Currently, the article discusses the reasons why the clinical implementation of Class III artificial intelligence (AI) medical devices in China is limited, regardless of the accelerating technology and robust policy endorsement via programs such as the Healthy China 2030. Beyond technology and risk-based studies, the paper utilizes Kingdons Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) to determine how the lack of alignment across these three streams of the problem, policy, and political core has resulted in institutional wrangles that have remained. Using regulatory documents, secondary data, and policy evidence, the analysis can pinpoint three linked causes of friction: lengthy and mismatched regulatory approval processes, hospital system mismatch of capacity and responsibility, and the unresolved reimbursement/trust gap at the patient level. Such obstacles are reflections of institutional stalemateness, and not outdated technology, where current regulatory and payment strategies are ill-equipped to respond flexibly and data-driven AI applications. To resolve this misalignment, the paper compares two policy courses, including a market-led adaptive model and a model of rule-based governance, and suggests a step-by-step reform agenda involving the use of regulatory sandboxes, nationally standardized reimbursement, centralized data and reporting, etc. This strategy aims at compensating the innovation incentive, equity, and system persistence by balancing short-term experimentation with long-term institutional coordination. The research paper can add to the literature as it generalizes on the use of MSF and its use in technology governance and provides practical policy recommendations to enhance regulatory consistency and promote the seamless introduction of AI-driven medical devices in China.

Objective: To examine graduate dietetics students’ experiences completing a public policy course outside of their discipline. Methods: Participants were 40 graduate dietetics students at a university in the Western United States. At the conclusion of a public policy course offered through another department, students completed online surveys with fixed-response and open-ended items. Quantitative data were analyzed using paired t tests, and qualitative responses were examined using codebook thematic analysis. Results: Three themes included (1) Recognizing the interconnection between policy and dietetics practice, (2) From policy hesitancy to policy understanding; and (3) Humanizing policy: public policy and holistic client care. Students reported increased comfort with policy topics and identified connections between course content and their future roles. Conclusions and Implications: Students found value in a cross-disciplinary policy course. Cross-department courses may be a feasible and effective strategy for meeting accreditation standards and supporting students’ policy-related knowledge and confidence.

This study aims to track the course of fiscal policy and highlight its role in achieving economic diversification in Algeria during the period 2020-2022, in light of its reliance on the hydrocarbon sector, and given the importance of the relationship between the independent variables represented by fiscal policy tools, both expenditures and public revenues, on the dependent variable represented by economic diversification. The analytical and inductive approaches were used to measure the role of fiscal policy in achieving economic diversification, through the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model. The study concluded that there is a positive relationship between the tools of fiscal policy represented by (public expenditures) and economic diversification, meaning that the expansionary spending policy followed by the Algerian authorities had a positive impact on diversifying the economic base in Algeria. On the other hand, it became clear that hydrocarbon revenues and non-hydrocarbon revenues, especially tax revenues, have witnessed a noticeable increase in recent years, but public revenues do not translate the regressive relationship with economic diversification, as they are statistically insignificant due to the fluctuation of oil revenues and prices and their role in causing structural imbalance in the economy. Therefore, fiscal policy tools contribute relatively to achieving economic diversification.

The article analyzes the signifi of the country communication regime and its essential elements for comprehension of the foreign policy course of states amid modern geopolitical transformations. Particular attention is drawn to the information and communication space as a fi of contestation for infl where the communication regime serves as a tool for shaping and transforming political discourse. Based on the example of Russian-Armenian relations after Armenia’s 2018 “Velvet revolution”, the author specifi the ambivalence of Armenia’s foreign policy, refl cted in contradictory statements by governmental offi media narratives, and the polarization of public opinion regarding integration formats such as the CSTO, EAEU, and cooperation with the EU. Armenia’s contemporary course is characterized by a shift toward a multi-vector foreign policy, involving participation in Eurasian integration formats while simultaneously expanding strategic partnership with the West. The communication regime, as a tool for regulating the national information and communication space, and the discourse formed within it serve the purposes of transforming foreign policy and legitimizing this multi-vector approach. An analysis of strategic and normative documents, as well as official statements, demonstrates that the discourses emerging in official declarations are gradually leading to a shift from the foreign policy priorities declared in strategic documents and legal acts. This dynamic features the contribution to the consolidation of new strategic guidelines in the long term. The author emphasizes the necessity to maintain and upkeep a friendly discourse toward the Russian Federation, highlighting the risks of negative rhetoric escalation and the further displacement of positive narratives about Russia from the public sphere.

Engagement in action: enhancing students’ interaction through face-to-face learning is a pedagogical approach based on the innovative learning aids created by the lecturers purposely to encourage students' active involvement in the lecture class, instead of assigning them for their independent completion after the class session ends. This study explores the application of this learning aids approach in the Introduction to Public Policy (ADS514) course, aimed at Bachelor of Administrative Science, second year students, from the Faculty of Administrative Science and Policy Studies (FSPPP) at Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM). The main objective of the study is to evaluate the impact of an active learning strategies approach in enhancing students' comprehension of public policy concepts and fostering their deeper engagement with the course syllabus. To facilitate this, the instructional framework in the lecture integrated some interactive methods introduced such as short introductory videos, formative assessment in the form of simple quizzes, and tutorial questions tailored to each chapter of the course. These approaches were deliberately implemented to assist students in grasping important concepts quickly, reinforce understanding through repetition in every lecture class, and support more effective revision practices in order to understand the course better. By promoting regular student engagement during class lessons, the activities not only improved students' interest and attentiveness but also contributed to their development of critical skills and improved long-term knowledge retention, and became a fun group learning via the class session. The result from the study conducted suggests that Interactive Student Learning Engagement is a valuable method for helping to enrich the learning experience and enhance academic performance in higher education practice.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the current state and prospects of the Visegrad Group as one of the key geo-economic clusters of Central European countries in Europe. It examines the geo-economic and political reasons behind the creation of the Visegrad Group and provides a comparative assessment of the economic potential of Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia within the broader European economic context. The study concludes that the Russian–Ukrainian war has become a major geopolitical trigger for the Visegrad countries, and the level of support for Ukraine can serve as an indicator of the geopolitical orientation of each government. The findings suggest that, in the long term, ideological differences are unlikely to break the cohesion of the countries that established the Visegrad Group, regardless of the political preferences of ruling governments. However, there is a risk that persistent political divergences may push individual V4 members to seek alternative formats of regional cooperation. Another option for the future existence of the V4 is the reform of political interaction and a change in the foreign policy priorities of Hungary and Slovakia, with the hope of effective political opposition in these countries. The growing contradictions in the foreign policy courses of the member states pose a challenge to the Visegrad Group’s ability to operate as a unified geopolitical actor.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the radical revision of the defense policy of the Federal Republic of Germany after the start of Russia's Special Military Operation in Ukraine. The concept of the "epochal turning point" (Zeitenwende), proclaimed by Chancellor Olaf Scholz, is considered as a turning point marking the transition to an active build-up of military potential. The paper examines the fi nancial aspects of militarization, including the creation of a special fund of 100 billion euros and plans to increase the regular defense budget. Specific directions of modernization of the German armed forces are analyzed in detail: ground forces, air force, navy, as well as the development of cyber troops and space intelligence. Special attention is paid to integration processes within NATO and the EU, as well as Germany's role in supporting Ukraine and implementing sanctions policy. From the point of view of the security of the Russian Federation, the key challenges are identified as the build-up of alliance forces near Russian borders, potential nuclear deterrence with the participation of the FRG, and long-term military support for Kiev. The author concludes that Berlin's current foreign policy course, largely due to subjective factors and personal motives of the political elite, leads to the conservation of the crisis in relations with Moscow and increases the risks of confrontation in "gray zones".

This article analyzes the political actions and statements of Western leaders that have a negative impact on the diplomatic relations of Western European countries with the People's Republic of China. On the one hand, the rapprochement between China and the EU in the international arena is facilitated by D. Trump's policy, in which China is seen as a threat. Against this background, the Celestial Empire, taking very cautious but confident steps, wants to strengthen contacts with the European Union. On the other hand, harsh statements and criticism of the Chinese leadership and the erroneous actions of the leaders of the European diplomacy, which contradict the long-established principles of international relations, hinder the process of establishing contacts and expanding cooperation with European states. The build–up of internal contradictions in the EU, the uncertain course of the foreign policy of the EU countries, attempts to act in the international arena according to their chaotically established rules — all this is also a factor of political instability, plays a destructive role in the process of building diplomatic relations.

The article examines the foundation of the modern model of the Azerbaijani economy as a result of the foreign policy course determined under the reign of Heydar and Ilham Aliyev. It is shown that the focus on the development of the energy state, foreign policy positioning as a reliable not only producer but a transitor of energy resources too had a decisive influence on the formation of a modern Azerbaijani state.The methodology of the work consists in the use of historical and problem-finding research methods, which allow for a critical analysis of sources that reveal key aspects of the formation of the modern model of the economy of Azerbaijan. The scientific novelty lies in expanding the scientific understanding of the South Caucasus and its modern leader – the Aliyevs Azerbaijan. It has been determined that the implementation of the “Contract of the century”, the development of the network of gas and oil pipelines in the 21st century determined the role of Azerbaijan as a regional energy state, the basis of whose economy is the fuel and energy complex. It is emphasized the growing role of Azerbaijan’s oil strategy as of the basis for the further development of the state after the restoration of territorial integrity and the return of Nagorno-Karabakh. The oil strategy, as the basis of the foreign policy of the Aliyev state, was aimed at developing a key sector of the economy and finding ways and markets for energy sales. Of particular importance is the development of allied relations with Turkey and the growth of influence not only in the South Caucasus but primarily in the European and global energy markets through the expansion of the oil and gas pipeline network and participation in joint logistics and infrastructure projects.

ABSTRACT Professional learning in education policy should support school-based education leaders to engage critically with policy. Taking a broadly socially critical perspective on education leadership, we draw on theories of agentic leadership and Ball et al.’s (2011; 2012) typology of policy actors, including narrators, critics, and receivers to explore how leaders can reframe policy from a set of mandates into a flexible tool for equity and local responsiveness. Narratives from school-based senior and middle leaders who completed postgraduate policy courses reveal shifts in policy understanding and identity across four learning contexts: university, personal, work, and professional. While participants developed new perspectives and aspirations, their ability to enact policy was constrained by institutional hierarchies and cultures of compliance. The study highlights the need for professional learning that deepens policy knowledge and also supports leadership practice capable of reshaping policy engagement. It advocates for inclusive, collaborative, and contextually relevant approaches to policy work.

The resource-rich Essequibo region, located in northeastern South America and occupying two-thirds of the territory of the Co-operative Republic of Guyana, has long been disputed by the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. At the same time, the tensions have been escalating in recent years, making this conflict one of the most explosive in Latin America, which was declared a Zone of Peace in 2014, where any disputes must be resolved exclusively through negotiations, and the principle of national sovereignty is elevated to the absolute. The discovery of large offshore oil fields has significantly increased Guyana’s role in regional politics. The rapid economic growth of the Caribbean state is attracting increasing attention from experts to its history and the peculiarities of modern development. Given that, this article analyzes the territorial dispute over Essequibo from the perspective of the ruling elites of Guyana and traces the evolution of the state’s approaches to conflict resolution. Using historical and comparative as well as historical and genetic methods, the strategies of governments of the Cooperative Republic are studied – from the moment of gaining independence until present. As a result of the study, it was found that the finality of the 1899 arbitration award and the fact of its longterm recognition by Venezuela underlie the position of Guyana, which has not formally changed throughout the state’s independent existence. Nevertheless, in practice, it was accompanied by significant tactical adjustments to the negotiating strategy. An analysis of the speeches of Guyanese politicians and decisions made by presidential administrations has allowed to identify the key factors that led to the evolution of the state’s position on the territorial issue over the past 60 years. Firstly, the dynamics of Venezuela’s foreign policy course has played a significant role, as its governments have made claims on Essequibo with varying intensity at different periods. Secondly, the transformation of the international and regional order has had a significant impact, primarily due to the end of the ideological confrontation between the superpowers and their allies during the Cold War. Finally, the internal development of the Co-operative Republic has become a determining factor: economic crises, the beginning of oil production and the inter-party struggle have directly influenced the adjustment of the state’s approach. At the same time, the use of the border dispute as a tool to retain power can be traced throughout the entire political history of the Caribbean state.

Scholars studying the impact of classroom role-play upon student empathy note the importance of assessing empathy in multiple ways. Studies emphasize the need to consider active and traditional learning approaches, in a range of classroom spaces, to understand the effectiveness of classroom interventions designed to increase student empathy. Most studies on empathy in the classroom take place in the context of issues we might call “framed” issues: those with reliable partisan differences in the perception of concern relating to those issues. Less studied in the literature on student empathy are issues which might be called “unframed:” issues for which there are not preexisting stances with regard to the possible targets of empathetic concern. This study explores role–playing classroom interventions in the context of one such “unframed” issue, food allergy. A food policy course included interventions to increase empathy toward those living with food allergy. Changes in student empathy over time were measured by reflection responses to role-playing activities and pre- and post-surveys utilizing multiple measures of empathy. Qualitative and quantitative findings indicate increased “do more” empathy and increased “social empathy” among students. This study suggests an additional layer to consider when assessing classroom interventions designed to increase student empathy.

ABSTRACT The purpose of this manuscript is to establish and discuss the importance of housing policy coursework in higher education courses in the United States. The framework used in our work is the family and consumer sciences body of knowledge and cultural kaleidoscope. Using literature and limited data analysis, we establish the importance and breadth of the topic in an academic setting. We found that of the top 100 institutions ranked by U.S. News & World Report, a number offered housing policy courses. Housing policy is considered using a variety of lenses and teaching strategies across universities and courses, fitting the body of knowledge and cultural kaleidoscope framework.

The article presents a comparison of American policies towards Syria and Ukraine, which allows us to see how strategic, security, energy and ideological motives determine Washington’s priorities in crisis situations. Both cases reflect the dynamics of great power rivalry, the transformation of security environments and the need for the United States to balance the protection of its own national interests and the promotion of the values of democracy and international law. The aim of the article is to study and highlight the complex of strategic, security, energy and ideological motives of American policies towards Syria and Ukraine, which determine the foreign policy course of the United States in both regions. The source base of this scientific article is printed materials. The methodological basis of the study is the principles of objectivity, historicism and systematicity, which are implemented through the use of general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis and generalization. The research was carried out in the unity of logical and historical approaches, taking into account specific historical conditions, as well as through a consistent transition from the concrete to the abstract and vice versa, which allows for a comprehensive study of the phenomena under study. Scientific novelty of the publication. The novelty of the article lies in a comprehensive comparative analysis of American policy towards Syria and Ukraine, which allows for the first time to summarize the strategic, security, energy and ideological motives of the United States in two different regions in a single study. The study demonstrates how the United States adapts its foreign policy instruments to specific conditions, combining diplomatic, military and economic means of influence. In addition, the work highlights the relationship between energy security and support for democracy. The novelty also lies in the inclusion of the latest events of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the development of the situation in Syria in the context of modern global trends in international relations. Conclusions. American policy towards Syria and Ukraine reflects the desire of the United States to remain a key player in the international arena, to ensure global and regional stability, and to promote its own interests, adapting methods of influence to the specifics of each region. In Syria, the emphasis is on the fight against terrorism and control over energy resources, while in Ukraine – on the protection of democracy, integration into European structures and energy security. These approaches indicate a high level of strategic planning and the ability of American diplomacy and security structures to respond to various challenges of the modern world, taking into account both regional and global aspects of international relations.

Aim. Analysis of the continuity of the American strategic culture in the national security strategies of the United States.Methodology. The specifics of the research led to the application of content and discourse analysis of this series of strategic documents.Results. The analysis of the continuity of national security strategies has shown that the doctrinal expression of the national strategic culture is at the forefront of American foreign policy, regardless of the party affiliation of the administrations and presidents of the United States.Research implications. Elements of the US strategic culture are systematized. The use of content and discourse analysis is proposed to identify the repeatability of the rhetoric of American strategic planning documents. The results obtained are applicable to forecasting the US foreign policy course.

Abstract This article compares the party-political impacts of the Zeitenwende with those of three historic Germany foreign policy turns, each of which followed a dramatically altered international environment: the advent of the Cold War, the superpower détente, and the Cold War's end. Each produced distinctive patterns of government-opposition and intra-coalition relations accompanied by strong chancellor leadership, patterns that have been largely absent after 24 February 2022. To understand why the domestic politics of the Zeitenwende has differed, the article briefly assesses factors such as the person of the chancellor, the sequencing of government formation and international pressure, the size of the chancellor party's majority, the extent to which the respective policy debate has centered on Germany's national identity and territorial integrity, and the associated costs of the new policy course. It finds that the last two issues best account for why the domestic politics of the current Zeitenwende have diverged from those of the past.

In the context of an increasingly interdependent global economy, international treaties have become highly relevant for the development and positioning of countries such as Mexico in global trade. This article analyzes the role played by multilateral organizations such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Latin American Integration Association (ALADI), and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in the creation, evolution, and supervision of international treaties that directly affect Mexican foreign trade negotiations and strategic decisions. Based on a review of primary, official, and academic sources, the article identifies the main legislation that Mexico must consider in legal agreements with foreign counterparts, as well as current trends in economic integration that are shaping the course of global trade policy. The challenges facing the country in complying with international standards, balancing its interests with its multilateral commitments, and taking advantage of the opportunities offered by greater economic integration are also discussed. The reflection focuses on the need to strengthen the Mexican state's negotiating capacity and to foster a business culture that is better prepared to operate under global rules.

This teaching case challenges students to analyze factors influencing U.S. News & World Report college rankings using data from 33 liberal arts colleges (2018–2025). Students apply descriptive statistics and multiple linear regression to explore how institutional characteristics—such as faculty size, endowment, demographics, and academic performance—relate to rankings. The case encourages critical thinking about the value and limitations of rankings and encourages students to assess trade-offs colleges face in improving their positions. Designed for business analytics or education policy courses, the case fosters data literacy and strategic insight into higher education decision-making.

This article uses two different theoretical perspectives which are the welfare systems in the developing world, and institutional change dynamics to better understand the transition of Malaysia’s welfare system. Based on these theories in the Malaysian situation, it suggests that the welfare system of the country has been proved to have matured and changed. Over the course of economic growth, globalization and socio-productivist policies, this system has significantly transformed three times. Recent legal changes have added layers of complexity in which the government has embedded formal social programs onto long-standing informal welfare networks. This layering has produced complex results, with tensions between informal and formal welfare institutions that can be mutually undermining. The Malaysian case study contributes to our understanding of the characteristics and transformation of welfare regimes in developing countries in the sense that it fills a gap in the literature.

The study examines the diminishing role of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) in the implemen-tation of the Russian Federation’s foreign policy towards the countries of Central Asia. Within this framework, the aim of the study is to assess the role of the CIS in Russia’s foreign policy concepts concerning Central Asian states, particularly in the context of achieving strategic objectives aimed at constructing a multipolar world order and advancing Russia’s interests in the Central Asian region. To achieve this goal, the research involves an analysis of the evolution of the CIS’s role in Russian foreign policy concepts from 1993 to 2023, alongside an examination of the factors influencing observed changes. Furthermore, the study evaluates the prospects for cooperation between Russia and Central Asian countries in the CIS framework, considering the overarching strategic orientations of Russia’s foreign policy course and its regional interests. Based on an analysis of stra-tegic foreign policy planning documents, the article concludes that Russia has increasingly emphasized the significance of the CIS, attributing to this form of integration a distinctive role as a communicative diplomatic platform. This platform facilitates the maintenance of multilateral dialogue with Central Asian countries and serves as a mechanism for the development of bilateral relations.