Phonological Regularities Research Articles

Tracking phonological regularities: exploring the influence of learning mode and regularity locus in adult phonological learning

Abstract Research on phonological learning has shown that adult learners are capable of effectively tracking regularities in phonological patterns. In our study, we investigated the dynamics of the learning process for regularity tracking. Adult learners participated in a phonological learning experiment where they acquired vowel harmony rules for forming plurals. The experiment had four conditions, varying in learning mode (goal-oriented vs. exploratory) and the locus of phonological regularity (phonotactics vs. alternation). When learners had no explicit learning goal and when the language involved random alternation patterns, their learning process showed a strong preference for regularity. This suggests that the application of statistical learning metrics is influenced by two factors: greater uncertainty in the exploratory conditions compared to the goal-oriented conditions, and a stronger inclination to avoid irregularities in alternation compared to phonotactics.

Universal principles underlying segmental structures in parrot song and human speech

Despite the diversity of human languages, certain linguistic patterns are remarkably consistent across human populations. While syntactic universals receive more attention, there is stronger evidence for universal patterns in the inventory and organization of segments: units that are separated by rapid acoustic transitions which are used to build syllables, words, and phrases. Crucially, if an alien researcher investigated spoken human language how we analyze non-human communication systems, many of the phonological regularities would be overlooked, as the majority of analyses in non-humans treat breath groups, or “syllables” (units divided by silent inhalations), as the smallest unit. Here, we introduce a novel segment-based analysis that reveals patterns in the acoustic output of budgerigars, a vocal learning parrot species, that match universal phonological patterns well-documented in humans. We show that song in four independent budgerigar populations is comprised of consonant- and vowel-like segments. Furthermore, the organization of segments within syllables is not random. As in spoken human language, segments at the start of a vocalization are more likely to be consonant-like and segments at the end are more likely to be longer, quieter, and lower in fundamental frequency. These results provide a new foundation for empirical investigation of language-like abilities in other species.

ERP mismatch response to phonological and temporal regularities in speech

Predictions of our sensory environment facilitate perception across domains. During speech perception, formal and temporal predictions may be made for phonotactic probability and syllable stress patterns, respectively, contributing to the efficient processing of speech input. The current experiment employed a passive EEG oddball paradigm to probe the neurophysiological processes underlying temporal and formal predictions simultaneously. The component of interest, the mismatch negativity (MMN), is considered a marker for experience-dependent change detection, where its timing and amplitude are indicative of the perceptual system’s sensitivity to presented stimuli. We hypothesized that more predictable stimuli (i.e. high phonotactic probability and first syllable stress) would facilitate change detection, indexed by shorter peak latencies or greater peak amplitudes of the MMN. This hypothesis was confirmed for phonotactic probability: high phonotactic probability deviants elicited an earlier MMN than low phonotactic probability deviants. We do not observe a significant modulation of the MMN to variations in syllable stress. Our findings confirm that speech perception is shaped by formal and temporal predictability. This paradigm may be useful to investigate the contribution of implicit processing of statistical regularities during (a)typical language development.

Assessing the Representation of Phonological Rules by a Production Study of Non-Words in Coratino

Phonological regularities in a given language can be described as a set of formal rules applied to logical expressions (e.g., the value of a distinctive feature) or alternatively as distributional properties emerging from the phonetic substance. An indirect way to assess how phonology is represented in a speaker’s mind consists in testing how phonological regularities are transferred to non-words. This is the objective of this study, focusing on Coratino, a dialect from southern Italy spoken in the Apulia region. In Coratino, a complex process of vowel reduction operates, transforming the /i e ɛ u o ɔ a/ system for stressed vowels into a system with a smaller number of vowels for unstressed configurations, characterized by four major properties: (1) all word-initial vowels are maintained, even unstressed; (2) /a/ is never reduced, even unstressed; (3) unstressed vowels /i e ɛ u o ɔ/ are protected against reduction when they are adjacent to a consonant that shares articulation (labiality and velarity for /u o ɔ/ and palatality for /i e ɛ/); (4) when they are reduced, high vowels are reduced to /ɨ/ and mid vowels to /ə/. A production experiment was carried out on 19 speakers of Coratino to test whether these properties were displayed with non-words. The production data display a complex pattern which seems to imply both explicit/formal rules and distributional properties transferred statistically to non-words. Furthermore, the speakers appear to vary considerably in how they perform this task. Altogether, this suggests that both formal rules and distributional principles contribute to the encoding of Coratino phonology in the speaker’s mind.

Deficits in Explicit Language Problem Solving Rather Than in Implicit Learning in Specific Language Impairment: Evidence From Learning an Artificial Morphological Rule.

Purpose The purpose of this study was to delineate differences between children with specific language impairment (SLI), typical age-matched (TAM) children, and typical younger (TY) children in learning and mastering an undisclosed artificial morphological rule (AMR) through exposure and usage. Method Twenty-six participants (eight 10-year-old children with SLI, 8 TAM children, and ten 8-year-old TY children) were trained to master an AMR across multiple training sessions. The AMR required a phonological transformation of verbs depending on a semantic distinction: whether the preceding noun was animate or inanimate. All participants practiced the application of the AMR to repeated and new (generalization) items, via judgment and production tasks. Results The children with SLI derived significantly less benefit from practice than their peers in learning most aspects of the AMR, even exhibiting smaller gains compared to the TY group in some aspects. Children with SLI benefited less than TAM and even TY children from training to judge and produce repeated items of the AMR. Nevertheless, despite a significant disadvantage in baseline performance, the rate at which they mastered the task-specific phonological regularities was as robust as that of their peers. On the other hand, like 8-year-olds, only half of the SLI group succeeded in uncovering the nature of the AMR and, consequently, in generalizing it to new items. Conclusions Children with SLI were able to learn language aspects that rely on implicit, procedural learning, but experienced difficulties in learning aspects that relied on the explicit uncovering of the semantic principle of the AMR. The results suggest that some of the difficulties experienced by children with SLI when learning a complex language regularity cannot be accounted for by a broad, language-related, procedural memory disability. Rather, a deficit-perhaps a developmental delay in the ability to recruit and solve language problems and establish explicit knowledge regarding a language task-can better explain their difficulties in language learning.

Verbal Working Memory Is Related to the Acquisition of Cross-Linguistic Phonological Regularities.

Closely related languages share cross-linguistic phonological regularities, such as Frisian -âld [ͻ:t] and Dutch -oud [ʱut], as in the cognate pairs kâld [kͻ:t] – koud [kʱut] ‘cold’ and wâld [wͻ:t] – woud [wʱut] ‘forest’. Within Bybee’s (1995, 2001, 2008, 2010) network model, these regularities are, just like grammatical rules within a language, generalizations that emerge from schemas of phonologically and semantically related words. Previous research has shown that verbal working memory is related to the acquisition of grammar, but not vocabulary. This suggests that verbal working memory supports the acquisition of linguistic regularities. In order to test this hypothesis we investigated whether verbal working memory is also related to the acquisition of cross-linguistic phonological regularities. For three consecutive years, 5- to 8-year-old Frisian-Dutch bilingual children (n = 120) were tested annually on verbal working memory and a Frisian receptive vocabulary task that comprised four cognate categories: (1) identical cognates, (2) non-identical cognates that either do or (3) do not exhibit a phonological regularity between Frisian and Dutch, and (4) non-cognates. The results showed that verbal working memory had a significantly stronger effect on cognate category (2) than on the other three cognate categories. This suggests that verbal working memory is related to the acquisition of cross-linguistic phonological regularities. More generally, it confirms the hypothesis that verbal working memory plays a role in the acquisition of linguistic regularities.

Fronto-Parietal Contributions to Phonological Processes in Successful Artificial Grammar Learning.

Sensitivity to regularities plays a crucial role in the acquisition of various linguistic features from spoken language input. Artificial grammar learning paradigms explore pattern recognition abilities in a set of structured sequences (i.e., of syllables or letters). In the present study, we investigated the functional underpinnings of learning phonological regularities in auditorily presented syllable sequences. While previous neuroimaging studies either focused on functional differences between the processing of correct vs. incorrect sequences or between different levels of sequence complexity, here the focus is on the neural foundation of the actual learning success. During functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), participants were exposed to a set of syllable sequences with an underlying phonological rule system, known to ensure performance differences between participants. We expected that successful learning and rule application would require phonological segmentation and phoneme comparison. As an outcome of four alternating learning and test fMRI sessions, participants split into successful learners and non-learners. Relative to non-learners, successful learners showed increased task-related activity in a fronto-parietal network of brain areas encompassing the left lateral premotor cortex as well as bilateral superior and inferior parietal cortices during both learning and rule application. These areas were previously associated with phonological segmentation, phoneme comparison, and verbal working memory. Based on these activity patterns and the phonological strategies for rule acquisition and application, we argue that successful learning and processing of complex phonological rules in our paradigm is mediated via a fronto-parietal network for phonological processes.

Nominal plurals in Antwerp Hasidic Yiddish: An empirical study

Abstract Yiddish is a Germanic Jewish language that is natively spoken by adults and children in segregated Hasidic communities around the world. The current study investigates the system of noun plurals as spoken by Hasidic adults living in Antwerp, Belgium. In the absence of evidence-based detailed grammatical descriptions of Antwerp Hasidic Yiddish, the aims of this study were (a) to arrive at a description of the plural system and (b) to detect if phonological regularities govern the selection of plural suffixation and stem change. An experimental pluralization task containing 87 singular nouns was administered to 100 Yiddish-speaking adults. Findings show that the system of noun plurals in Antwerp Hasidic Yiddish consists of plural markers that do not exist in Standard Yiddish (e. g. bikh-bíkhers ‘book-s’), combinations of existing markers (lip-lípenes ‘lip-s’) and loans from Dutch (ay-áyeren ‘egg-s’) – the ambient language. Nevertheless, suffixes that already exist in Standard Yiddish occur in a higher frequency than those that are specific to Antwerp. In order to investigate which phonological regularities govern the selection of plural suffix and stem change several factors in the inflected singular form were taken into account. Our results reveal an intricate system of some strong phonological regularities, islands of subregularities and exceptions that appear to be lexically determined.

Acquiring and Applying Phonological Regularities during Language Acquisition: Evidence from Combined EEG and fNIRS Measurements

Acquiring and Applying Phonological Regularities during Language Acquisition: Evidence from Combined EEG and fNIRS Measurements

Phonological regularities among defective verbs

Este artigo discute regularidades fonológicas dos verbos defectivos em português, a partir de um estudo experimental realizado com intuito de averiguar duas questões: primeiro, se os verbos descritos como defectivos (Cunha & Cintra 2013) são concebidos como tal por falantes nativos; e segundo; se a generalização de Postma (2013) de que a grande maioria dos verbos defectivos em português apresenta uma sonorante coronal (n,l,r,ɲ) seguindo a última vogal da raiz verbal é ou não internalizada pelos falantes.

Implicit Learning of Written Regularities and Its Relation to Literacy Acquisition in a Shallow Orthography

Some research on literacy acquisition suggests that implicit learning processes may be related to reading and writing proficiency in English, which is a deep orthography. However, little research has been done to determine if the same is true in shallow orthographies. Here, we investigated whether the implicit learning ability of third grade Spanish speaking children was related to their reading and writing abilities. Twenty eight children viewed pseudowords which all adhered to untaught graphotactic rules and were later assessed to determine their implicit learning of these rules. The children's reading and writing abilities were also assessed using standardized tests. No correlations were found between the participants' level of implicit learning and their performance on reading tasks or on a pseudoword writing task, suggesting that implicit learning is not strongly related to the acquisition of phonological regularities in a shallow orthography. A correlation was found between recognition of previously seen exemplars and the ability to spell inconsistent words which require word specific knowledge to resolve the spelling inconsistencies. This result suggests that implicit learning mechanisms may play a role in the acquisition of lexical knowledge and thus, in writing proficiency.

On modular approaches to grammar: Evidence from Polish

AbstractModularity of grammar has been explicitly or tacitly assumed in many generative analyses. Modules are separate computational systems that perform specific tasks and make use of domain-specific information. It is argued that the concept is difficult to maintain in the light of evidence from Polish. I look at palatalization effects before vowels and conclude that phonological regularities must have access to morphosyntactic information. In addition, certain regularities in the selection of diminutive allomorphs suggest that morphology must have access to phonetic information. As domain specificity, the core concept of modular approaches, is compromised, modularity does not seem a likely candidate for a universal property of grammar.

Deviant neural processing of phonotactic probabilities in adults with dyslexia

During language acquisition in the first year of life, children become sensitive to phonotactic probabilities such as the likelihood of speech sound occurrences in the ambient language. Because this sensitivity is acquired at an early age, the extent to which the neural system that underlies speech processing in adults is tuned to these phonological regularities can reflect difficulties in processing language-specific phonological regularities that can persist into adulthood. Here, we examined the neural processing of phonotactic probabilities in 18 adults with dyslexia and 18 non-dyslexic controls using mismatch negativity, a pre-attentive neurophysiological response. Stimuli that differed in phonotactic probability elicited similar mismatch negativity responses among the adults with dyslexia, whereas the controls responded more strongly to stimuli with a high phonotactic probability than to stimuli with a low phonotactic probability, suggesting that controls - but not adults with dyslexia - are sensitive to the phonological regularities of the ambient language. These findings suggest that the underlying neural system in adults with dyslexia is not properly tuned to language-specific phonological regularities, which may partially account for the phonological deficits that are often reported in dyslexic individuals.

Learning about sounds contributes to learning about words: Effects of prosody and phonotactics on infant word learning

This research investigates how early learning about native language sound structure affects how infants associate sounds with meanings during word learning. Infants (19-month-olds) were presented with bisyllabic labels with high or low phonotactic probability (i.e., sequences of frequent or infrequent phonemes in English). The labels were produced with the predominant English trochaic (strong/weak) stress pattern or the less common iambic (weak/strong) pattern. Using the habituation-based Switch Task to test label learning, we found that infants readily learned high probability trochaic labels. However, they failed to learn low probability labels, regardless of stress, and failed to learn iambic labels, regardless of phonotactics. Thus, infants required support from both common phoneme sequences and a common stress pattern to map the labels to objects. These findings demonstrate that early word learning is shaped by prior knowledge of native language phonological regularities and provide support for the role of statistical learning in language acquisition.

Effects of early bilingualism on learning phonological regularities in a new language

Drawing on structural sensitivity theory, the current study investigated monolingual and bilingual children’s ability to learn how phonemes combine to form acceptable syllables in a new language. A total of 186 monolingual and bilingual kindergarteners, first graders, and second graders in Taiwan participated in the study. Bilingual children, regardless of whether they actively used a second language at home or simply had exposure to it, showed an advantage over their monolingual peers in learning the phonological patterns in the new language. The study provides empirical support for structural sensitivity theory and calls for the need to reconceptualize the effects of early bilingualism.

Interactions between statistical and semantic information in infant language development

Infants can use statistical regularities to form rudimentary word categories (e.g. noun, verb), and to learn the meanings common to words from those categories. Using an artificial language methodology, we probed the mechanisms by which two types of statistical cues (distributional and phonological regularities) affect word learning. Because linking distributional cues vs. phonological information to semantics make different computational demands on learners, we also tested whether their use is related to language proficiency. We found that 22-month-old infants with smaller vocabularies generalized using phonological cues; however, infants with larger vocabularies showed the opposite pattern of results, generalizing based on distributional cues. These findings suggest that both phonological and distributional cues marking word categories promote early word learning. Moreover, while correlations between these cues are important to forming word categories, we found infants' weighting of these cues in subsequent word-learning tasks changes over the course of early language development.

Tracking irregular morphophonological dependencies in natural language: Evidence from the acquisition of subject-verb agreement in French

This study examines French-learning infants’ sensitivity to grammatical non-adjacent dependencies involving subject-verb agreement (e.g., le/les garçons lit/lisent ‘the boy(s) read(s)’) where number is audible on both the determiner of the subject DP and the agreeing verb, and the dependency is spanning across two syntactic phrases. A further particularity of this subsystem of French subject-verb agreement is that number marking on the verb is phonologically highly irregular. Despite the challenge, the HPP results for 24- and 18-month-olds demonstrate knowledge of both number dependencies: between the singular determiner le and the non-adjacent singular verbal forms and between the plural determiner les and the non-adjacent plural verbal forms. A control experiment suggests that the infants are responding to known verb forms, not phonological regularities. Given the paucity of such forms in the adult input documented through a corpus study, these results are interpreted as evidence that 18-month-olds have the ability to extract complex patterns across a range of morphophonologically inconsistent and infrequent items in natural language.

Adaptation to Novel Accents: Feature-Based Learning of Context-Sensitive Phonological Regularities

This paper examines whether adults can adapt to novel accents of their native language that contain unfamiliar context-dependent phonological alternations. In two experiments, French participants listen to short stories read in accented speech. Their knowledge of the accents is then tested in a forced-choice identification task. In Experiment 1, two groups of listeners are exposed to newly created French accents in which certain vowels harmonize or disharmonize, respectively, to the rounding of the preceding vowel. Despite the cross-linguistic predominance of vowel harmony over disharmony, the two groups adapt equally well to both accents, suggesting that this typological difference is not reflected in perceptual learning. Experiment 2 further explores the mechanism underlying this type of phonological learning. Participants are exposed to an accent in which some vowels harmonize and others disharmonize, yielding an increased featural complexity. They adapt less well to this regularity, showing that adaptation to novel accents involves feature-based inferences.

The Role of Phonotactic Frequency in Sentence Repetition by Children With Specific Language Impairment

Recent work suggests that specific language impairment (SLI) results from a primary deficit in phonological processing. This deficit is most striking in nonword repetition tasks, where semantic and syntactic demands are eliminated. Children with SLI repeat nonwords less accurately than do their unimpaired peers, which may reflect difficulty extracting phonological regularities from their lexicons. However, recent evidence suggests that having children with SLI respond to meaningless syllables such as nonwords underestimates their language abilities. Therefore, phonological processing was measured by having children repeat meaningful sentences containing target words differing in phonotactic pattern frequency (PPF). Eighteen children with SLI (mean age=9;0 [years;months]) and 18 age-matched controls repeated acoustically degraded sentences containing CVC target words differing in PPF, occurring in either subject position or sentence-final position. Accuracy results revealed significant main effects due to group, PPF, and sentence position (sentence final>subject). Further, the nonsignificant Group×PPF interaction suggests that both groups of children were similarly affected by PPF. Children with SLI repeated CVC target words less accurately overall but showed similar sensitivity to PPF as typical controls, suggesting that PPF affects repetition of real words embedded in sentential contexts by both children with SLI and typically developing peers.

Role of phonotactic frequency in nonword repetition by children with specific language impairments

Children with specific language impairments (SLI) repeat nonwords less accurately than typically developing children, suggesting a phonological deficit. Much work has attempted to explain these results in terms of a phonological memory deficit. However, subsequent work revealed that these results might be explained better as a deficit in phonological sensitivity. This study used a nonword repetition task to examine how children with SLI extract phonological regularities from their language input. Eighteen English-speaking children with SLI (7;3-10;6) and 18 age-matched controls participated in two English nonword repetition tasks. Three- and four-syllable nonwords varied in a single phonotactic frequency manipulation, either consonant frequency or phoneme co-occurrence frequency, while all other factors were held constant. Repetitions were scored in terms of accuracy as either the percentage of phonemes correctly produced or phoneme co-occurrences (diphones) correctly produced. In addition, onset-to-onset reaction times and repetition durations were measured. Accuracy results revealed significant group, length, and phonotactic frequency effects. Children with SLI repeated nonwords less accurately than age-matched peers, and all children repeated three-syllable nonwords and those with higher frequency phonotactic patterns more accurately. However, phonotactic frequency by group interactions were not significant. Timing results were mixed, with group reaction time differences for co-occurrence frequency, but not consonant frequency, and no group repetition duration differences. While children with SLI were less accurate overall, non-significant interactions indicate that both groups of children were comparably affected by differences in consonant and diphone frequency.