wars, crop failures or epidemics led to the reduction in monetary circulation and depreciation of money.The role of the coin circulation in the development of trade and the economy of the region was determined. It was proven that coins were the main means of exchange in the trade transactions. They provided the convenience and efficiency of calculating, contributing to the development of the domestic and foreign trade. The presence of various coins in circulation, both local and foreign, allowed for tradetransactions with different countries. Coin treasures found in the territory of the Sivershchyna region indicate the active accumulation of the capital in the region.The results of the study allowed:1) Recreating the picture of the monetary circulation in the Sivershchyna region in the 17th – 18th centuries.2) Identifying the main trends in the development of the monetary circulation in the region.3) Revealing the role of the monetary circulation in the economic development of the Sivershchyna region.4) Expanding the understanding of the socio-economic history of Ukraine in the 17th – 18th centuries.5) Classifying the coins, monetary and material treasures by location, their content and the process of their accumulation.6) Revealing the role of monasteries in the cultural and socio-economic life of the Sivershchyna region of the studied period.

Handicraft activities are mostly done by women, especially in rural areas of Kashmir. They are engaged in various craft activities such as embroidery, shawls, crewels, paper machie 1 and carpets. The position and status of Kashmiri women artisans have been a matter of great concern for the last few decades. The New Economic Policy results in the free flow of machine-made goods in the domestic market, which results in the extreme marginalization and deprivation of women artisans in the handicraft sector (Majeed, 2018, American International Journal of Research in Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences , 25 [1], 129–135). This article focuses on gaining deeper insights into the real-life situations of women artisans in the Pulwama district of Kashmir. The purposive sampling was employed for identifying the women artisans concentrated in various villages of the Pulwama district. The selection of the participants from villages was done through snowball sampling. In the present study, 15 women artisans associated with manufacturing different handicraft products were interviewed. The collected data were analysed and interpreted carefully. The themes that emerged after the data set were interpreted thematically include problems and challenges faced by women artisans, exploitation and political conflict. The findings showed that women artisans in Kashmir are suffering extreme deprivation and poverty as a result of political conflict, the closure of the Kashmir valley after the removal of Article 370, and restrictions imposed as a result of COVID-19.

BackgroundProlonged political conflict in the Eastern Mediterranean Region has led to widespread instability, with mental health concerns extending outside directly affected populations.AimThis study investigates the psychological impact of regional conflict on non-displaced civilians in Egypt, a conflict-neighboring country.MethodsA cross-sectional study was carried out involving 394 Egyptian adults utilizing validated Arabic versions of the PHQ-9 (depression), GAD-7 (anxiety), PSS-10 (perceived stress), and BRCS (resilient coping). Participants also responded to a single-item measure evaluating the extent to which political conflict interrupted their daily functioning. Data was analyzed using descriptive statistics and comparisons across conflict-impact categories.ResultsRespondents reporting greater functional disruption from regional conflict displayed significantly higher depression, anxiety, and stress scores (p < 0.01; η² = 0.13–0.17) and lower resilient coping (p < 0.05; η² = 0.02). The highest burden appeared among participants aged 18–25 and those reporting “extreme difficulty.” Females and frequent social media users exhibited greater psychological distress. Non-overlapping 95% CIs supported the robustness and clinical relevance of group differences.ConclusionsThe findings highlight civilians’ psychological vulnerability in politically unstable yet non-war contexts. Indirect conflict exposure, through media, cultural ties, or regional proximity, adversely affects mental health, underscoring the need for targeted screening and resilience-building programs, particularly for youth and digitally active groups.

ABSTRACT Research from the deeply polarized United States suggests that the impact of elite communication is asymmetrical: antagonistic messages often heighten divisions, while positive appeals fail to dampen them. In this study, we examine the extent of these dynamics in one of the least polarized democracies: Norway. Using a survey‐experimental design fielded in the Norwegian Citizen Panel ( N = 2287), we test whether mutual recrimination between elites amplifies perceptions of political conflict and whether positive messaging mitigates them. The experiment exposes citizens to episodes in which elites either engaged in mutual recrimination or conciliatory actions revolving around the July 22, 2011 terrorist attacks. The results show that while recrimination significantly heightens perceptions of conflict, positive messaging has no measurable impact, even in a low‐polarized setting. These findings contribute to understanding the boundary conditions of elite influence, suggesting that for political leaders, it is easier to fan the flames of conflict than to put out the fire.

This article analyses the policy of the Venetian Republic in the Morea (Peloponnese), considering its territorial acquisitions of Argos and Nafplio in the late fourteenth century, as well as in connection with the increased Ottoman threat in the region. The decrees of the Venetian Senate, as well as Byzantine and Latin historical writings, make it possible to examine the policy of the Republic not only in its new possessions, but also in the Peloponnese in general. The author concludes that during this period, in addition to meeting the needs of its colonies, the Republic was forced to intervene in political conflicts between its neighbours to maintain overall defence capability in the region. This was explained by military actions in the borderlands, which threatened not only with economic losses, but also called into question the future of these territories in the face of Ottoman invasions. The specificity of Venetian policy before 1397 consisted in the active use of diplomatic methods simultaneously with the strengthening of new territories. By appealing to the common interest of Christian rulers, it sought to form a strong alliance to resist the Ottomans. However, following the raid of Evrenos Bey and Yakub Pasha in 1397, Venice adopted a more restrained policy, focusing solely on its own interests and resources. In this situation, the newly acquired territories were finally assigned the role of a buffer to protect the colonies in the south of the Peloponnese. However, the Venetian Republic’s diplomatic efforts in the Morea during this period remained focused on achieving political stabilisation and conflict resolution in the Peloponnese. This was due to the fact that, in the face of evolving political dynamics, the Venetians could no longer maintain a neutral stance on local conflicts.

Aim is to identify the mechanism of speech influence implemented through evaluative adjectives in Russian and English-language military-political discourse. Methodology. The methodological framework of the research is based on discourse analysis with elements of pragmalinguistic and semantic approaches. The empirical material includes official public speeches by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation S. V. Lavrov, and the U.S. Secretary of State A. Blinken, media communications from Telegram channels, and a social media posts. The analysis involved identifying evaluative adjectives, determining their semantic polarity, classifying them according to N. D. Arutyunova’s typology, establishing emotional connotations based on L. G. Babenko’s thesaurus, and interpreting communicative strategies and tactics following O. N. Parshina’s model with consideration of factors of communicative effectiveness. Results. It is established that evaluative adjectives function as a significant element of the influencing mechanism by shaping the interpretive frame of utterances. In the analyzed discourse instances, adjectives serve to enhance semantic emphasis, provide emotional marking, construct the opposition of “us” vs. “them,” and contribute to strategies of argumentation, discrediting, and emotional framing. Their use correlates with the pragmatic aim of shaping a predetermined perception of political events. Research implications. The findings contribute to the development of methodology for analyzing military-political discourse, particularly within the scope of strategic communication. The proposed algorithm for analyzing evaluative lexis may be applied in linguistic expertise of media texts, and in studies on political linguistics, conflict rhetoric, and media rhetoric.