Political belief, attitudes toward risk, and behavior on the road

At the core of South Africa’s challenges lies political interference, coupled with ineffective and corrupt leadership within the public service. The article analyses the reasons for and the consequences of leadership of governance in the public service in South Africa. The challenges of leadership, poor service delivery, resultant protests and violent demonstrations, and corruption should be thoroughly investigated. This article, based on qualitative desktop research with a deductive approach, examines the nature and extent of political and administrative relationships in the public service. It establishes the extent to which political influence and the cadre deployment policy influence effective and efficient public services, and consequently, the delivery of quality services to the citizenry. The reasons for poor service delivery include poor governance, leadership, and performance issues stemming from incapacity, as well as an inadequate political and administrative interface, which have a negative impact and result in corruption and service delivery protests. The research suggests that for efficiency, the public service in South Africa should be professionalised. Appointments in the public service should be made on merit, not based on political beliefs or allegiances. The professionalisation of the public service is one of the key factors in resolving the status quo.

The 20th century was called the century of violence, and the violence continues in the 21st century. Rather, it is being amplified by the emergence of advanced weapons that are formidable. The purpose of this paper is to understand in-depth the nature of“evil” that causes extreme violence. This is because violence is the biggest factor preventing peace. The Japanese colonial rule’s invasion of our people and assault and torture of martyr Yu Gwan-sun are typical historical examples of violence. To this end, we compared the classical writings of Hannah Arendt, a political philosopher who analyzed the Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann, and Bettina Stannett, a philosopher and historian who criticized his views, with Eichmann before Jerusalem. The two works are representative of grasping the nature of evil from different perspectives. Arendt identified Eichmann as the epitome of“Banality of Evil” and wanted to show how a human being who does not think can commit a heinous evil in a totalitarian system. On the other hand, the researcher of“Exceptionality of Evil” called Eichmann“evil’s point of view” in order to make a clear contrast with Arendt’s“evil normality.” The term“extraordinary” is closer to the meaning of intentionality, intentionality, and planning than to mean that it is unusual and special. He analyzed that he was a“final solution” with a clear political belief, that is, a national socialist who voluntarily and actively participated in the Holocaust. This study analyzes how Arendt and Stannett’s Eichmann interpretation differs, the confrontation between the two interpretations cannot be resolved, and the practical implications for peacebuilding and democratic citizenship education today. A multi-layered understanding of the nature of evil is provided by the two works’ differing perspectives and approaches to Eichmann. It also provides valuable points in peace research, democratic citizenship education, and the establishment of private ethics. It also raises the question of what kind of ‘ethical sensitivity’ and ‘political analysis skills’ we must possess in order to build a peaceful and ethical world.

A nationally representative longitudinal survey in the USA found a decrease in population-level support for political violence from 2022 to 2023. This individual-level analysis of those data examines associations between the occurrence of 18 specified life events and subsequent change in views on political violence. Participants in the Life in America Survey were members of the Ipsos KnowledgePanel. Wave 2 of the survey was fielded online May 18-June 8, 2023; all respondents to 2022's Wave 1 who remained in KnowledgePanel were invited to participate. We calculated individual scores for 2022 and 2023 on 35 political violence measures from the first component of an ordinal principal components analysis and computed the difference in scores for individual respondents from 2022 to 2023 to represent a 1-year change in these measures. Our principal outcomes are adjusted mean differences in change scores from 2022 to 2023 between individuals experiencing and not experiencing the 18 life events. The completion rate was 84.2%; there were 9385 respondents. Support for political violence decreased for 19.9% of respondents, increased for 14.2%, and remained unchanged for 65.9%. When events were considered individually in a model that adjusted for sociodemographic characteristics and other life events, only "things improved for me financially" was associated with decreased support for political violence among respondents as a whole; "I gave up on politics" was associated with an increase. No event was associated with change among both men and women when they were analyzed separately. Among respondents who reported in 2022 that violence was usually or always justified for at least 1 political objective, no events were associated with change in support for political violence. Among those who strongly approved in 2022 of left-wing violent extremist organizations or movements, "my political beliefs changed a lot" was associated with a large decrease. In this cohort, few life events were associated with changes in support for political violence across the entire population, but there were important subset findings. The findings support interventions to improve measures of economic well-being across the population and to encourage belief change among extremists as political violence prevention measures.

Abstract Political polarization represents a rising issue in many countries, making it more and more important to understand its relation to cognitive‐motivational and social influence mechanisms. Yet, the link between micro‐level mechanisms and macro‐level phenomena remains unclear. We investigated the consequences of individuals striving for cognitive coherence in their belief systems on political polarization in society in an agent‐based model. In this, we formalized how cognitive coherence affects how individuals update their beliefs following social influence and self‐reflection processes. We derive agents' political beliefs as well as their subjective belief systems, defining what determines coherence for different individuals, from European Social Survey data via correlational class analysis. The simulation shows that agents polarize in their beliefs when they have a strong strive for cognitive coherence, and especially when they have structurally different belief systems. In a mathematical analysis, we not only explain the main findings but also underscore the necessity of simulations for understanding the complex dynamics of socially embedded phenomena such as political polarization.

Abstract Evangelicals are usually seen as a homogeneous subcultural group with conservative political beliefs. This paper challenges this idea by studying the political attitudes of different types of evangelicals. Using survey data from more than 1,100 Dutch evangelicals, it is shown that different types of evangelicals also hold different attitudes towards political issues like: the reduction of income differences, the freedom of speech, pro-life issues and traditional relationships. Orthodox evangelicals are more conservative with regard to these issues, while liberal evangelicals are more progressive. Furthermore, additional multivariate analyses reveal, that evangelical type is a more important predictor for the political attitudes of these evangelicals than their religious socialization experiences, their involvement in socio-religious networks or their socio-economic status. Thus the conclusion is drawn that evangelicals do not constitute one homogeneous subcultural group. As far as the Netherlands is concerned, evangelicals hold different religious beliefs, which also affect their political beliefs.

Abstract Political ideology has regained prominence in political science and psychology. On the one hand, most of the literature recognizes that ideology is not characterized by a single dimension. On the other hand, recent scholarship has returned to Converse's classic conceptualization of ideology as a belief system: a network of interconnected political beliefs. Using survey data collected after the 2022 Italian general elections, I examine the dimensionality of political attitudes and compare latent and network conceptualizations. Results confirm that Italian political attitudes are bidimensional, and that a partial correlation network model captures their structure very well. I then apply Correlational Class Analysis to identify three distinct belief system types. Political orientations (left-right self-placement and vote) emerge as the strongest individual-level predictors of class membership. I explain these findings through an extension of Converse's theory: while he argued that belief systems primarily vary in tightness (internal consistency), I show that conflicting partisan cues might foster low belief consensus : disagreement over which attitudes should be held together.

Abstract Why do people, socialized and sedimented in their political beliefs, change their convictions in adulthood? Belief change has a long history of research in the social sciences. Yet, in quantitative research, belief change is studied largely through cognitive and behavioral lenses, that, however valuable, struggle to capture how people themselves experience and narrate transformation and how this is made meaningful and sustained as a social process . Additionally, qualitative studies on belief change remain marginal in the field and are often confined to case‐specific analyses of radical conversions. In response to this gap, this paper develops a qualitative and narrative approach to studying belief change. First, we argue that belief change is biographically situated, culturally mediated and socially embedded. Then, we draw on two contrasting case studies—on turning towards conspiracy theories and gaining anti‐racist awareness through film—to find “master narratives” of belief change. We offer a framework that distinguishes three recurring narrative steps, rooted in cultural repertoires: retrospective constructions of past selves, narrations of transformation, and interpretations of present selves in relation to these transformations. This theoretical and methodological framework aims to contribute to the further understanding of belief change as not only an attitudinal shift but also a reworking of one's life story.

The Necessity of Observing the Social Contexts when People use Political Beliefs: Contextualizing Left and Right Political Discourses as a Common Pool for Functional Conversations

This investigation explores the significant role of social media in shaping political discourse and public opinion, with a specific focus on the relationship between social media engagement and political attitude shifts among users. By employing a mixed-methods approach, the research encompasses quantitative data gathered from surveys measuring social media usage, political beliefs, and sentiment analysis of user-generated content, complemented by qualitative data from interviews and focus groups to capture the nuanced perspectives of participants regarding the impact of social media. The findings reveal a complex interplay between social media interactions and changes in political attitudes, indicating that increased engagement with political content on social media correlates with more polarized opinions. Moreover, this study highlights that users perceive social media as both a tool for political mobilization and a platform contributing to misinformation, underscoring the dual-edged nature of its influence. The significance of these findings extends beyond political science, particularly in the context of healthcare, as they suggest that the mechanisms through which public opinion is shaped can also affect health communication and policy formation within the healthcare sector. Consequently, understanding the dynamics of social media is paramount for healthcare professionals and policymakers to effectively navigate the landscape of public perception, enabling better strategies for health education and crisis communication. This research contributes to a deeper comprehension of how social media can be leveraged to foster informed public discourse, thus emphasizing its potential implications for improving healthcare delivery and public health outcomes.

ABSTRACT Williams’s poetry in the 1930s is well-known for “labyrinthine politics of the Left,” so scholars offered their own interpretations from various angles. But in spite of this, almost none of them has ever extended their thoughts into the field of Chinese culture. Generally speaking, Williams’s poetry in the 1930s steered the direction, both in aesthetics and in content, from the presentation of “things” in the empirical daily world to the social consciousness remarkably enhanced. From his political belief in social reforms and the poetic aesthetics of “do nothing,” it is clearly seen that Confucian and Taoist wisdom had profound significance for Williams, which endowed his poetry not only with Chinese philosophy of “Harmony” and “Wu Wei,” but also with unique political expression. To some extent, Williams fulfilled, through his poetry, the faith that a poet should shoulder the duty and mission for society.

Abstract The assumption that political beliefs are formed by early‐life socialization and psychological predispositions, leading to stability in adulthood, increasingly acts as a theoretical cornerstone in the literature. However, politics is replete with examples of attitudinal change; this article proposes that certain stable psychological predispositions are likely to foster volatility in attitudes and general cognition. Using British electoral panel data, it shows that social distrust, open‐mindedness, and tolerance for uncertainty are associated with greater volatility in attitudes to immigration, redistribution, European integration, environmentalism, capital punishment, and Scottish independence. Locus of control, need‐for‐cognition, empathy, and risk tolerance are associated only with volatility in attitudes to some issues. Age, education, household income, being male, and lower partisanship are all negatively associated with attitudinal volatility. Overall, this study suggests that attitudinal volatility itself constitutes a meaningful dimension of political behavior, rooted in stable psychological predispositions.

The research aimed to identify differences in patriotism between political party members (PPMs) and non-political party members (NPPMs) in Sudan, examine the impact of media on patriotism, compare patriotism level(PL), and explore how demographics and political beliefs influence these differences. This study employed a quantitative field methodology using an independent samples t-test to compare the impact of media discourse on PL between PPMs and NPPMs in Sudan. Participants were 380 educated male and female individuals engaged with media, selected from all 18 states. The researcher collected data using an electronic questionnaire, distributed it through email, Facebook, and WhatsApp, and analyzed it using IBM SPSS software. Inferential statistics showed NPPMs accounted for 52.6%, with PPMs at 47.4%. PPMs exhibited significantly higher PL (mean = 52.53) than NPPMs (mean = 32.46). NPPMs had a considerable standard deviation (11.60 vs. 2.80), indicating higher variability. Levene's test (p = 0.000) indicated unequal variances. The independent samples t-test confirmed significant differences (t (224.48) = 23.73, p = 0.000), affirming that media discourse significantly influenced PPMs patriotism compared to NPPMs. Conclusively, the study showed that media discourse effectively impacted patriotism. It explained variations in patriotism between PPMs and NPPMs. PPMs exhibited higher PL compared to NPPMs. Improving education and media can instill patriotic values. The independent sample t-test highlighted significant differences, demonstrating the media's role in shaping social values.

Trump compact gets its first acceptance College education litigation tracker How political beliefs impact potential students’ college choices

Trump compact gets its first acceptance College education litigation tracker How political beliefs impact potential students’ college choices

ABSTRACT How do law and politics interact in shaping the relationship between the state and markets? To what extent can the law break free from the political and ideological beliefs which brought it about, and be repurposed to adjust to evolving assumptions and a new political‐economic Zeitgeist ? This paper explores how the dynamics between law and politics play out in the context of the European Union as a multi‐level polity, where economic powers and prerogatives are distributed across different levels of government and where the central government enjoys limited, conferred powers. Drawing on the “Integration through Law” literature and institutional change theories, the paper investigates the evolution of EU industrial policy and its legal architecture. It lays out the legal rules and conditions under which industrial policy has traditionally operated in the EU. It further discusses how this framework is shifting following changing economic and political priorities that favor more activist forms of economic and industrial policy. The paper argues that the law can both act as a constraining, limiting factor, or as an enabler of EU industrial policy initiatives. On the one hand primary law principles and competences fundamentally inhibit the pursuit of activist industrial policies in Europe. On the other hand, a number of second‐order resources can be mobilized and “converted” to bring about an EU industrial policy. The paper finally reflects on the risks and challenges of repurposing legal rules for political ends, highlighting issues of consistency, efficiency and legitimacy.

The aim of this article is to discuss the situation of political migrants from Belarus in Lithuania. The article presents data collected during field research (semi-structured and unstructured life story interviews with migrants) in Vilnius and Kaunas. The article focuses on people persecuted for their political beliefs in Belarus who arrived in Lithuania after 2020 as a result of this persecution. The article provides statistics on the number for arrivals, as well as an overview of the policy exerted by Lithuania towards Belarus and those Belarusians who have arrived in Lithuania. The article analyses their migration history, motives for choosing the country, their future perspectives and plans, while emphasizing their identity (ethnic, national, transnational). The article is written within the framework of the project “Ethnic, National and Transnational Identities and Geopolitical Attitudes of Third-Country Nationals in Lithuania in the Context of the War in Ukraine”, funded by the Research Council of Lithuania, LMTLT (No. S-MIP-23-39). The article reveals that political migrants have a Belarussian national identity that has strengthened after the year 2020 protests. This national identity subsumes features of Belarusian ethnic identity which embraces the common origin of these immigrants – Belarus – along with the Belarusian language which they purposefully speak among themselves and in public. Features of transnational identity are also noticeable, since they closely maintained various social ties in Belarus that strengthen their sense of belonging to the Belarusian community, and their future plans are related to a declared desire to return and contribute to the (re)establishment of a democratic Belarus and its institutions.

Purpose I examine how CEOs' early childhood experiences impact firm behavior. In particular, I explore the relationship between the political leanings of a company's CEO's hometown and corporate investment decisions under various political environments. Design/methodology/approach I use data on CEO birthplace to calculate the political leanings of the CEO's birthplace. I then use this data to construct a novel variable, the hometown political support index (HPSI), which measures the alignment between the CEO's hometown and the current president. With HPSI as the main variable of interest, I conduct panel regressions to understand how hometown political support for the current president influences investment-cash flow sensitivities at the CEO's company. Findings High HPSI scores predict higher investment-cash flow sensitivities. This increase is primarily driven by CEOs raised during periods of strong economic growth. Consistent with existing models on attitudes and investment-cash flow sensitivities, this increase in investment-cash flow sensitivities implies CEOs develop positive beliefs about the political environment based on the political beliefs of their hometown. Originality/value This study adds to the growing literature that demonstrates how a CEO's early experiences can play an important role in shaping corporate financial decision-making. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this paper is the first to explore the intersection of early childhood experiences, the political environment and corporate investment behavior.

We examined in two studies how analytic thinking and valuing epistemic rationality contribute to political belief bias – an inclination to judge politically congruent conclusions as valid (vs. invalid) or to judge politically incongruent conclusions as invalid (vs. valid), regardless of their actual validity. Study 1 established that people exhibit political belief bias, although unexpectedly it was only observed among liberals (vs. conservatives). As hypothesised, analytic thinking was associated with less political belief bias. In Study 2, we measured political belief bias by assessing participants’ political beliefs about each conclusion directly, rather than relying on their general political orientation as a proxy. Analytic thinking as well as how much people value epistemic rationality predicted less political belief bias. These findings highlight the importance of analytic thinking as well as motivation to form beliefs based on logic and evidence in mitigating political belief bias.

ABSTRACT In an increasingly algorithmic digital landscape, everyday user data can take on expressive qualities, particularly in shaping the political content that people encounter on social media. This study examines the role of user data in political expression by focusing on social media feeds. I conducted a total of 55 interviews with 21 participants over the course of the 2020 U.S. presidential election, utilizing a technique that I call feed analysis interviewing to examine how participants understood and leveraged personal data to manage their exposure to online political content during a major political transition. Emergent findings suggest that participants considered their social media feeds as potent, if often inaccurate, reflections of their political beliefs and values, inviting reflection on political self-concept. Through this analysis, I extended conceptualizations of political expression by developing the action-identification-audience framework, composed of three indicators of political expression on social media. These include degrees of action in sharing political opinions online; identification with expressed political views; and alignment with imagined audiences, which may encompass networked connections, platform algorithms, and the future self. In addition to providing a conceptual framework for political expression on social media that can be applied in other contexts, this study identifies a novel dimension of the concept. Distributed political expression describes how individuals voice political opinions through reflexive engagement with their own data. This study offers implications for further research on political expression and media exposure at the juncture of political communication and critical data studies.