Following a brief recap of the life of the entomologist Erich Schmidt (1890–1969), this paper examines his short tenure at Alexander Koenig’s Natural History Museum in Bonn. Using archival records, the reasons for his premature dismissal are discussed, as well as his role during National Socialism and the resulting consequences for the establishment of the Alexander Koenig Foundation (AKS). Explosive letters from the Bonn City Archives are reproduced to demonstrate that high-ranking Nazi officials, including Bonn’s mayor Ludwig Rickert, NSDAP district leader Cuno Eichler, and Karl Chudoba, the rector of the university at the time, attempted to boycott the foundation’s establishment after the deaths of Alexander and Margarethe Koenig. Berthold Korf, the former senior taxidermist at the museum and a committed Nazi who had likewise been dismissed without notice by Alexander Koenig and later rose to become Bonn’s police chief, also played an important role in this matter. In their will, the Koenigs had designated the AKS as the sole heir to their remaining assets. These consisted primarily of the expected proceeds from the sale of their Blücherhof estate in Mecklenburg, near Waren (Müritz), valued at 3–4 million Reichsmarks. However, the sale did not proceed due to the war. Ultimately, Blücherhof was expropriated during the Second World War, and the AKS was not established until 1946, following the collapse of the Nazi regime. In accordance with the charitable intentions of its founders, the AKS continues to support the Museum Koenig in its diverse scientific endeavours to this day.

ABSTRACT Apace with contemporary critiques of police funding and the allocation of their budgets, debates about policing technologies focus on ‘coercive’ technology that officers use to deploy force and prevent injury, and ‘surveillant’ technology that passively gathers massive amounts of data about the public. At present, however, research does not recognize the broader marketplace for police products and services that fall outside these categories. This limits consideration of the full scale of police expenditures on private-sector technology and mitigates police agencies’ implementation of transparent and efficient budgeting processes, including acquisitions and reporting. Using a novel dataset of booths at the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) Annual Conference and Exposition from 2012 to 2018, we empirically advance the concept of the ‘police-industrial complex’ and describe the landscape of for-profit companies that produce technologies and services for police. We find the coercive and surveillant technologies emphasized in prior literature account for 19.8% and 13.1% of vendor booths, respectively, at IACP during the study period. By comparison, software makes up 25.5% of total IACP vendor booths. We conclude with discussion of these findings’ implications for assisting police administrators in ensuring efficient and transparent budgetary practices.

General Background The post-amendment 1945 Constitution establishes Indonesia as a presidential system with the President holding supreme executive authority, supported by a framework of checks and balances. Specific Background Within this framework, Article 11 paragraph (1) of Law No. 2 of 2002 requires approval from the House of Representatives in appointing the Chief of the Indonesian National Police, generating sustained constitutional and theoretical debate. Knowledge Gap Existing discussions have not sufficiently clarified whether this approval mechanism constitutes a limitation on presidential authority or operates as a confirmation instrument consistent with presidentialism. Aims This study aims to examine the conformity of the DPR approval requirement with presidential system principles under the 1945 Constitution and to analyze its implications for presidential executive authority. Results Using normative legal research with legislative, conceptual, and historical approaches, the study finds that DPR involvement functions as a confirmation power within the checks and balances mechanism rather than a transfer or reduction of executive authority. Novelty The study demonstrates that the approval mechanism preserves the President’s role as the sole proposer of candidates while situating legislative participation within constitutionally justified oversight. Implications These findings affirm that DPR approval strengthens public accountability and institutional legitimacy without altering the fundamental structure of Indonesia’s presidential system, thereby supporting constitutional consistency and governance stability. Highlights: DPR participation operates as a confirmation mechanism rather than an appointment authority. Presidential control over national security leadership remains constitutionally intact. Legislative involvement contributes to accountability and institutional legitimacy. Keywords : Presidential System, Checks and Balances, DPR Approval, Executive Authority, Police Chief Appointment

This study examines the problem-solving approach employed by Bhayangkara Pembina Keamanan dan Ketertiban Masyarakat (Bhabinkamtibmas) in fostering community security and order in Kuning Gading Hamlet, Pelepat Ilir Subdistrict, Bungo Regency, employing qualitative methods including observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation with 8 purposive informants (subdistrict police chief, Binmas unit head, hamlet leader, community figures, and residents). Primary approaches encompass door-to-door visits, face-to-face patrols, kamtibmas information dissemination via posters and outreach, cross-sectoral coordination with hamlet government and customary institutions, and musyawarah mediation for domestic violence (KDRT: 6 cases, 4 reconciled), land disputes (4 cases, 3 successful), traffic accidents (2 cases, 2 successful), assaults (2 cases, 2 successful), and theft (1 case, 1 successful) in 2022-2023. Supporting factors include Kapolri policies (Perkapolri No. 3/2015 on Community Policing), Bhabinkamtibmas competencies, available reporting software, hamlet and community leader support, and IT advancements; barriers involve low public trust in police, limited legal awareness, problem concealment, outdated disruption intelligence, and personnel/facility shortages (1 officer for 3,483 residents). Findings confirm the efficacy of problem-solving as a contextual Problem-Oriented Policing (POP) strategy for preventing social conflict escalation in transmigration areas, achieving 87% mediation success (13/15 cases).

ABSTRACT Our study contributes to the representative bureaucracy theory literature by testing the significance of majority identity, masculinity, and partisanship on responsiveness to social unrest. This study analyzes the responsiveness of police chiefs within the first week of the U.S. Capitol attack in Washington, D.C., on January 6th, 2021. Data are retrieved from social media accounts of police chiefs within local jurisdictions with at least 200,000 residents. An event history analysis is used to understand why some officials responded faster than others or not at all. Findings reveal that White male police chiefs and those with a Republican mayor were less responsive, while White male police chiefs were more responsive in localities with larger White populations due to the presence of minoritized mayors. The study adds to the literature by expanding representative bureaucracy theory to include the role of whiteness and masculinity, as well as mayoral identity, in shaping bureaucratic responsiveness.

This study aims to analyze the application of penal mediation in handling domestic violence cases through a comparison between Indonesian and Bangladeshi criminal law. The focus is to assess the effectiveness of penal mediation as an instrument of restorative justice and to identify obstacles and opportunities for its strengthening. The method used is normative juridical with a legislative and conceptual approach. Data was obtained through a literature study of relevant legal regulations, doctrines, and scientific literature to examine the legal basis and application of penal mediation in domestic violence cases in both countries. The novelty of this research lies in its cross-country comparative analysis between Indonesia and Bangladesh in the context of penal mediation in domestic violence cases. This approach enriches the perspective of restorative justice and provides concrete recommendations for the reform of the Indonesian legal system. The results of the study show that Indonesia does not yet have a strong legal basis because penal mediation is only regulated through a Circular Letter from the National Police Chief and a Regulation from the Attorney General's Office, while Bangladesh has established it in the Domestic Violence Act 2010 and the Village Courts system. Both countries face similar obstacles in the form of gender bias, power imbalances, and weak victim protection. The Conclusion Criminal mediation has the potential to be an effective mechanism for resolving domestic violence cases when implemented based on the principles of restorative justice. However, regulatory strengthening, capacity building for mediators, and post-mediation supervision are needed to ensure substantive justice and comprehensive protection for victims

In its decision, the Constitutional Court determined that Section 47 (2a) (a) of Act II of 2012 on Misdemeanor Proceedings and the Misdemeanor Records System violates Article XXIV (1) of the Fundamental Law, and consequently annulled the contested provision. The constitutional problem arose from the fact that, the grounds for exclusion apply to the county chief of police as the head of the authority, would extend to the entire administrative body, thereby preventing the county police headquarters from acting in the case. The examined legislation does not adequately ensure the fair administration of authority-related matters, since it fails to establish the jurisdiction of another authority to adjudicate on the exclusion or to designate a competent misdemeanor authority in the event of such exclusion. The absence of these guarantees results in a violation of Article XXIV (1) of the Fundamental Law.

The development of the criminal justice system in Indonesia, which was previously implemented with a retributive system, has not been fully able to fulfill the sense of justice for the community. A policy was issued with a restorative justice system that is oriented towards justice, considering that victims of criminal acts can not only experience material losses but are very likely to experience immaterial losses. The definition of restorative justice is an effort to provide a restoration of relationships and redemption of mistakes that the perpetrator of the crime (his family) wants to do to the victim of the crime (his family) with peace efforts outside the court. The intent and purpose are that legal problems that arise as a result of the criminal act can be resolved properly by reaching an agreement between the parties so that there is no element of revenge. This research is a type of normative juridical research, with the specification of descriptive analysis research. It uses research methods obtained by researchers indirectly through intermediary media and using library techniques, in analyzing the formulation of the problem using the theory of law application and the theory of legal protection. Restorative justice is currently not only a concern of the police and the Attorney General’s Office, but also the Supreme Court and several agencies in the Criminal Justice System in Indonesia. This can be seen from the issuance of a Joint Memorandum of Understanding between the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Indonesia, the Minister of Law and Human Rights of the Republic of Indonesia, the Attorney General of the Republic of Indonesia, the Chief of Police of the Republic of Indonesia Number 131/KMA/SKB/X/2012 Concerning the Implementation of the Application of Adjustments to the Limits of Minor Crimes, the Amount of Fines, Fast Examination Procedures, and the Application of Restorative Justice and Supreme Court Regulation Number 1 of 2024 concerning Guidelines for Trying Criminal Cases Based on Restorative Justice. This requires special attention to the implementation of handling every criminal case that prioritizes restorative justice, because there is a conflict of norms in its application and handling since it is contrary to the Criminal Procedure Code. So, an ideal concept is needed in the criminal justice system in Indonesia, namely its handling by the law enforcement institution of the Attorney General’s Office.

This study explores the transformational journey of Chiefs of Police in Negros Occidental, Philippines, using a qualitative phenomenological design. Its purpose is to uncover authentic leadership practices, the challenges of implementing such leadership, and strategies for overcoming these obstacles. Data were collected through purposive sampling, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions. The findings revealed six major themes: (1) Transformation in Law Enforcement Agencies, (2) Authentic Leadership, (3) Commitment to Community Service and Leading by Example, (4) Understanding the Organization, Personnel, and Resources, (5) Inherent Resistance to Change, and (6) Building Strong Character and Professional Development. These themes highlight the importance of personal growth, contextual leadership, and community engagement. The study emphasizes that effective law enforcement leadership requires adaptability, continuous learning, and a deep sense of authenticity grounded in personal experience. Limitations include its focus on a specific region and population, which may affect generalizability. Nevertheless, the research contributes to broader discussions on transformational and authentic leadership in policing. Recommendations include fostering continuous learning and professional growth among law enforcement personnel, cultivating authentic leadership through contextual awareness and adaptability, encouraging community service, and providing resources to enhance understanding of organizational structures and personnel. Additionally, developing strategies to manage resistance to change and investing in ongoing training, professional development, and mentorship programs can promote a culture of fairness and positivity.

Purpose This study examines the organizational determinants of generative AI adoption in US law enforcement, addressing a gap in systematic evidence on factors driving AI innovation within police agencies. Design/methodology/approach A total of 140 valid responses to an online survey of Texas police chiefs were analyzed. Generative AI engagement (from planning to extensive use) and four hypothesized drivers—transformational leadership style, prior body-worn camera deployment, presence of a formal AI policy, and agency capacity—were measured, with chiefs' demographic characteristics included as controls. Logistic and probit regression models were employed for data analysis. Findings Transformational leadership, larger budgets, and chiefs' advanced educational attainment each show significant positive associations with generative AI engagement. In contrast, prior BWC deployment and the mere presence of a formal AI policy do not predict AI adoption. Practical implications To foster responsible AI integration, agencies should invest in leadership development that cultivates transformational competencies, secure adequate funding, and support advanced education. Policymakers and grantors should prioritize capacity-building over standalone policy directives. Originality/value This study is among the first large-n quantitative analyses of generative AI adoption in policing, underscoring the primacy of visionary leadership and institutional capacity—rather than historical technology experience or policy frameworks alone—in driving AI innovation.

The article studies the activities of secret agents of the Parisian police in collecting information about the mood in Paris in the second half of the 18th century. The source for the article is fragmentary surviving police reports from the 1740s to 1781. Previously, this source was used by historians to study public opinion in Paris in the first half - mid-18th century. This article aims to investigate what information came to the attention of secret agents and whether it was useful for the chief of the Parisian police. Reporting information about the international situation and military actions, high society life, government reshuffles, city news, unusual incidents, theatrical and literary events, the agents paid attention not so much to what could be important for maintaining order in the city, as to what simply seemed interesting to them. The content of their reports was influenced by the newspapers that were widely distributed at that time, including handwritten ones.

Importance. The mass partisan movement that unfolded in Eastern Transbaikalia against the regime of ataman G.M. Semenov is characterized by raid operations common to partisan tactics without long-term retention of individual settlements. The exception are the villages of Bylyra and Kulinda of Akshinsky district, which in February 1919 refused to obey the local authorities and were defended by the local population and a small partisan detachment until June, which led to the formation of the so-called Bylyrinsky Front. There have been no other similar cases in the history of the Civil War in Transbaikalia, which makes it a unique phenomenon that requires detailed study. The relevance of this study is due to the poor elaboration of this topic.Materials and Methods. The source base for the study is the published memoirs of a direct participant in the events of P.A. Anosov, as well as the reports of the head of the Akshinsky district militia, identified in the funds of the State Archive of the Trans-Baikal Territory, and documents of former partisans stored there for the first time, introduced into scientific circulation. Using comparative and dialectical approaches, P.A. Anosov’s memoirs are compared with the reports of the chief of the Akshinsky district police and verified, which made it possible to reconstruct the events as fully as possible. In addition, such general scientific methods of cognition as analysis, synthesis, induction and deduction are used in the research.Results and Discussion. The prerequisites for the emergence of the Bylyrinsky Front are identified and analyzed, as well as the reasons why the white authorities could not suppress the resistance of the rebels for 5 months. The events and military actions of the warring parties are reconstructed in chronological order.Conclusion. During the study, it is found that the prerequisites for the emergence of the Bylyrinsky front were: the arrival of the Alkhanai partisan detachment led by P.A. Anosov in this area, a significant number of supporters of the Soviet government in the villages of Kulinda and Bylyr, as well as nearby villages; the geographical location of Bylyr convenient for defense. The reasons for the inability of the white authorities to eliminate the uprising for a long time are: underestimation of the enemy and, as a result, a poorly prepared first offensive, the failure of which allowed the partisans to significantly arm themselves; the inconsistency of the actions of infantry and Cossack units in the next major offensive; the passivity of the commanders of government detachments in conducting reconnaissance and planning operations.

In the U.S., employment of women police increased significantly from the 1970s to the late 1990s but then hit a plateau around 11-12% of all sworn police. As of 2020, the figure was 14%, which still lags well behind comparable countries. Based on surveys, women police in a three-county region in the U.S. cited the male-dominated police culture, failure to proactively recruit women, and lack of family-friendly policies among the main reasons for the low representation of women. Male police chiefs in the same region were much less likely than women police to see their agencies as unfriendly toward women and less likely to view the police academy as male-dominated and not very woman friendly.

Abstract This article examines the daily interactions that transformed Buenos Aires’s barrio de los rusos (Russian quarter) during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Rather than treating anarchism and prostitution as discrete phenomena, it constructs a unified narrative of their interconnected social experiences within a shared urban space. Beginning in 1904, a concentrated area of multiethnic commercial streets became the site of dramatic convergence among anarchists, prostitutes, and pimps—a volatile social formation that confounded police, community leaders, and contemporary observers alike. Inspired by microhistorians Carlo Ginzburg and Carlo Poni’s proposal of “following the name,” this article adopts a strategy of “following the place”—tracing how the same locations appear across a variety of historical records, such as police, judicial, and diplomatic documents, as well as literary and press accounts. Drawing on insights from South American migration studies, it illuminates previously obscured zones of social experience among migrants who fell under police surveillance in Buenos Aires. Through an analysis of the proximities and distances generated by conflictive coexistence, the article demonstrates how these interactions reshaped Buenos Aires’s urban landscape and acquired explosive new meaning by 1909, when a young Ukrainian assassinated the city’s chief of police.

From the last decade, Nigeria is gripped with currently in the grip of a terrible conflict; the last decade in Borno State Northeast region has experienced violent conflict caused by Boko Haram terrorists in the Northeast region especially Borno State. This study is an explanatory assessment of food security amid terrorism in Borno State, Nigeria between 2017–2022. Utilizing a qualitative research method, the study adopts a survey approach through Focus Group Discussion (FGD) as the primary data collection instrument. A purposive sampling technique was employed to select fifteen (15) respondents from twelve (12) local government areas in Borno State. These respondents include twelve (12) farmers (each representing one of the selected local governments), an army general, a police chief in charge of security and the commissioner of agriculture in Borno State. The selection criteria focused on individuals with first-hand experience of Boko Haram’s impact on agricultural activities and food security. Failed state theory was adopted as a framework to explain the Scenario. Findings indicate that the insurgency has significantly disrupted farming, leading to massive food shortages, unemployment and forced displacement of farmers. The study concludes that Boko Haram’s activities have severely undermined food security in Borno State, necessitating urgent security interventions, policy reforms and agricultural rehabilitation programs. The study recommends increased military presence, improved support for displaced farmers and long-term measures to restore agricultural productivity in the region.

The position of Sector Police Chief (Kapolsek) holds a strategic role within the operational structure of the Indonesian National Police (Polri), especially in maintaining security and public order at the sub-district level. To ensure professionalism and accountability of Kapolsek officials, a selection method is needed that can objectively measure competence. The Assessment Center emerges as a competency-based mechanism considered to have high validity in assessing managerial, technical, and socio-cultural dimensions. This study analyzes the effectiveness of the Assessment Center in competency testing for the Kapolsek position within the Metro Jaya Regional Police, using a normative juridical approach and descriptive analysis. The legal foundations used include Law Number 2 of 2002 concerning the Indonesian National Police, Government Regulation Number 11 of 2017 in conjunction with Government Regulation Number 17 of 2020 concerning Civil Servant Management, as well as the Regulation of the Indonesian National Police Number 12 of 2024 concerning the Assessment Center within the Police environment. The results of the study show that the Assessment Center is a method that is normatively and technically in line with the principles of meritocracy and good human resource governance. However, its implementation still faces challenges such as a lack of assessors, infrastructure limitations, and organizational culture resistance to a competency-based selection system. Institutional strengthening and consistent enforcement of the merit system are required so that the results of the Assessment Center truly serve as an objective basis for the appointment of Kapolsek positions. With the optimization of this system, the National Police is expected to form sectoral leadership that is professional, adaptive, and oriented toward public service.

The possession and use of non-organic firearms of the TNI/Polri by civilians in Indonesia for the purpose of self-defense is a complex and multidimensional legal issue. On the one hand, the right to self-defense is recognized in the national legal system as part of human rights; But on the other hand, the misuse of firearms by civilians also has the potential to threaten public security and order. This study aims to examine how the legal arrangements regarding the use of non-organic firearms by civilians for self-defense purposes, how to apply to handle their abuse, and how should the ideal law enforcement formulation be for the use of such firearms. This study uses normative and empirical juridical methods with legal, conceptual, and comparative approaches, and is equipped with field data through interviews with law enforcement officials and firearms owners. The results of the study show that existing legal arrangements, such as Emergency Law Number 12 of 1951 and Police Chief Regulation Number 1 of 2022, have not been able to answer the challenges of implementation and supervision effectively. Weaknesses were found in the licensing process, the lack of post-permit supervision, and the absence of a psychological evaluation system and periodic audits of the use of weapons. Compared to other countries such as Japan, Singapore, and Australia, Indonesia lags behind in digitalization, data integration, and technology-based law enforcement. Therefore, a new legal formulation that is more adaptive, comprehensive, and oriented towards legal protection that is balanced between civil rights and public safety is needed.

Does the implementation of external oversight in policing improve public perceptions of police legitimacy? Civilian review boards (CRBs) are frequently promoted as mechanisms to enhance the legitimacy of police agencies by providing independent oversight. Despite public support for CRBs, their adoption and effectiveness remain limited, raising concerns about their actual impact on procedural fairness and police legitimacy. This study assesses the role of CRBs in shaping public perceptions by examining various decision-making scenarios involving police chiefs and CRBs. Using a survey experiment fielded to 2,503 respondents, we investigate whether CRBs enhance legitimacy when they either coincide with or conflict with police chiefs’ determinations in cases of officer misconduct. Our findings suggest that while CRBs may enhance perceptions of procedural fairness for some, particularly those with negative views of police, their involvement does not generally increase legitimacy. In fact, when CRBs conflict with police chiefs, they may diminish public trust in both policing and civilian oversight and further entrench politically polarized attitudes towards policing. These results provide empirical evidence to support concerns that CRBs might not fulfill their intended role in enhancing police legitimacy, especially in cases of institutional disagreement.

The use of organic firearms by the Indonesian National Police (Polri) in securing National Vital Objects (Obvitnas) and Certain Objects within the jurisdiction of Bali Regional Police (Polda Bali) is conducted in a strict and structured manner. Authorization must follow an official hierarchical process, beginning with the officer’s request and requiring approval by the Regional Police Chief (Kapolda) through the Director of Intelligence and Security (Intelkam). Requirements include a written request, assignment letter, firearm control card, and firearm passbook, along with field verification of the applicant and the condition of the weapon. Firearms may only be used in situations involving an actual threat to life, preceded by mandatory warnings and with full accountability for every action taken. Misuse of firearms is considered a serious offense, subject to administrative sanctions such as demotion or dismissal, and criminal penalties under Law No. 12 of 1951 on Unauthorized Firearm Possession and the Indonesian Penal Code (KUHP), including Articles 351, 338, and 359. Legal proceedings are conducted in general courts without exception. Strict supervision and regular evaluations are carried out to prevent misuse. Firm and transparent law enforcement is essential to maintaining professionalism and public trust in Polri.

The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, in Article 18B(2) of the 1945 Constitution, mandates that "Every child has the right to survival, growth, and development, as well as the right to protection from violence and discrimination." Furthermore, Article 20 of Law No. 17 of 2016 on the Enactment of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 1 of 2016 Amending the Second Amendment to Law No. 23 of 2002 on Child Protection into Law. For this reason, the Criminal Justice System for Children Act No. 11 of 2012 was enacted. The Women and Children's Service Unit (PPA) in Bali, formerly known as the Special Service Room (RPK), has a long history. In 2007, the RPK was transformed into the PPA Unit pursuant to Police Chief Regulation No. Pol: 10 of 2007. This change aimed to enhance the effectiveness of handling cases involving women and children, as well as ensuring the protection of their rights. Prior to becoming the PPA Unit, it was tasked with providing specialized services to women and children who were victims of crime or perpetrators of criminal acts.