To examine the anthropological foundations of socially transformative subjectivity in the post-Soviet Russian context, and to identify how this subjectivity can preserve and reinforce Russia’s cultural and civilizational identity amid globalization and ideological confrontation. The study adopts a philosophical-anthropological perspective, grounded in historical-logical analysis and comparative methodology. It reflects on Russia's dual position as both a unique civilization and a part of global structures. The author analyzes ideological shifts since the Soviet collapse, incorporating cultural, political, and ethical dimensions of subject formation. This work addresses a rarely studied nexus between national identity, cultural continuity, and individual subjectivity within Russia's post-Soviet transformation. It emphasizes the need for an authentic, culturally-rooted subject capable of countering externally imposed models and resisting pseudo-subjectivity shaped by media and liberal globalization. The idealized post-Soviet “New Russian” subject proved incompatible with Russia’s civilizational code, based on community, solidarity, and cultural rootedness. The failure of liberal individualism led to social disorientation, asocial behavior, and ideological vacuum. The reassertion of patriotic subjectivity, supported by policy changes and cultural education reforms, is presented as essential to restoring national coherence and agency. The paper introduces the concept of “transformative subjectivity” as an anthropological and civilizational tool for navigating modern Russian identity. It contributes to political anthropology, national ideology studies, and cultural sociology by offering a multidimensional framework for understanding subject formation in transitional societies.

This article examines the strategic, affective and performative dimensions of ‘friendship’ in contemporary US foreign policy. Utilising three case studies that span domestic, multilateral, and bilateral settings—a US ambassadorial confirmation hearing, Irish Prime Minister Leo Varadkar’s multilateral rhetoric and Kenyan President William Ruto’s 2024 State Visit to Washington—the paper illustrates how diplomatic friendship operates not as a fixed alliance but as a flexible discourse deployed across contexts. Positioned at the intersection of International Relations theory and political anthropology, the paper introduces the concept of ‘affective alignment diplomacy’ to describe how symbolic displays of friendship can project legitimacy, manage power imbalances, and navigate uncertainty. It argues that friendship in diplomacy serves both as a tool for emotional governance and as a mechanism for strategic ambiguity—creating moral resonance while often delaying structural reforms. While friendship can encourage engagement and foster symbolic closeness, it also has the potential to reinforce inequality if it is not supported by institutional trust, material reciprocity, or accountability. The article provides a framework for understanding friendship as a relational practice shaped by performance, power dynamics, and changing geopolitical contexts.

Attire has long served as a powerful medium for visual communication, reflecting an individual’s personality, thoughts, and personal traits while also conveying cultural, social, and economic cues. Traditional garments, such as the dupatta, pagri (turban), topi (cap), upper and lower garments, accessories, etc. have profound symbolic meanings across cultures and religions. While global studies have examined clothing as a form of resistance, such as the beret in revolutionary movements or the keffiyeh in Palestinian solidarity, this study places these dynamics in the context of Indian traditions. Through the visual culture theory, semiotics, and cognitive perception, this study investigates how these garments go beyond utility and serve as visual markers of dissent. The study employs a multi-method approach that includes archival visual analysis, cultural case studies, and media discourse to trace the changing use of the pagri and topi throughout history. Roland Barthes and Charles Peirce’s semiotic frameworks guide the analysis. Findings show that these headpieces have deeply ingrained meanings that shape public perception and collective memory. The study provides a visual decoding framework and proposes a semiotic archive for Indian protest headgear and provides a reflective toolkit for designers, educators, and cultural theorists that connects fashion studies and political anthropology.

This interdisciplinary study, at the intersection of political science, philosophy, sociology, and political anthropology, examines new issues in public administration and public self-regulation associated with the emergence of artificial intelligence. The purpose of this work is to determine the basic principles and directions of institutionalization of artificial intelligence, as well as state and public management of these processes. Among the tasks we will note the definition of the initial principle for constructing a working hypothesis and choosing an adequate methodology; verification of the applicability of the methodology of moral and religious neoinstitutionalism to the problem of artificial intelligence; determination of the factors enhancing Homo technicus; Identifying the risks of digitalization; identifying the greatest threat posed by artificial intelligence; formulating the basic principles for managing artificial intelligence by society (the "Ten Commandments of Artificial Intelligence").The creation of artificial intelligence offers new technical possibilities, but simultaneously increases risks, threatening the very essence of human society. Preserving the essence of humanity, as expressed in the Homo traditum model, requires a new ideology that limits the risks posed by technocracy. The study utilizes a comprehensive methodology of moral and religious neo-institutionalism. It is based on the principles of anthropologism, systemicity, balance, and morality. The theoretical significance of the study: introduction to the political science analysis of the terms Homo technicus, Homo traditum and the application of the methodology of moral and religious neoinstitutionalism to the problem of artificial intelligence. The book analyzes the factors that give rise to Homo technicus and the risks of the digital economy. The practical significance of the work lies in identifying the main risks to humanity posed by artificial intelligence and formulating the "ten commandments of artificial intelligence."

The makdok movement led by Balthasar Klau in Southern Belu (1950–1965) reflected complex religio-political dynamics that went beyond mere heresy or local political events. Previous studies on Klau have largely emphasized historical perspectives, leaving a gap in understanding the symbolic meanings and spiritual role of the makdok as an instrument of political resistance in postcolonial society. This gap highlights the need for an anthropological inquiry into how Tetun cosmology, Catholic symbols, and modern political networks (PKI and BTI) were interwoven. The main research question addresses how the makdok functioned as an alternative authority negotiating power relations between adat, the Church, and the state. This study employed a qualitative-descriptive approach with its locus in Southern Belu, using an ethnohistorical method through archival research, literature review, and field testimonies. Data analysis was conducted interpretively within the framework of symbolic and political anthropology (Geertz, Comaroff & Comaroff). The findings reveal the hybridity of religious and political authority that constructed a utopian imagination of a world without labor, fair economic distribution, and promises of prosperity from the sea. The novelty of this study lies in the concept of a “political makdok” as a form of decolonialism from below. Recommendations emphasize further studies on the interrelation between local spirituality and modern organizations, as well as the potential of hybrid authority to form alternative models of power in postcolonial contexts.

This article examines how power and inequality are reproduced and contested in ecotourism governance from the perspective of local communities in the Ciletuh–Palabuhanratu UNESCO Global Geopark (CPUGG), Indonesia. Using a qualitative ethnographic approach that combines participatory observation, indepth interviews, and document analysis, the study explores how local actors experience exclusion in decision-making, benefit distribution, and cultural representation. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s concept of governmentality and Stuart Hall’s theory of representation, the research demonstrates that governance operates not only through formal institutions but also through symbolic and everyday practices that shape inclusion and control. Furthermore, by integrating Arturo Escobar’s post-development critique and James C. Scott’s notion of everyday resistance, the analysis reveals how communities mobilize social capital, kinship, and cultural values to negotiate power and reclaim agency within global tourism structures. The findings show that while state authorities and private investors dominate ecotourism planning and benefits, local communities respond through micro-level self-organization, such as cooperative homestay networks, boat-sharing systems, and cultural performance groups, that embody governmentality from below. This study contributes to the political anthropology of tourism by showing how everyday resistance redefines local agency in the context of global ecotourism governance. It advances an understanding of ecotourism governance not merely as policy management but as a field of struggle over meaning, identity, and justice, highlighting the need for inclusive deliberation, recognition of local knowledge, and equitable distribution of benefits in sustainable tourism governance.

This article explores the interplay between environmentalism, nationalism, and clientelism in the town of Pljevlja, Northern Montenegro. The environmental and economic transformations driven by European Union integration have placed Pljevlja at the center of both ecological degradation and political struggles. Using an interdisciplinary approach that combines political anthropology, mining studies, and legal analysis, the study examines the rise of “econativism,” where environmental and nationalist discourses merge to form powerful local movements. Through ethnographic research conducted in two phases between 2015 and 2023, the article highlights how environmental issues, especially air pollution, are intertwined with identity politics, ethnic clientelism, and shifting political dynamics. The findings reveal that opposition parties successfully used environmental concerns in the lead-up to Montenegro’s 2020 political changes, only for environmental activism to decline after their ascent to power. The case study of Pljevlja offers critical insights into the potential and limitations of econativism as a political force, emphasizing that identity-driven narratives can co-opt ecological activism which dissipates when political goals are achieved.

Having conducted research and taught courses in political anthropology for several decades, particularly on nationalism, populism, and ethnonational conflict, I have initiated, facilitated and been caught up in many difficult conversations on issues including identity (politics), rights, conflict and justice with my students and colleagues. My research on the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia and the Kitchener-Waterloo Mennonite Victim-Offender Reconciliation Program has taught me valuable lessons on how practices of repair have been embedded or emerged in response to tensions, conflict and trauma-induced experiences, histories and lived realities. These lessons have become especially relevant in the context of recent challenges to academic freedom that have emerged in response to the ongoing war in Palestine/Israel. Suspensions, censure and surveillance are some of the troubling consequences, which combined have had an enormous impact on pedagogy and scholarship, affecting faculty and students alike. In this context, I argue that practices reflecting the centrality of (and urgent need for attention to) academic freedom are enhanced through pedagogical instruction and illustrate several strategies I use in classroom settings. I also discuss how despite the fractious environment created, and in some cases inflamed by the ongoing conflict, faculty and student groups are endeavouring to create and test out safe and respectful spaces for critical thinking, vigorous debate, as well as sharing and listening. These and other locally inspired initiatives are important to building networks based on thoughtful discussion and analysis, allyship, activism and more. I conclude by reflecting on anthropological research on the ethics of repair and its potential to inform pedagogical strategies aimed at navigating increasingly fraught and vulnerable academic spaces.

The primary objective of the presented article is to examine the qualitative changes in contemporary politics. Politics increasingly often provides self-definition in isolation from any ideas referring to the overall view of social life. The space previously occupied by the narratives of political parties is now filled by representatives of the media, big business, and politicians often viewed as political entrepreneurs. The personification of politics has significant implications, with some leveraging parties to gain and retain power. Others, who reject democratic mechanisms – both from an authoritarian position or by referring to civic rhetoric, reach for the instruments appropriate for populism. In this context, this research attempts to use the category of political anthropology in order to reveal the mechanisms of demythologization of the political process, currently functioning as a “neutral”, technocratic process.

This paper examines the underlying political anthropology of women that underlies the strongest pro-choice position of the abortion debate. It finds that anthropology defective in several crucial ways. First, it rejects the premise that individuals can regard their bodies as their property. Secondly, it refutes the notion that self-regarding rights are absolute to the exclusion of other moral limitations. Finally, it problematizes the idea that consent to a certain action regarding one’s body necessarily constitutes ‘the good’ for the individual in question. It argues that the issue of abortion actually sheds light on the inadequacies of what can be described as a pervasive anthropology of autonomous individualism. It advocates instead for a more ‘ecologically’ sound anthropology, of both men and women, which takes seriously their biological nature especially – though not exclusively – with regard to their reproduction and child rearing. The second part of the paper considers the socio-historical rise of ‘second-wave’ feminism and the arguments it deployed which a promoted this ill-begotten anthropology of women to their detriment.

A New Book on Serbian Village Explains Rural Development from the Perspective of Economic and Political Anthropology

The ways in which different cultures treat human remains are a potential goldmine for information concerning the structures of power that influence people in life and death. Cultural anthropology is often considered a social science wholly concerned with the living, often in opposition to the work with human remains that physical anthropology undertakes. However, human remains also have a place in sociocultural anthropology and are particularly pertinent to political anthropology. This paper explores the political structures of the Western world, particularly those within Europe and post-settler colonial contact with North America, as they affect and are reflected in the post-mortem treatment of the human body. The main focus of this paper is the cultural meaning attributed to putrefaction and decay, the historical origins of the moralization of post-mortem preservation, and the role of human remains in maintaining political power. As such, the tradition of the incorrupt saint is traced from its origins in miraculous preservation to examples in recent history wherein politicians are deliberately preserved and displayed to allow them to maintain a degree of the power in death as they had in life.

Marshall Sahlins’ The New Science of the Enchanted Universe proposes a new description of cosmologies which Sahlins describes as “immanentist.” Sahlins offers both a novel account of immanent cosmologies and a critique of the existing theoretical presumptions of anthropology, derived from the logic of “transcendentalism.” This article constructs an exegesis of Sahlins’ major arguments and a critical evaluation of the concepts Sahlins creates. This includes questioning the ontological status of “metapersons” in different cosmologies and the universal presence of hierarchy. Ultimately, this article challenges both Sahlins’ account of anthropological comparison and the symbolic reality of immanent cosmologies, which, it argues, remain marked by ongoing transcendentalism. By critiquing the effects of this transcendentalism, this article opens a theoretical experiment: how far can anthropology take its commitment to understand immanence on its own terms? How might this transform what it means to practice anthropological theory and perform anthropological comparison?

The subject of the research is reflection on the categories of "political" and "state" in the context of political philosophy and political anthropology. The object of the study is a comparative analysis of the concepts of state nature and its evolution in the works of political philosopher T. Hobbes and anthropologist P. Clastres. The work examines the key contradictions between Hobbes' model of the state as a tool for suppressing the "war of all against all" and Clastres' critique of statehood as a mechanism of violent dominance over stateless communities. The consideration is presented in relation to the optics of the concept of "political" by C. Schmitt. Special attention is given to the methodological differences in the interpretation of "state," "political," and assessments of power relations. The study also focuses on the naturalistic motif in the authors' interpretations, specifically on elements of the interpretation of "human nature." The research method chosen is a comparative interdisciplinary analysis with elements of discourse analysis, incorporating aspects of a structuralist approach. The novelty of the research lies in revealing the reflection of "political" within contemporary anthropological thought analyzing the socio-political structure of Amazonian Indians. It demonstrates that this reflection emphasizes the examination of naturalistic foundations of the mythopoeic representation of Indigenous Americans as valid political-philosophical settings that shape the political organization of communities. By comparing these views with those of T. Hobbes and applying C. Schmitt's optics, it introduces this reflection into the space of political philosophy as a specific tradition of representing pre-state societies. The question of defining "human nature" at the basis of the paradigms of "political" and the traditions that describe the genesis of statehood in political philosophy and anthropology is also highlighted. The main conclusion of the study is the demonstrated autonomy of the "political" based on the examination of two opposing views on the nature of the state. Confirming C. Schmitt's thesis about the difference between the nature of the "political" and the space of the state, the article provides a brief deconstruction of the ancient juxtaposition of the city-state and politics.

A comprehensive study has been carried out on the processes of formation and transformation of the image of Prince Gantimur in Russian historiography. The research establishes that perceptions of this historical figure have varied depending on the ideological, political, and scholarly paradigms of different periods. The aim of the study was to systematically analyze conceptual approaches to understanding Gantimur’s personality and to identify the key characteristics of his image as a mediator between the Tungusic-speaking peoples, the Russian state, and the Qing Empire. The central hypothesis suggests that interpretations of Gantimur were shaped by dominant state ideologies and the level of development of historical scholarship in each specific era. The methodology combines historiographical analysis, comparative-analytical methods, and an interdisciplinary approach involving ethnographic, onomastic, and cultural-anthropological data. Three stages of historiographical development are identified: the pre-revolutionary, Soviet, and post-Soviet periods, each with distinct emphases and interpretive frameworks. We have established that pre-revolutionary sources are fragmented and emphasize Gantimur’s special role in the exploration and incorporation of new territories by Russian pioneers, especially in light of his voluntary submission to Russian authority. Soviet-era works focus on themes of integration and state consolidation, while contemporary research highlights his ethnic identity and mediating function. Methodological and content-related gaps are revealed, along with the absence of a comprehensive conceptual model. The study substantiates the need for further research aimed at constructing an integrated academic framework that reflects the role of local leaders in imperial integration and interethnic relations in Eastern Siberia. The relevance of future research on related topics is emphasized, particularly in light of growing interest at the state level. The study is of both scholarly and practical significance and is relevant to specialists in history, ethnology, ethnography, regional studies, and political anthropology.

Amid the entrenched grip of dynastic and oligarchic political power, non-elite women politicians are developing innovative strategies to garner public support. This study examines how non-elite women navigate structural and cultural to confront dynastic and oligarchic politics within the Southeast Sulawesi parliament during the 2019 and 2024 elections. The research focuses on three regions—the Kendari City Regional House of Representatives (DPRD), the Konawe DPRD, and the South Konawe DPRD—where non-elite women have secured more electoral victories than their elite counterparts, despite the strong presence of dynastic politics at both executive and legislative levels. Data were collected through interviews with women politicians and their campaign teams, as well as documentation of campaign billboards and campaign shadowing. Using a political anthropology approach, this study reveals that non-elite women politicians strategically identify safer voter bases, build cohesive teams, and cultivate grassroots loyalty. While their overall influence remains limited, they effectively navigate and counter the intrigues of dynastic and oligarchic politics. The study highlights how their electoral success contributes to reducing class disparities and gender gaps, fostering gradual political change at both micro and macro levels.

ABSTRACT Political polarisation became a dominant concern in Colombia following the 2016 referendum in which a peace accord signed with the FARC guerrillas was rejected, and subsequent electoral processes in which the referendum identity divides were recycled and evolved. This article explores lived experiences of political divisions within intimate relationships in Colombia, and proposes an anthropological approach to complement the political science-dominated field of polarisation studies. It uses ethnographic storytelling to reveal how political divisions are enmeshed in myriad intersecting divides, including class, race, experiences of armed conflict and interpersonal histories, and draws on the anthropology of politics, ethnographies of the Colombian conflict and feminist scholarship to propose the concept of ‘intimate polarisation’: a political division felt, perceived or otherwise experienced within intimate, everyday relationships. This approach complicates the binary and normative assumptions inherent in the concept of ‘polarisation’ and invites a rethinking of the category and its political effects.

What does militarism in the timespace of war-preparedness look like in the majority world? Drawing on ongoing research on soldiering in postcolonial India, focused on the Border Security Force, I examine everyday life and labor within security institutions: soldiers’ routines in barracks, prohibited friendships, hardships, and longings. Bringing feminist thought and the political anthropology of security regimes into conversation with a materialist approach to space, this article argues that borderland barracks prove key to the expansionist logic and durability of what I term “constructive security.” The ethnographic study of barracks reveals this logic, i.e., the spatial and social inscriptions by which disparate locales across the country come to be reconstituted as places of work and dwelling for soldiers, privileging and provisioning their social reproduction through violence and care, and stitching together a national security geography. Such a view shows that postcolonial militarism cannot be understood as a coercive project alone; it is simultaneously a constructive one, particularly a reproductive one.

Disinformation has become rampant in India (and many other parts of the world) with increasingly serious consequences. Increasing communal conflict and the rise of post-pandemic conspiracies clearly illustrate this problem. In this context, I argue that disinformation is only one component in a network of affective politics produced by different kinds of media events. In other words, media events are affective spaces with event-making forms that signify their politics to intended audiences across contexts. Disinformation, then, is not ‘inside’ the information but is distributed affectively as part of media. The assassination of Praveen Nettar, a district-level leader of the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party in coastal Karnataka, illustrates how an unplanned event became a series of media events through television and social media’s event-making forms. It was these media events that circulated rumours, suspicion and other forms of hatred and discrimination against Muslims. The latter part of the article locates these forms in terms of the history and sociopolitical context of coastal Karnataka. I build on literature from cultural and political anthropology, religion and media studies with a focus on the construction of media events. The article concludes with an emphasis on the importance of media events for scholars who wish to study disinformation in the context of increasing right-wing populism.

This study aims to critically analyze the role of the General Elections Commission (KPU) of Bitung City in enhancing the political participation of persons with disabilities during the 2024 regional elections (Pilkada). Within the framework of political anthropology, KPU is not merely seen as an electoral institution but as a social actor shaping participatory space for marginalized groups. Using a descriptive qualitative approach, the research was conducted in Bitung City through participatory observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation involving KPU members, election supervisors, and individuals with physical and sensory disabilities. Data were analyzed using the interactive model of Miles and Huberman, consisting of data reduction, display, and conclusion drawing. The findings reveal that while the KPU has made inclusive efforts such as voter registration, accessible education materials, and partial involvement of disabled individuals in the electoral processsignificant structural and cultural barriers remain. These include limited accessibility at polling stations, inadequate inclusive communication strategies, and persistent social stigma. The study concludes that inclusive democracy requires not only institutional reform but also cultural transformation, positioning persons with disabilities not as passive beneficiaries but as active and dignified political subjects