This study examines (a) the prosodic cues to stress and focus in Ukrainian speakers in their first language (L1 Ukrainian) and in a second language (L2 German), as compared to German speakers and (b) the influence of F0 during online word recognition in L2 German. Analyses of productions of trisyllabic target words differing in stress (Experiment 1) show that stressed vowels are consistently longer and produced with slightly higher intensity than unstressed vowels, with little additional modulation by focus (focused, unfocused) and hardly any group effects (L1 Ukrainian, L2 German, L1 German). The groups differed strongly in F0 though. While L1 Ukrainian speakers produced the initial syllable with high-pitched and stressed syllables with a falling/low F0 contour (suggesting head-edge prominence marking), L1 German speakers produced focus with a rising pitch accent. There were two subgroups of learners: a small group that produced the conditions as in L1 Ukrainian (Type 1) and a larger group that was similar to L1 German (Type 2). In perception (Experiment 2), target words were fixated more when the first syllable was high-pitched (in line with L1 Ukrainian productions). Similar to Germans, Type 2 learners temporarily treated high-pitched syllables as stressed, leading to increased competitor fixations when the pitch peak preceded the stressed syllable (early-peak accent, H+L*, compared to medial-peak accents, L+H*). These findings demonstrate individual differences in the L2 production of stress and focus, which are closely linked to cue use during L2 word recognition.

Contrastive focus has been shown to enhance memory for focused elements and their contextual alternatives. However, recent work has shown that the memory effects of contrastive accenting vary across individuals. The present study investigates whether individual differences in memory for focus-related information reflect distinct recall patterns and which linguistic or cognitive abilities underlie these patterns. Native speakers of German completed a delayed-recall task in which contrastive focus was marked by pitch accenting, along with a battery of predictor tasks targeting different aspects of focus processing as well as broader linguistic and cognitive abilities. Using a probabilistic clustering approach, we identified two recall profiles that differed primarily in overall recall performance for focused elements and their alternatives. Participants who recalled more focus-related information also performed better on inference-based tasks, whereas prosodic perception and domain-general cognitive abilities did not predict recall profiles. These findings suggest that individual variability in the memory effects of contrastive focus is closely associated with inference-making ability and indicate that the encoding of contrast sets may be influenced by listener-specific inferential abilities.

Abstract This study tested nine groups of listeners on their discrimination of three pitch accent patterns in Japanese-like nonwords. We performed three analyses on listeners’ pitch discrimination accuracy. The first compared two tonal language-speaking groups (Mandarin and Cantonese), the second involved L1 English groups with tonal or nontonal L2 classroom experience, and the third L2/3 Japanese learners at two proficiency levels. The main finding of the study revealed that speaking a tonal L1 or having learned a tonal language as an L2 facilitates the discrimination of Japanese pitch accent patterns. However, accuracy differences between the two tonal L1 groups were not detected on the discrimination task. In addition, Japanese proficiency only increased perceptual accuracy for L1 tonal speakers. These findings provide further evidence for facilitative transfer of tone experience to the prelexical processing of pitch in an L2/3.

This paper investigates the different prosodic strategies used for the marking of information focus in Huave language spoken in San Mateo del Mar, Oaxaca, Mexico. For this purpose, a study was carried out in which prosodic properties of answers to a pronominal question with respect to visual stimuli were analyzed. Results show that the word bearing the nuclear accent is the last phonological word in a sentence and that the most frequent accent for signaling information focus are pitch accents (!)H* or L+H*. This allows us to postulate that Huave is a to-the-right nuclear accent language. With respect to phonological phrase, results differentiates from the findings in the analysis in Pike & Warkentin (1961), Noyer (1991) and Pak (2007) in the sense that it is not only the domain of H tone spreading to the right, but it was found that it is also possible to notice a wider pitch range (L+H*) in the position of object of a sentence, this is local prosodic resource to preserve the infraction to the restriction of phonological downstep (Gussenhoven 2004).

In this study, we explored to what extent native speakers of Serbian are perceptually sensitive to the acoustic properties of Serbian lexical pitch accents—namely pitch and length—and how accurately they distinguish between different lexical pitch accent types. To this end, we conducted two perception experiments. The first was an AX discrimination task in which listeners contrasted the two main acoustic properties of lexical pitch accents: pitch and length. The results showed that Serbian listeners were generally highly sensitive to these contrasts, with length carrying greater perceptual weight than pitch. In the second experiment, listeners performed an identification task in which they attempted to determine the type of lexical pitch accent based on the stimulus they heard. The results revealed below-chance performance, attributed to the potentially low functional load of Serbian lexical pitch accents in perception.

ABSTRACT Successful communication is not only about understanding what interlocutors say but also how they say it. It has been well established that speakers in a variety of languages utilize prosodic prominence (e.g., higher pitch, longer duration, and stronger intensity) to highlight important information, and listeners can effectively use these cues to achieve successful comprehension. Although increasing evidence on the role of prosody in language processing has been found in nontonal languages (e.g., Germanic languages) in recent years, less is known about tonal languages, despite differences in the phonetic implementation of prosodic focus between languages, such as pitch accenting in English versus pitch range expansion in Mandarin. To address this gap, the present study examines whether and how prosodic prominence influences memory for focused information and its contextual alternatives in Mandarin, using a delayed recall task with 64 participants. The results indicate that in Mandarin, prosodic prominence significantly facilitated the recall of focused words but had limited effects on the recall of focus alternatives. This study sheds light on how Mandarin listeners use prosodic cues to facilitate their native language comprehension and expands our knowledge of the role of prosody in tonal languages in general.

Pitch accent speakers exhibit speech-to-song transformation accompanied by reduced musicality ratings: a cross-linguistic study

Abstract This study is the first to examine how speakers deal with structural ambiguity arising from elliptical gapping constructions like Shahad saw Aahad at the library and Samar at the mall , which may be interpreted with a gapping structure (both Shahad and Samar saw Aahad) or a non-gapping structure (Shahad saw both Aahad and Samar). The central question of this study explores the role that prosody plays in resolving such ambiguity in Hijazi Arabic. Analysis of productions from 24 native speakers reveals that various prosodic cues, such as mean F0, max F0, intensity, and excursion size, are used for unambiguous sentences, while pause occurrence, pause duration, and pitch accents are additionally utilised as disambiguation cues when ambiguity is recognised. The study reveals that speakers phonetically reflect syntactic structural differences in ambiguous sentences, particularly in relation to gapping. This distinction becomes more apparent when speakers are aware of ambiguity.

In Swedish, words are associated with either of two pitch contours labelled as Accent 1 and Accent 2. At least one of them is taken to be phonologically and cognitively marked. Besides encoding lexical tonal distinctions, these accents reflect intonational prominence. Drawing on data from psychometric and electroencephalographic (EEG) measures, we scrutinized the functional load of the accents for the processing of linguistic input, and explored any potential processing differences between Accent 1 and Accent 2. Experimental stimuli consisted of one hundred sets of auditory dialogues, where test words were accented either appropriately or inappropriately within their respective contexts. Native speakers of Central Swedish were tasked with judging the correctness of sentences containing the test words, actively in the psychometric paradigm and passively in the EEG paradigm. Psychometric data from forty participants revealed that accent violations exerted a statistically significant negative impact on correctness judgements. Both Accent 1 and Accent 2 violations were deemed as incorrect by the listeners, indicating that listeners use both of them to arrive at the correct interpretation of the linguistic input. Moreover, there was a statistically significant difference in the perceived correctness of violations depending on the accent pattern. Accent 2 violations received a lower rating for correctness in comparison to Accent 1 violations, suggesting that listeners show more sensitivity to accent violations in Accent 2 words than in Accent 1 words. EEG data from twenty participants were in accordance with the psychometric data, and documented larger negative ERP responses, observed at both early and later latencies, to Accent 2 violations compared to Accent 1 violations, reflecting neurocognitive difficulty associated with the processing of linguistic input. Put differently, the application of wrong accent pattern for Accent 2 words resulted in higher costs for spoken communication than Accent 1 words, which is in line with the notion that Accent 2 is marked both phonologically and cognitively in Central Swedish. This pattern of results provides evidence that the brain not only extracts and utilizes pitch accents for a coherent interpretation of the linguistic input but also treats them differently depending on their phonological and cognitive markedness.

This study delves into phonological processes and changes in two distinct categories of loanwords in Japanese: gairaigo (foreign loanwords) and wasei eigo (Japanese-coined English words). Gairaigo are borrowings from foreign languages, predominantly English, while wasei eigo refers to words created within the Japanese language using English morphemes. The phonological adaptation of these loanwords undergoes various processes, e.g., assimilation, syllable structure, attenuation and strengthening, and neutralization. These processes are reflecting the dynamic nature of language contact and cultural exchange. In the case of gairaigo, phonological processes often involve the adaptation of sounds to conform to Japanese phonotactics and speech patterns. This may include the simplification or substitution of consonant clusters, vowel lengthening or shortening, and the incorporation of pitch accent patterns native to Japanese. Wasei eigo, on the other hand, undergoes phonological changes rooted in the native Japanese phonological system. Despite being constructed with English morphemes, wasei eigo words often exhibit phonetic features characteristic of Japanese. Moreover, these words may evolve over time through processes of sound change and assimilation, reflecting shifts in linguistic preferences and cultural influences. Overall, the phonological adaptation of gairaigo and wasei eigo showcases the linguistic borrowing, cultural assimilation, and the phonological systems of both source and target languages. Understanding these processes provides insights into the dynamic nature of language contact and the evolution of linguistic diversity in Japanese society.

ABSTRACT During comprehension, various aspects of upcoming input can be anticipated. However, it is unclear to what extent listeners exploit suprasegmental information to facilitate lexical retrieval. In Japanese, a Kansai-dialect-specific pitch accent system and a sandhi rule create a situation where the final tone of certain modifiers is conditioned by the initial tone of the following noun, thereby making the upcoming tone predictable. Both Tokyo and Kansai speakers showed increased fixations on the target when its initial tone was predictable based on an all-L-tone modifier, suggesting that this “predictability effect” may reflect an increased anticipation of upcoming input that disrupts a marked L-tone sequence, without necessarily invoking the dialect-specific sandhi rule. However, Kansai speakers were quicker to identify the target in this condition, suggesting that they utilised dialect-specific knowledge about the lexically determined pitch accent of the target noun to facilitate processing, particularly when the modifier tone deviated from the default.

This study examines how the recent weakening of the lexical pitch accent in the Southern Gyeongsang dialect influences the temporal structure of sentences, focusing on inter-generational differences. For this purpose, ten sentences, each containing one of five lexical items whose meaning is distinguished by pitch accent in the dialect, were used as analysis data. A total of 20 speakers (10 male and 10 female) across two age groups-20s (mean age: 20.7) and 50s-60s (mean age: 56.7)-participated in the phonological and phonetic experiment. For the phonological analysis, the lexical pitch accent patterns of the target words were investigated, and for the phonetic analysis, acoustic metrics such as %L (rate of target word duration), VarcoS, and nPVI_S were measured. Contrasting HH and LH patterns were observed in the older generation depending on the meaning of the minimal pairs, and clear differences were also found in the values of %L, VarcoS, and nPVI_S. Conversely, among the younger generation, no pitch accent contrast or sentential temporal structure contrast was observed. However, the younger generation

This methodological study presents the Implication-Realization (IR) model as a framework for the analysis of linguistic prosody and examines its application to English-language examples of speech. Originally developed by Eugene Narmour for music analysis, IR’s cognitively-based approach views melodies as hierarchical structures formed through processes of implication and closure. It parses melodies by comparing successive pitch intervals while also considering duration and potentially other parameters. With computational assistance from a newly developed set of Praat scripts (IRProsodyParser), the study applies an adapted version of IR’s symbology to several Modern American English examples. In this adaptation, comparisons of successive pitch intervals form the basis for a categorical classification of interval sizes. IR-generated parsings show broad correspondence with those produced within the autosegmental-metrical (AM) framework, with AM boundary tones, phrase accents, and pitch accents manifested at progressively deeper levels in the IR hierarchy. These findings support the view that pitch intervals are central in perceiving speech intonation and that intonational features arise as the result of a complex interaction of pitch, duration, and other cues. Moreover, while AM and similar approaches often frame intonational features in terms of aural prominences within the melodic stream, IR encourages viewing them in terms of their positions within a melodic hierarchy.

This methodological study presents the Implication-Realization (IR) model as a framework for the analysis of linguistic prosody and examines its application to English-language examples of speech. Originally developed by Eugene Narmour for music analysis, IR's cognitively-based approach views melodies as hierarchical structures formed through processes of implication and closure. It parses melodies by comparing successive pitch intervals while also considering duration and potentially other parameters. With computational assistance from a newly developed set of Praat scripts (IRProsodyParser), the study applies an adapted version of IR's symbology to several Modern American English examples. In this adaptation, comparisons of successive pitch intervals form the basis for a categorical classification of interval sizes. IR-generated parsings show broad correspondence with those produced within the autosegmental-metrical (AM) framework, with AM boundary tones, phrase accents, and pitch accents manifested at progressively deeper levels in the IR hierarchy. These findings support the view that pitch intervals are central in perceiving speech intonation and that intonational features arise as the result of a complex interaction of pitch, duration, and other cues. Moreover, while AM and similar approaches often frame intonational features in terms of aural prominences within the melodic stream, IR encourages viewing them in terms of their positions within a melodic hierarchy.

Compass Japanese 1 Interactive Workbook and its accompanying Japanese Writing Practice Book for Novice Learners mark an important contribution to Japanese language instruction. Drawing on the Global Competence framework, the workbook integrates reflection, collaboration, and authentic communication into a learner-centered design. With its diverse representation, inclusive visuals, and wide range of interactive tasks, the series encourages students not only to acquire Japanese but also to explore cultural and social themes. While instructors may need to guide learners through some vocabulary and pitch accent nuances, the workbook’s emphasis on inclusivity, creativity, and intercultural awareness makes it a valuable and inspiring resource for novice-level classrooms.

Effects of minimal pair competitors on voice onset time and pitch accent production in South Swedish

Cross-linguistic similarity in L2 suprasegmental learning: evidence from Chinese learners’ perception of Japanese pitch accents

ABSTRACTPitch is a prosodic element of speech that speakers dynamically manipulate to convey intention and meaning, making it a powerful cue for spoken language. Neural encoding of fundamental frequency, the primary acoustic cue for pitch, has been shown to deteriorate with age and can occur as early as midlife without overt hearing loss. Here, we systematically examined neural coding of fundamental frequency in middle‐aged and young adult listeners using syllabic and naturalistic speech stimuli. We then examined the extent to which neural processing of pitch accents, phonological units of prosody that convey differences in word prominence in naturalistic speech, differed based on age group. Our findings revealed that middle‐aged adults exhibited reduced neural coding of fundamental frequency to syllabic and naturalistic stimuli compared with younger adults. Middle‐aged adults also demonstrated less distinct neural processing of pitch accents in naturalistic speech, as reflected by greater classification uncertainty in a neural network model classifying pitch accent categories. This finding suggests less specialized cortical processing of suprasegmental prosodic features in the auditory cortex in middle age. Reduced neural coding of fundamental frequency was associated with greater classification uncertainty for pitch accents, linking early auditory deficits to higher order prosodic processing challenges.

This production study examines how Japanese speakers mark information structure through an Edge-Reinforcing Strategy—a prosodic system that signals focus via boundary-based cues, independently of lexical pitch accent or phrasing constraints. While many Japanese dialects mark focus with F0 expansion and post-focal compression, such strategies are limited in utterances containing unaccented words and in systems without lexical accent or multiword Accentual Phrases. We hypothesize that when pitch cues are constrained, speakers rely on temporal and spectral cues aligned with prosodic edges, such as silence insertion, jaw opening, and duration asymmetry. Nine educated speakers of Japanese standard produced 48 genitive noun-phrases (e.g., umáno hizume ‘horse’s hoof’) under Broad and Narrow Focus. Acoustic measures included word duration, and F1-based estimates of jaw opening and silence insertions. Results showed that silence and duration were the strongest predictors of Narrow Focus, functioning additively and independently of pitch accent. F1-based measurements of jaw opening played a secondary, compensatory role, particularly in unaccented contexts. Cue-profile analysis revealed a functional hierarchy: silence and duration together were most effective, while jaw alone was less informative. These findings broaden current models of focus realization, showing that prosodic restructuring can emerge from gradient, edge-based cue integration.

Background/Objectives: This study sets out to explore how L1 Mandarin speakers with varying lengths of L2 experience perceived English focus interrogative tune, L*H-H%, within the framework of the autosegmental–metrical model. Methods: Eighteen Mandarin speakers with varying lengths of residence in the United States and eighteen English native speakers were invited to perceive prosodic prominence and judge the naturalness of focus prosody tunes. Results: For the perception of on-focus pitch accent L*, Mandarin speakers performed well in the prominence detection task but not in the focus identification task. For post-focus edge tones, we found that phrase accents were more susceptible to L1 influences than boundary tones due to the varying degrees of cross-linguistic similarity between these intonational categories. The results also show that even listeners with extended L2 experience were not proficient in their perception of L2 interrogative focus tunes. Conclusions: This study reveals the advantage of considering the degree of L1-L2 similarity and the necessity to examine cross-linguistic influences on L2 perception of prosody separately in phonological and phonetic dimensions.