This article presents a critical interpretation of the Housing Commission of Victoria’s (HCV’s) design and management of the Fisherman’s Bend Estate, its first public housing estate, completed in 1941. It analyses the HCV’s internal files and publicised reports to find that the HCV meticulously sought to prove its tenants were deserving of welfare. In a broader social context marked by negative perceptions of urban poverty, the HCV shaped its policies in response to the enduring assumption that welfare must be limited to the deserving. To this end, the HCV sought to convince broader society that Fisherman’s Bend was reforming its tenants into model citizens. This was a multi-faceted effort, guiding the HCV’s policies for the architectural design, day-to-day management and public representation of Fisherman’s Bend. However, failing to prove this cast Fisherman’s Bend’s residents as undeserving, discrediting the HCV and changing the course of public housing policy.

Not required.

Subject. The process of transforming personal income taxation at the current stage of development of the Russian tax system. Objectives. To identify the prerequisites that triggered the need for a fundamental revision of personal income tax (PIT) calculation rules — which had not previously been considered problematic; to determine the directions along which the process of their modification proceeded and the economic reasons behind these choices; and to assess the fiscal effect of the decisions adopted over the period 2021–2024. Methods. The study employed general scientific research methods, as well as methods of statistical data processing. Results. It has been proven that the transition to a progressive tax scale, the revision of taxation rules for interest income on bank deposits, and the abolition of bond-related tax preferences constitute interconnected systemic decisions. These measures are firmly embedded in the economic context and represent a continuation of the tax policy course aimed at centralizing tax revenues. Conclusions. The revision of the foundations of personal income taxation in Russia is driven by the need to stabilize public finances under conditions of a federal budget deficit and to balance its revenue side with rising expenditures – without harming regional budgets. The measures adopted have demonstrated high budgetary efficiency.

The article represents an analytical review of existing approaches in foreign literature to conceptualize and operationalize the role of subnational political actors in Brazilian national politics. The electoral cycles of 2018 and 2022 in Brazil demonstrated significant heterogeneity in voting results at the federal and subnational levels. In 2018, the victory of the leader of the far-right political forces, Jair Bolsonaro, was not fully supported by the results of the regional elections. On the contrary, the victory of the founder of the center-left party, Inacio Lula da Silva, in the national elections was associated with the absence of a majority in parliament for the president and the victory of right-wing parties, including the Liberal Party of Jair Bolsonaro. These forces have also won regional elections, and most of the current governors are also supporters of right-wing parties. Reliance on classical institutionalism in the case of Latin American countries does not represent current interaction of political forces at the federal and regional levels, which forces researchers to turn to the analysis of the role of subnational actors in the Brazilian political system. The article identifies three main groups of approaches, each of which reveals the role of subnational actors in Brazil’s national policy. The first group includes studies examining the influence of subnational actors on the characteristics of the national party system. The second group includes works analyzing the influence of subnational actors on the choice of a certain policy course by executive authorities. The third one is devoted to the analysis of the role of the states in decision-making by legislative authorities. For the analysis, we selected studies published since the beginning of the 21st century, which focused on the relationship between the central authorities of Brazil and the political actors of the states. The choice is due to the current heterogeneity of approaches to conceptualizing and operationalizing the role of the states in shaping Brazil’s national policy.

The article analyzes the history of army building, the development of military education, and the innovations in this field as key aspects of the institutional development of Azerbaijan following the restoration of its independence. The authors investigate the goals and outcomes of the systematic reforms implemented in the field of officer training under the leadership of the National Leader Heydar Aliyev, who played a pivotal role in executing these vital tasks. Utilizing historical-chronological, systematic approach, and comparative analysis methods, this research provides a comprehensive examination of Azerbaijan's military development and defense education strategy within the framework of its dynamic progression from the early years of independence to the post-war period. Furthermore, the article examines the activities of President Ilham Aliyev, analyzing his efforts as the head of state toward strengthening the independent nation. It interprets the tasks arising from the national security concept and the fundamental principles of Ilham Aliyev's foreign policy course. Special emphasis is placed on the national security of the Republic of Azerbaijan in recent years, the construction work within the Armed Forces, and the development and organization of new requirements for officer training. The authors have set as their primary objective the study of measures taken to achieve successful foreign policy, the creation of new cooperation formats, active participation in global projects, ensuring national security, and attaining significant innovations in post-war army building as a result of rapid development across all sectors of independent statehood in Azerbaijan. At the same time, the article highlights the 44-day Patriotic War and the 2023 local anti-terror measures successfully concluded through the multifaceted and intensive activities of President Ilham Aliyev as major historical achievements in the restoration of Azerbaijan's territorial integrity and state sovereignty.

Semester-long central banking project in monetary theory and policy course

Currently, the article discusses the reasons why the clinical implementation of Class III artificial intelligence (AI) medical devices in China is limited, regardless of the accelerating technology and robust policy endorsement via programs such as the Healthy China 2030. Beyond technology and risk-based studies, the paper utilizes Kingdons Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) to determine how the lack of alignment across these three streams of the problem, policy, and political core has resulted in institutional wrangles that have remained. Using regulatory documents, secondary data, and policy evidence, the analysis can pinpoint three linked causes of friction: lengthy and mismatched regulatory approval processes, hospital system mismatch of capacity and responsibility, and the unresolved reimbursement/trust gap at the patient level. Such obstacles are reflections of institutional stalemateness, and not outdated technology, where current regulatory and payment strategies are ill-equipped to respond flexibly and data-driven AI applications. To resolve this misalignment, the paper compares two policy courses, including a market-led adaptive model and a model of rule-based governance, and suggests a step-by-step reform agenda involving the use of regulatory sandboxes, nationally standardized reimbursement, centralized data and reporting, etc. This strategy aims at compensating the innovation incentive, equity, and system persistence by balancing short-term experimentation with long-term institutional coordination. The research paper can add to the literature as it generalizes on the use of MSF and its use in technology governance and provides practical policy recommendations to enhance regulatory consistency and promote the seamless introduction of AI-driven medical devices in China.

Objective: To examine graduate dietetics students’ experiences completing a public policy course outside of their discipline. Methods: Participants were 40 graduate dietetics students at a university in the Western United States. At the conclusion of a public policy course offered through another department, students completed online surveys with fixed-response and open-ended items. Quantitative data were analyzed using paired t tests, and qualitative responses were examined using codebook thematic analysis. Results: Three themes included (1) Recognizing the interconnection between policy and dietetics practice, (2) From policy hesitancy to policy understanding; and (3) Humanizing policy: public policy and holistic client care. Students reported increased comfort with policy topics and identified connections between course content and their future roles. Conclusions and Implications: Students found value in a cross-disciplinary policy course. Cross-department courses may be a feasible and effective strategy for meeting accreditation standards and supporting students’ policy-related knowledge and confidence.

James Edwards, the protagonist in the incident, heard the song “Money for Nothing” on Spotify and wondered why this song was not flagged as explicit. Spotify was a digital music, podcast, and video service that provided users with access to millions of songs and other content from creators all over the world. It was one of the largest music streaming service providers. This critical incident examines free speech and censorship regarding Spotify’s Explicit Content Policy as it applies to the Dire Straits top 40 hit song “Money for Nothing.” This decision-based critical incident is well suited for undergraduate courses in journalism, ethics, law, and government policy courses.

This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of Hungary's political landscape during the 2022–2025 period. It explores the transition from the crisis of traditional opposition forces following their 2022 election defeat to the emergence of a new pole of political influence centered around Péter Magyar and the TISZA party. The study highlights the substance and methods of Viktor Orbán’s "institutional engineering" (specifically gerrymandering, control over the electoral vertical, and media blockades) aimed at systematically limiting the agency of the regime's opponents. Particular attention is paid to the phenomenon of P. Magyar as a "third force" that utilizes methods of mirror populism and patriotic rhetoric to mobilize a disillusioned electorate. Based on sociological data, the research demonstrates the erosion of the ruling Fidesz party's electoral base in urbanized regions and among the youth. The paper reveals the government's strategy of "toxic polarization" used to discredit the opposition through narratives of "foreign interference" and the securitization of rhetoric (including allegations of links to Ukrainian intelligence). A specific emphasis is placed on analyzing the foreign policy course of the new opposition. It is established that Péter Magyar's stance on Ukraine is pragmatically restrained: while supporting Ukraine's sovereignty, he simultaneously opposes arms supplies and accelerated EU accession, a position dictated by the need to compete for the conservative voter. The conclusions underline that the opposition's electoral leadership in 2025 creates a "strategic window of opportunity" for resetting Ukrainian-Hungarian relations on the basis of constructive partnership in the event of a change in power following the 2026 elections.

The subject of this study is the evolution of Russia's foreign policy in Central Asia (2016–2023) and the Ukrainian crisis's transformative impact on its doctrinal foundations. The object is Russia's foreign policy in the region. The author analyzes strategic planning dynamics, focusing on the transition from declarative intentions to the practical implementation of the "Pivot to the East." A comparative analysis of Russia's 2016 and 2023 Foreign Policy Concepts highlights key changes in the region's positioning. The paper explores how geopolitical tensions influence Moscow's priorities, investigating how bilateral and multilateral relations adapt to external pressure to form a new unified civilizational space. Methodologically, the research relies on comparing the aforementioned Concepts and descriptively analyzing primary sources (transcripts, agreements, statistical data) to assess policy implementation. The scientific novelty lies in a systematic conceptualization of Russia's foreign policy evolution, overcoming the fragmentation of existing approaches. The Ukrainian crisis is viewed as a direct catalyst for this regional transformation. The study traces the doctrinal shift from a generalized CIS-wide approach to recognizing Central Asia as a distinct politico-economic entity. A paradoxical effect of sanctions is identified: despite secondary economic shock risks, the forced intensification of the "Pivot to the East" expanded practical cooperation. The high adaptability of multilateral integration mechanisms (EAEU, SCO) enabled preserving ties and developing new niches (parallel imports, national currency settlements). Ultimately, the article substantiates that the "Pivot to the East" has transformed from a declarative construct into a coherent policy aimed at forming a unified civilizational space.

Introduction. The ongoing transformation of the global order has significantly altered the security landscape in the South Caucasus and wider — Eurasia, as evidenced by the 2020 Artsakh War and the 2022 Ukraine conflict. Goals. The paper examines how these shifts impact the foreign and security policy planning of small states, with Armenia as a case study. It analyzes the evolving geopolitical environment in the region, focusing on the strategic interests of key actors — Russia, Turkey, the US, and the EU — and their implications for Armenia. The main novelty of the article is some specific emphasis on the fact of geopolitical importance of the transforming Middle East for the South Caucasus and Armenia, in particular. Materials and methods. Involving strategic documents, official statements, discourse analysis, and expert interviews, the study evaluates Armenia’s multi-vector foreign policy since its independence (1991) and explores its capacity for strategic maneuvering or geopolitical realignment amid systemic changes. The paper applies neorealist theory, particularly the black box concept, to assess Armenia’s adaptation strategies, including its efforts to position itself as a regional connectivity hub between East-West and North-South transport corridors. Methodologically, the research employs discourse analysis, scenario modeling, and trade/economic indicators, as well as the expert interviews. Results. The article examines the emerging geopolitical landscape of the region after the Artsakh War and the Ukrainian crisis. The analysis of key players (Russia, Turkey, USA, EU) and their interests identifies the main factors of change, which in turn largely determine Armenia’s foreign policy course. The study focuses on strategic documents, official statements, discourse analysis, and expert interviews to determine Armenia’s strategic priorities. The concept of a multi-vector foreign policy that Armenia has pursued since gaining independence in 1991 is also considered. Based on theoretical approaches to the study of foreign policy planning of small states, the work assesses the possibilities for strategic maneuver or ‘geopolitical choice’ in the changing world order. The article refers to the neorealist theory of the ‘black box’, arguing that in the conditions of the new reality, Armenia seeks to adapt and ensure its own security, and position itself as a connecting node between the East-West and North-South transport corridors.

This study aims to track the course of fiscal policy and highlight its role in achieving economic diversification in Algeria during the period 2020-2022, in light of its reliance on the hydrocarbon sector, and given the importance of the relationship between the independent variables represented by fiscal policy tools, both expenditures and public revenues, on the dependent variable represented by economic diversification. The analytical and inductive approaches were used to measure the role of fiscal policy in achieving economic diversification, through the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model. The study concluded that there is a positive relationship between the tools of fiscal policy represented by (public expenditures) and economic diversification, meaning that the expansionary spending policy followed by the Algerian authorities had a positive impact on diversifying the economic base in Algeria. On the other hand, it became clear that hydrocarbon revenues and non-hydrocarbon revenues, especially tax revenues, have witnessed a noticeable increase in recent years, but public revenues do not translate the regressive relationship with economic diversification, as they are statistically insignificant due to the fluctuation of oil revenues and prices and their role in causing structural imbalance in the economy. Therefore, fiscal policy tools contribute relatively to achieving economic diversification.

This study aims to track the course of fiscal policy and highlight its role in achieving economic diversification in Algeria during the period 2020-2022, in light of its reliance on the hydrocarbon sector, and given the importance of the relationship between the independent variables represented by fiscal policy tools, both expenditures and public revenues, on the dependent variable represented by economic diversification. The analytical and inductive approaches were used to measure the role of fiscal policy in achieving economic diversification, through the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model. The study concluded that there is a positive relationship between the tools of fiscal policy represented by (public expenditures) and economic diversification, meaning that the expansionary spending policy followed by the Algerian authorities had a positive impact on diversifying the economic base in Algeria. On the other hand, it became clear that hydrocarbon revenues and non-hydrocarbon revenues, especially tax revenues, have witnessed a noticeable increase in recent years, but public revenues do not translate the regressive relationship with economic diversification, as they are statistically insignificant due to the fluctuation of oil revenues and prices and their role in causing structural imbalance in the economy. Therefore, fiscal policy tools contribute relatively to achieving economic diversification.

The article analyzes the signifi of the country communication regime and its essential elements for comprehension of the foreign policy course of states amid modern geopolitical transformations. Particular attention is drawn to the information and communication space as a fi of contestation for infl where the communication regime serves as a tool for shaping and transforming political discourse. Based on the example of Russian-Armenian relations after Armenia’s 2018 “Velvet revolution”, the author specifi the ambivalence of Armenia’s foreign policy, refl cted in contradictory statements by governmental offi media narratives, and the polarization of public opinion regarding integration formats such as the CSTO, EAEU, and cooperation with the EU. Armenia’s contemporary course is characterized by a shift toward a multi-vector foreign policy, involving participation in Eurasian integration formats while simultaneously expanding strategic partnership with the West. The communication regime, as a tool for regulating the national information and communication space, and the discourse formed within it serve the purposes of transforming foreign policy and legitimizing this multi-vector approach. An analysis of strategic and normative documents, as well as official statements, demonstrates that the discourses emerging in official declarations are gradually leading to a shift from the foreign policy priorities declared in strategic documents and legal acts. This dynamic features the contribution to the consolidation of new strategic guidelines in the long term. The author emphasizes the necessity to maintain and upkeep a friendly discourse toward the Russian Federation, highlighting the risks of negative rhetoric escalation and the further displacement of positive narratives about Russia from the public sphere.

Engagement in action: enhancing students’ interaction through face-to-face learning is a pedagogical approach based on the innovative learning aids created by the lecturers purposely to encourage students' active involvement in the lecture class, instead of assigning them for their independent completion after the class session ends. This study explores the application of this learning aids approach in the Introduction to Public Policy (ADS514) course, aimed at Bachelor of Administrative Science, second year students, from the Faculty of Administrative Science and Policy Studies (FSPPP) at Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM). The main objective of the study is to evaluate the impact of an active learning strategies approach in enhancing students' comprehension of public policy concepts and fostering their deeper engagement with the course syllabus. To facilitate this, the instructional framework in the lecture integrated some interactive methods introduced such as short introductory videos, formative assessment in the form of simple quizzes, and tutorial questions tailored to each chapter of the course. These approaches were deliberately implemented to assist students in grasping important concepts quickly, reinforce understanding through repetition in every lecture class, and support more effective revision practices in order to understand the course better. By promoting regular student engagement during class lessons, the activities not only improved students' interest and attentiveness but also contributed to their development of critical skills and improved long-term knowledge retention, and became a fun group learning via the class session. The result from the study conducted suggests that Interactive Student Learning Engagement is a valuable method for helping to enrich the learning experience and enhance academic performance in higher education practice.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the current state and prospects of the Visegrad Group as one of the key geo-economic clusters of Central European countries in Europe. It examines the geo-economic and political reasons behind the creation of the Visegrad Group and provides a comparative assessment of the economic potential of Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia within the broader European economic context. The study concludes that the Russian–Ukrainian war has become a major geopolitical trigger for the Visegrad countries, and the level of support for Ukraine can serve as an indicator of the geopolitical orientation of each government. The findings suggest that, in the long term, ideological differences are unlikely to break the cohesion of the countries that established the Visegrad Group, regardless of the political preferences of ruling governments. However, there is a risk that persistent political divergences may push individual V4 members to seek alternative formats of regional cooperation. Another option for the future existence of the V4 is the reform of political interaction and a change in the foreign policy priorities of Hungary and Slovakia, with the hope of effective political opposition in these countries. The growing contradictions in the foreign policy courses of the member states pose a challenge to the Visegrad Group’s ability to operate as a unified geopolitical actor.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the radical revision of the defense policy of the Federal Republic of Germany after the start of Russia's Special Military Operation in Ukraine. The concept of the "epochal turning point" (Zeitenwende), proclaimed by Chancellor Olaf Scholz, is considered as a turning point marking the transition to an active build-up of military potential. The paper examines the fi nancial aspects of militarization, including the creation of a special fund of 100 billion euros and plans to increase the regular defense budget. Specific directions of modernization of the German armed forces are analyzed in detail: ground forces, air force, navy, as well as the development of cyber troops and space intelligence. Special attention is paid to integration processes within NATO and the EU, as well as Germany's role in supporting Ukraine and implementing sanctions policy. From the point of view of the security of the Russian Federation, the key challenges are identified as the build-up of alliance forces near Russian borders, potential nuclear deterrence with the participation of the FRG, and long-term military support for Kiev. The author concludes that Berlin's current foreign policy course, largely due to subjective factors and personal motives of the political elite, leads to the conservation of the crisis in relations with Moscow and increases the risks of confrontation in "gray zones".

This article analyzes the political actions and statements of Western leaders that have a negative impact on the diplomatic relations of Western European countries with the People's Republic of China. On the one hand, the rapprochement between China and the EU in the international arena is facilitated by D. Trump's policy, in which China is seen as a threat. Against this background, the Celestial Empire, taking very cautious but confident steps, wants to strengthen contacts with the European Union. On the other hand, harsh statements and criticism of the Chinese leadership and the erroneous actions of the leaders of the European diplomacy, which contradict the long-established principles of international relations, hinder the process of establishing contacts and expanding cooperation with European states. The build–up of internal contradictions in the EU, the uncertain course of the foreign policy of the EU countries, attempts to act in the international arena according to their chaotically established rules — all this is also a factor of political instability, plays a destructive role in the process of building diplomatic relations.

The article examines the foundation of the modern model of the Azerbaijani economy as a result of the foreign policy course determined under the reign of Heydar and Ilham Aliyev. It is shown that the focus on the development of the energy state, foreign policy positioning as a reliable not only producer but a transitor of energy resources too had a decisive influence on the formation of a modern Azerbaijani state.The methodology of the work consists in the use of historical and problem-finding research methods, which allow for a critical analysis of sources that reveal key aspects of the formation of the modern model of the economy of Azerbaijan. The scientific novelty lies in expanding the scientific understanding of the South Caucasus and its modern leader – the Aliyevs Azerbaijan. It has been determined that the implementation of the “Contract of the century”, the development of the network of gas and oil pipelines in the 21st century determined the role of Azerbaijan as a regional energy state, the basis of whose economy is the fuel and energy complex. It is emphasized the growing role of Azerbaijan’s oil strategy as of the basis for the further development of the state after the restoration of territorial integrity and the return of Nagorno-Karabakh. The oil strategy, as the basis of the foreign policy of the Aliyev state, was aimed at developing a key sector of the economy and finding ways and markets for energy sales. Of particular importance is the development of allied relations with Turkey and the growth of influence not only in the South Caucasus but primarily in the European and global energy markets through the expansion of the oil and gas pipeline network and participation in joint logistics and infrastructure projects.