An Innovative Way of Analyzing COVID Topics with LLM

In 1398, during the First Princely Rebellion － when Yi Pang-wŏn (李芳遠) assassinated Crown Prince Yi Pang-sŏk (李芳碩) and key associates of his father － Kim Ki, magistrate of Kwangju in Kyŏnggi-do Province, went into hiding in Sŏnsan, his wife’s hometown. Kim’s retreat was due to his connection by marriage to Sim Hyo-saeng (沈孝⽣), who was killed during the rebellion. Sim’s son-in-law, Kim Ka-myŏng (⾦可銘, Kim Ki’s own son), later served as magistrate of Kimsan under King Taejong, while Kim Ki’s grandson, Kim Yu-ch’an (⾦有瓚), was recognized as a meritorious subject for his role in the 1453 coup. This was a typical example of Seoul-based powerful family, closely tied to the royal family through marriage and political alliance. However, the lineage’s trajectory shifted in the 1460s, when Kim Che (⾦磾, son of Kim Yu-ch’an) aligned himself with the Neo-Confucian reformist movement led by Kim Chong-jik. As a result, he was stripped of his official title and lost his residence in Seoul. Following this setback, Kim Che returned to his ancestral hometown, adopting the lifestyle of a sarim (⼠林) scholar. From this turning point, the Kim lineage emerged as a leading literati family of Sŏnsan by producing such distinguished descendants as Kim Ch’wi-sŏng (⾦就成), a prominent disciple in Songdang school of Pak Yŏng (朴英), and Kim Ch’wi-mun (⾦就⽂), a central figure in the ascendancy of the sarim faction to power during the 1560s. In the 1550s, the lineage undertook efforts to strengthen its unity by compiling a genealogical record and restructuring their village of Tǔlsŏng into a patrilineal settlement. These initiatives culminated in the transformation of Tǔlsŏng into a lineage village by the mid- to late 18th century. The Kim Ki lineage of the Sŏnsan Kims － originally a capital-based powerful family that re-established itself as a local sarim lineage and transformed their settlement in Tǔlsŏng into a lineage village － offers a valuable case study for understanding the evolution of political and ideological currents in the Chosŏn dynasty.

This article examines the Japanese tea ceremony as a means of diplomacy in the politics of the military leaders of Japan at the end of the 16th century. The author traces the historical perception of tea in Japan – from an herbal remedy to a political practice significant for the samurai class. Particular attention is given to the influence of Zen Buddhism on the organization and philosophy of tea gatherings. On one hand, the tea ceremony was considered a form of meditative practice aimed at achieving enlightenment; on the other, it aligned with the ideals of the samurai code of bushidō. Drawing on the activities of the three “great Unifiers”, the article analyzes how the tea ceremony was employed to establish political alliances, assert authority, and strengthen social bonds. It highlights the central role of tea masters, whose work combined cultural, religious, and diplomatic functions. The study demonstrates that during that period, the tea ceremony evolved into an independent instrument of both secular and Buddhist diplomacy, capable of influencing Japan’s political hierarchy. It underscores the significance of tea practice in shaping political culture and consolidating the authority of military rulers, revealing the complex interplay of aesthetics, religion, and power.

Abstract Egypt’s historical development between the two world wars represents an interesting case of gradual decolonisation. Many historians have emphasised how Britain continued to exercise power over local Egyptian administration following the country’s conditional independence in 1922. This article explores the role of Britain in managing urban domestic policy questions in Egypt and, in particular, the response of British officials to one of the most serious political crises of the inter-war period, the Alexandria Corniche Scandal. A local dispute over contractors’ payments revealed a web of incompetence and corruption that contributed to the downfall of a prime minister and the disgrace of British engineers. The response of the British High Commissioner and British officials in the Egyptian government revealed the difficulties that colonial officials had in managing domestic Egyptian affairs and their weakness in the face of Egyptian politicians with a strong local political base. Unable to build effective political alliances and to unite the Alexandrian European community behind a vision of local government reform, senior British officials were unable to shape the future of local administration in Egypt or obtain any of their core political objectives. The case has important wider implications as it highlights the declining influence of the British over Egyptian domestic affairs and how the issue of corruption could be used to challenge the image of competent and sophisticated colonial oversight. It also demonstrates some of the difficulties Britain faced in managing the long-term process of decolonisation in the face of competing local political interests.

The Gwangju Uprising stands as a pivotal historical event in South Korea's democratization process and has become a significant case study for the international community in examining U.S. alliance policies and value positions in East Asia. Initially, the U.S. viewed the protests as manageable student unrest. As the situation escalated, however, it gradually recognized that the movement's protagonists had shifted from students to citizens, exhibiting broad-based and emotional characteristics. The U.S. attributed the uprising to political repression, campus issues, and localism. Further assessing the Gwangju Uprising's implications, the U.S. anticipated it would trigger political instability in South Korea, fuel anti-American sentiment, and diminish anti-communist fervor, revealing a pessimistic outlook on the nation's political future. Simultaneously, the U.S. adopted a dual role during the incident: on one hand, the government acted as a "mediator," reconciling conflicts between students and South Korean authoritiesessentially stabilizing the domestic political landscape to safeguard U.S. interests in East Asia and uphold anti-communist principles; On the other hand, American missionaries and civilian groups conducted extensive humanitarian aid and shelter operations in Gwangju, which to some extent shaped America's moral image in South Korea. By examining the cognitive and behavioral logic of the United States during the Gwangju Uprising, this study offers new empirical evidence and interpretive pathways for understanding the complexity of U.S.-South Korea relations during the late Cold War era, as well as the clash between values and realities within the alliance politics.

ROK-US space intelligence cooperation is a key issue in Northeast Asia’s security landscape. It has evolved from a US-led one-way intelligence output to a composite model with parallel progress in policy coordination, institutionalized platforms, military alignment and multilateral expansion. South Korea aims to address North Korea’s nuclear and missile threats, consolidate the alliance, catch up with Japan and pursue space power status. The US, targeting threats from North Korea, China and Russia, seeks to bind South Korea to build an Indo-Pacific space intelligence network and maintain global space primacy. However, differences in strategic priorities, ROK-Japan disputes, South ROK-China economic interdependence and South Korea’s domestic political divisions constrain it, offering a new perspective for understanding the interaction between alliance politics and space security, as well as Northeast Asia’s security order adjustment.

Most traditional dynasties implemented ethnic segregation relying on the Great Wall, while the Qing Dynasty pioneered a new governance model that transcended physical boundaries. The core of its ethnic policies lay in the construction of a set of institutionalized integration mechanisms. With Mulan Autumn Hunting, Chengde Mountain Resort, and the Outer Eight Temples as spatial carriers, it organically integrated military training, cultural identity, and political subordination through ritual performances, political alliances, and religious interactions. This governance system, based on the concept of "the unity of all under Heaven" and taking non-military integration as its main path, effectively promoted the organic connection between frontier and inland areas, reshaped the political relationship between the central government and frontier regions, and provided historically significant governance experience for the internal cohesion of the multi-ethnic state.

The political role of The Sultanate of Ternate has shiffed significantly from the post—Independence era through the New Orde and into Reform. Employing a historical—analytical approach with primary source (archival documents, newspaper, interviews) and political science frameworks, this paper traces how Sultan Iskandar Muhammad Jabir Syah (47th Sultan) engaged in federalist politics—becoming Interior Minister of the State of East Indonesia (NIT) —and how his exhile under Sukarno constrained local power. Under Suharto, Sultan Mudafar Syah (48th Sultan) forged an alliance with Golkar to regain cultural dan political influence, revitalizing place rituals and expanding kinship networks. Finally, in the Reform era, decentralization (Laws No.22/19999 and Laws No. 46/1999) enabled Mudafar Syah’s unsuccessful gubernatorial bid and later election to the national parliament via the National Democratic Party. The findings illuminate the Sultanates adaptive strategies—political alliances, cultural politics, and economic ventures—in maintaining legitimacy and influence a local and national levels.

Now-a-days, a great volatility is emerging in international market which is a consequence of “Geopolitical Disturbance”. “International Trade Instability” is also an outcome of imposed tariff which is responsible to increase international conflicts of international trade and also affects investor confidence and currency stability. Although, across the world, international businesses could be either postponed or withdrawn investment choices due to politically risky areas as the possibility of asset confiscation or sudden legislative changes. Further, protectionist moves are frequently sparked by geopolitical changes as nations attempt to preserve their own sectors. Mixed methodology ha been used to justify the primary objectives of this research study, which exposed some major points like as economic sanctions implemented as a foreign policy instrument can limit particular countries' access to markets, forcing companies to look for other trading partners or rearrange supply chains—often at greater costs. Major findings follow as changes in trade rules, disrupt supply networks, and create uncertainty in the economy mentioned in this research paper. Secondary data has been used to found relevant influencing the distribution of capital, products, and services, these disruptions—which include conflicts, sanctions, and disputed territories as well as modifications in political alliances—have an impact on international markets. As a conclusion of this research paper, it is found that geopolitical disturbance leads to tariff increases and other impediments that lower the volume of trade and reduce the world's economic expansion.

This study offers an analytical reading of the Thawrat Tishrīn (TT) protest movement in Iraq through the innovative perspective of revolutionary politics, using an approach useful for both the study of the Iraqi protest movements and the broader topic of Arab protests. It argues that the TT protest movement is better understood as a revolutionary process, within which political movements attempt to achieve the political revolutionary goal of regime change. To do so, political actors strive to impose their hegemony. This reading of the dynamics of mobilization is particularly useful when looking at the Iraqi case in historical perspective, considering the mobilization’s cycles from 2010 until 2020. During this period, three key actors emerged – the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), the Sadrists, and the Tishrīnīs – each with its own ideology and strategic interests. Those actors strived to form a ‘historical bloc’. This expression, taken from a Leninist-Gramscian theoretical framework, refers to the political actors’ necessity to construct a political alliance within the revolutionary camp and the relations between political vanguard and the subaltern masses. Its success or failure ultimately determines the outcome of the revolutionary process.

Abstract This article argues that opposition to environmental protection is key to understanding the development of new voting patterns in Western Europe. We theorize climate change as a collective action problem with diffuse benefits and concentrated costs and develop a range of hypotheses about the ways in which concentrated resistance to climate change measures may be channelled into electoral behaviour. We test our hypotheses using data from the European Social Survey. Our results suggest that the backlash against environmental protection is triggered by the potential ‘losers’ of these processes, contributing to the emergence of a territorial cleavage between green voters residing in metropolitical areas, and far-right voters residing in rural and peripheral areas. Our argument explains the development of new political alliances and highlights the importance of green attitudes for the emergence of societal cleavages.

Abstract Latinas and Asian American women are often labeled “women of color” (WOC). But taking up the identity of WOC is a choice; not all Latinas and Asian American women self-identify as WOC. Building on intersectionality theory and recent work on “of color” identities, we propose that WOC identification has the potential to translate into broader political alliances with other marginalized groups. We evaluate this expectation with data from the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS). We added a survey question about self-identification as WOC to the 2020 CMPS, making research possible about the nature and implications of the WOC ID. We theorize that Latinas and Asian American women who self-identify as WOC will be more supportive of policies that disproportionately benefit marginalized outgroups. We find evidence that WOC ID is positively related to supporting these policies, as hypothesized. We also investigate whether racial resentment limits the effects of WOC ID and discuss the implications. We argue that this study demonstrates the significance of the WOC identity and its role in the creation of political coalitions.

The party systems of the United States and Indonesia exhibit significant differences. However, both countries implement a presidential system of government and are also democratic. These differences in party systems can explicitly influence political systems, such as decision-making. In the Indonesian context, with its multi-party system, it is difficult for members and cadres of political parties in the legislature or parliament to secure political support for the government. This has implications for the formation of coalitions by the executive branch before competing in the electoral process. In contrast, in the United States, only two political parties represent the ideology of its people. This research method uses a qualitative descriptive approach with a preference-based approach, including sources such as scientific journals, books, research reports, and relevant research reports (Zed 2004). Furthermore, in analyzing the research object, the author uses the perspective presented by Heywood (2014) because it is relevant to the research object. Consequently, the multi-party system implemented in Indonesia, coupled with the presidential system, results in executive leaders building political alliances before the political arena begins. This is done to gain political support in parliament. There are only 580 seats available. In other words, it seems difficult for any candidate party running in the election to win the most votes. Deadlocked policies and programs are likely to occur if executive leaders lack parliamentary support, resulting in faltering political decisions. Meanwhile, the United States tends to be more stable, as there are only two political parties representing their respective ideologies. Nevertheless, political dynamics in the United States often give rise to their own dynamics.

This essay examines the history, controversy, and eventual removal of the Confederate Soldiers and Sailors Monument in Indianapolis. Originally erected in 1912 at Greenlawn Cemetery to mark the graves of over 1,600 Confederate prisoners of war who died at Camp Morton, the monument was relocated in 1928 to Garfield Park—a shift that transformed it from a funerary marker to a piece of civic public art. After decades of neglect, it was restored in 2014 through a partnership between Indy Parks and Confederate heritage groups. In 2020, amid nationwide protests following the murder of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and other unarmed African American civilians by American police, the city government removed the monument, acknowledging its symbolic role in upholding white supremacy. By situating this monument within broader political and cultural histories—including the role of white supremacy in both the North and South—this essay argues that public monuments must be read critically and politically. It contends that city governments are not neutral stewards of memory, but institutions shaped by shifting political alliances, public pressure, and evolving understandings of justice. As such, public space is always a site of negotiation, contestation, and revision.

This paper on the ownership system and commercial banking in Nigeria used the qualitative research method and relied on the secondary method of data collection and content analysis to assess the ownership structure and system of commercial banking in Nigeria and their implication for the Nigerian economy. Adopting dialectical materialism as its theoretical guide, the study found out that commercial banks in Nigeria have responded more to the dictates and financial needs of its principal and major shareholders and their political allies than to the interests, and aspirations of the customers and Nigeria’s economy. And in conclusion, stated that the nature of ownership of commercial banks have unduly influenced their negative and exploitative impact on the economy and recommended that conscious efforts should be made to adjust the operational paradigm and philosophy of commercial banking in Nigeria to engender sustainable economic development; contrary to the prevailing order which maintains the exploitative character and texture of colonial commercial banking the sector inherited from the pre-independence Nigeria.

ABSTRACT Research on climate change obstruction has often focused on what has been called the Climate Change Countermovement, the CCCM. While the term originated from the social movements literature – acknowledging the movement-countermovement dynamics – it has in climate obstructionist research often been described as a relatively fixed entity connected to the vested interests of the fossil fuel industry and conservative think tanks. While this research has provided great insights regarding funding and strategies of professional actors, it is important to see how climate obstruction is not only about vested interests. By using the Swedish climate change reactionary movement as an example, we show how the work on countermovements by Suzanne Staggenborg and David S. Meyer, can highlight the importance of political allies, issue framing, and shifting media ecosystems for countermovement activity. In Sweden, this has resulted in climate obstruction gaining traction when the far right has led a broader backlash against progressive politics.

Are victims of alliance violations still engaged in alliance politics? If so, are they learning from past experiences when designing future alliance treaties? This study examines how previous violations shape the design of future alliance treaties, emphasizing the role of learning in alliance politics. It addresses a gap in the research, which has largely overlooked how treaty abrogations influence the subsequent behavior of victimized states. Specifically, the study explores the lessons learned by both victims and violators and how these lessons shape preferences for alliance design. Based on the Alliance Treaty Obligations and Provisions (ATOP) dataset, this study identifies victims of alliance violations and assesses the severity of treaty abrogations. The findings reveal that while victims of alliance violations continue to pursue alliances, they tend to avoid highly formalized and institutionalized treaties. Moreover, more severe betrayals have a stronger impact, reinforcing caution in alliance design. This study contributes to understanding how states learn from past alliance failures, offering new insights into the interplay between alliance violations, strategic adaptation, and institutional design in alliance politics.

The Kazakh-Oirat relations, spanning several centuries, represent a complex and multifaceted historical phenomenon, in which political, economic, cultural, and religious aspects were intricately interwoven. One of the key factors that significantly influenced the dynamics of these relations was religion. The Kazakhs, adherents of Islam, and the Oirats (Dzungars), followers of the Gelugpa school of Tibetan Buddhism, were in constant interaction, which frequently escalated into conflicts driven by differences in religious beliefs and policies. Religion played a crucial role in shaping the identity of both groups. For the Kazakhs, Islam served not only as a spiritual foundation but also as a unifying element in their struggle against external threats. The Oirats, in turn, regarded Buddhism as an instrument for strengthening their statehood and expanding their influence in Central Asia. The religious factor was often employed as an ideological justification for military campaigns and diplomatic initiatives. The study of the religious dimension in Kazakh-Oirat relations provides a deeper understanding of not only the history of these two peoples but also the broader patterns of interaction between the Islamic and Buddhist worlds in Central Asia. This aspect also sheds light on how religion influenced the formation of political alliances, conflicts, and cultural exchanges in the region. Both Kazakh and Oirat historiography assert that their religion played a crucial role in preserving their cultural identity.

ABSTRACT This article develops a refined conceptual and analytical framework to examine how shifting opportunities and capabilities shape the behavior of total spoilers, particularly in intractable conflicts where peace efforts are intermittently renewed. Through an in-depth case study of Hamas, the article offers new insights into the transformation of a local spoiler in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict into a regional and multi-dimensional spoiler with global implications. It introduces the concept of the “multi-dimensional spoiler,” defined as an actor that operates across multiple geographic and political arenas, and combines violent and non-violent strategies such as political engagement, diplomacy, and alliance building, while maintaining an uncompromising ideological stance. Drawing on Zahar’s model of spoiler behavior, which emphasizes the interaction between perceived capabilities and opportunities, the article traces Hamas’s evolution from 1987 to 2023. It shows how Hamas has strategically adapted to shifting geopolitical conditions by diversifying its methods to disrupt peace processes and challenge normalization efforts. The analysis situates this transformation within broader patterns of spoiler persistence in intractable conflicts. By doing so, the article contributes to the theoretical understanding of how total spoilers evolve over time and highlights the need for more context-sensitive approaches to managing multi-dimensional spoilers in regional and global arenas.

Abstract Since the failed coup attempt in 2016, much academic attention has been devoted to the shadowy and now defunct political alliance between the AKP and the Hizmet community. Yet this scholarship only considers Hizmet as the level of its leadership and overlooks the core followers of Fethullah Gülen—mostly hard-working provincial schoolteachers and administrators. How did these individuals experience the movement’s controversial political dimensions (which were public for some years in advance of 2016) and make sense of it in the context of their daily lives of piety and hard work? In this paper, I present retrospective ethnographic observations from fieldwork undertaken in a Hizmet community in Turkey between 2013 and 2015 and argue for their relevance in understanding the community’s trajectory up to and including the present day. Specifically, I observe a tension in the lives of individuals who were committed to ethical Muslim living but were also implicated—if only through association with Fethullah Gülen—in Hizmet’s pre-2016 political agenda. Recent debates in the anthropology of Islam concerning the place of moral ambivalence in Muslim lives provide a starting point (Schielke 2010, Schielke and Debevec 2012, Fadil and Fernando 2015), whereafter I analyse Hizmet as a monastic community and argue that monastic practises allowed my interlocutors to balance competing empirical realities and maintain ethical coherence in their daily lives. I use the term ‘monastic avoidance’ to explain how Hizmet affiliates embedded themselves in tight-knit communities of piety in order to deflect their complicity in larger politico-religious projects that were associated with deception and illegality.