Peaceful Liberation Research Articles

THE FORMATION OF CHINA’S DIPLOMACY AND ITS FEATURES

The authors of this study aim to highlight the features of the formation of Chinese diplomacy and the formation of China’s foreign policy in modern times. The authors analyze three periods of the formation of the diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China - “diplomacy of peaceful liberation” (1921-1949), “diplomacy of peaceful coexistence” (1949-1979) and “diplomacy of peaceful development” (from 1979 to our time). The conclusions reached by the authors indicate that China’s diplomacy developed in a unique way and undoubtedly reflected the historical changes that took place with the state. All three stages have had an important impact on the formation of Chinese diplomacy, bringing their own nuances to the modern diversity. Thus, among the most important areas can be distinguished - economic diplomacy, multilateral diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cooperation and protection of the main national interests, that is, the foundations that emerged due to the historical transformation of the state. According to the authors, solving problems and improving the country’s image will remain an important characteristic of Chinese diplomacy, especially in its relations with other major powers. In cooperation with other major powers, China is likely to be more active in solving fundamental global problems at the strategic level. China does not seek to change the international system, rather, it intends to be a responsible participant in world affairs. As China’s identity becomes more global and regional, the current concept of multilateralism in China’s overall diplomatic strategy may be revised to realize national interests, resolve complex issues and ensure governance in an era of instability and turbulence.

Earthquake-induced risk assessment of cultural heritage based on InSAR and seismic intensity: A case study of Zhalang temple affected by the 2021 Mw 7.4 Maduo (China) earthquake

Earthquakes have been acknowledged as threats to heritages for a long time in the past decades. Many scientific publications and international guidelines have addressed this issue. However, the related reports are still lacking particularly for the 2021 Mw 7.4 Maduo earthquake and its surrounding heritage sites, even though this event was the largest earthquake in China after 2008 with 13 National Key Protected Cultural Relic Units (NKPCRUs) of China located in the surrounding areas within 200 km from the epicenter. On May 21, 2021, an Mw 7.4 earthquake struck Maduo County in Qinghai Province, China. The earthquake was large in magnitude and caused ∼150 km of surface rupture. The integrity and authenticity of cultural heritages near the epicenter are under severe threat, making it critically important to quantify the potential damages and vulnerability of these sites affected by the Mw 7.4 earthquake. Nevertheless, many geological and geophysical studies related to this earthquake have been conducted, but none of them consider the seismic damage to the heritage sites. To fulfill this gap, the Zhalang temple (also known as “Golok Peaceful Liberation Memorial”) which was a Tibetan Buddhist monastery located ∼140 km away from the Mw 7.4 epicenter of the 2021 Maduo earthquake was taken as an example to investigate whether and how the strong earthquake could affect a cultural heritage in such a distance. Collaborative monitoring based on InSAR and seismic intensity was conducted to measure the earthquake-induced deformation and characterize the risks and damages to cultural heritages by earthquakes. First, fast responses within 30 min based on the seismic method were performed. The PGV-vS30 intensity, that was the peak ground velocities (PGV) further site-corrected by the site conditions of the time-averaged shear-wave velocity to 30 m depth (vS30) seismic intensity map was obtained, which provided a general and fast guidance to preliminary determinations of the severe disaster area and the scope of the disaster area. Initial decisions could be made about whether or where a certain location should be taken into further on-site inspection. Then, the Interferometric Synthetic Aperture Radar (InSAR) processing of Sentinel-1 images was performed to define two-dimensional (2D) East-West (E-W) and vertical co-seismic deformation maps near the Zhalang temple. Finally, the measurements obtained by seismic and InSAR methods were validated by unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) imagery and field surveying. The results showed that: the maximum E-W striking deformation was ∼2.54 cm toward the east and the vertical subsidence was ∼0.01 cm centered on the Zhalang temple, suggesting that the E-W striking deformation significantly affected the surrounding region. Moreover, the spatial heterogeneity indicator of the InSAR deformation maps revealed the locations of underground faults with surface expressions. Further field survey detected surface fractures at Zhalang temple due to secondary effects of the Mw 7.4 earthquake. The genetic process of faulting and fracturing is crucial in terms of hazard assessment and mitigation strategies. In countries with strong environmental and seismic risks, the presented work contributes to the disaster risk reduction (DRR) of heritages in natural-hazard-prone areas and also takes on a social value because it provided supplements for the protection of a heritage that represents the very identity nationwide.

Century-long record of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons from tree rings in the southeastern Tibetan Plateau

Limited studies have been carried out on the historical variations of atmospheric polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs), especially in remote regions of the world. In this study, century-long record of PAHs (1916–2018) were reconstructed from tree rings in the remote southeastern Tibetan Plateau (TP). The total concentrations of 15 PAHs varied from 27.5 to 6.05 × 102 ng/g dry weight (dw), with a mean value of 1.40 × 102 ng/g dw. Higher levels of PAHs were observed during World War Ⅱ and the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet, and increasing trends were observed starting from rapid industrialization in India. Both the isomer ratios and the positive matrix factorization model results indicated biomass and coal combustion were the dominant sources of PAHs. The carcinogenic risk of PAHs to local residents was assessed, which might have been negligible in most past periods and lower than in other regions of the world. Nevertheless, since the beginning of the 21st century, the cancer risk has been increasing year by year, indicating more actions are needed to reduce emissions of PAHs. This study provides an idea for reconstructing the pollution history of PAHs at the global scale.

Thinking on Long-term Construction of Tibet in Contemporary China

Since the peaceful liberation of Tibet in 1951, with a view to shaking off Tibet’s poverty and backwardness and making it prosper alongside the rest of China, the central leadership with Mao Zedong at the core, combining Marxist theory on ethnic issues with the particular realities of Tibet, gave up the earlier plan of “shifting the troops garrisoning Tibet every three years to improve their morale,” and began to consider long-term thinking on developing Tibet in which the troops would take root and settle down in Tibet and the border areas. After reform and opening up in 1978, following changes in the international and domestic situation, the CPC Central Committee called on the people to “speed development” and realize leapfrog progress in Tibet and developed the assistance method of “accountability for specific areas, paired-up support and regular rotations.” That has enriched and supplemented our long-term thinking, and is an important method and pathway towards the long-term construction of Tibet. Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, General Secretary Xi Jinping has summarized the Party’s Tibet governance strategies over the past six decades, putting forward the idea that work on Tibet must uphold the important principles of “governing Tibet according to law, promoting the prosperity of the Tibetan people and the region on a long-term basis, increasing cohesion and building a solid foundation,” giving a new historical orientation and epochal meaning to long-term thinking on building Tibet. This article tries to trace the history of the long-term thinking on developing Tibet and summarize historical experience, so as to provide a historical basis and reference for work on Tibet in the new period.

Sixty years of “peaceful liberation” at the Tibet Museum in Lhasa: triumphant modernization at the rooftop of the world

Drawing on fieldwork and the rhetorical analysis of translations of the descriptive panels displayed in the “Exhibition of the 60th Anniversary of the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet” (EATPL), this article examines the ways in which Lhasa’s Tibet Museum in general and the EATPL in particular represent Tibet’s contested place in the rise of modern China. We analyze the displays to determine how presence, absence, and amnesiatic displays are used to celebrate the success of the Communist Party of China’s (CPC) leapfrog development, how techniques of contrast produce visions of a so-called “better tomorrow for Tibet,” and how the repetition of before- and after-reform images (re)produce state narratives that showcase the triumph of modernization and the rhetoric of legacy building. By focusing on Jiang Zemin’s “Three Represents,” Hu Jintao’s “Scientific Development and Harmonious Society,” and Xi Jinping’s “China Dream,” we show that the rhetoric in these panels is aimed to constrain yearnings for the “Old Tibet.” We maintain that despite its limitations, the rhetoric of “triumphant modernization” should serve as the crux, not the crisis, of future dialogue about Chinese–Tibetan relations.

THE CHURCH AND ITS CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE STRUGGLE TO LIBERATE THE FREE STATE PROVINCE

The article outlines the contributions of the church to the liberation struggle in South Africa. In doing so, we limit the content to the contributions of church activities in the Free State. The point of departure is that the liberation of South Africa was not only a result of the barrel of the gun – instead, the barrel was complemented by various peaceful liberation forces, including the activities and the narratives of the church. The arguments of this article are based in decolonial theory, a discourse that sensitises understanding that the liberation of South Africa should not only be interpreted politically, but that liberation transcends politics to other spheres of life, and it involves total liberation and emancipation. Data in this article was collected through interviews and questionnaires, which focused mainly on the role of the church in the liberation of the Free State. In this article, it is argued that the place of the church in the post-1994 histories and narratives should be one of being a champion of social justice, equity and the fair distribution of resources, as well as playing a role to unmask corruption, which continues to subject the people of the Free State to poverty and marginalisation.

Xinjiang and the expansion of Chinese communist power: Kashgar in the early twentieth century

Preface 1. Silk Road City in the Land of Mountain and Desert 2. Kashgar and the Chinese Republic 1911-1949 3. Kashgar and the Eastern Turkestan Islamic Republic 1933-4 4. The view from Chinibagh 1: Britain's Consulate-General in Kashgar and Xinjiang under Governor Jin Shuren 5. The view from Chinibagh 2: The Consulate-General and the 1933-4 Revolt in Southern Xinjiang 6. Communist Activists in the Kashgar Region during the 1930s and 1940s 7. Border Security and the Battle against the British and Smugglers: Hu Dong in Tashkurgan 8. Tax and Currency Reform in Kashgar 9. Education and Running a County: Li Yunyang in Kashgar and Maralbashi (Bachu) 10. Educating Girls and Working with Women: Wu Naijun in Kashgar and Maralbashi 11. Kashgar Newspaperman: Wang Mo and Xinjiang Daily 12. Honest and Public-Spirited Official: Xu Liang 13. Political Commissar on the Frontier: Zhou Chunlin 14. Abudukerimhan Mehsum 15. Entry of the PLA into Kashgar and the 'Peaceful Liberation' of Xinjiang 16. Liberating Khotan: Bai Chushi in Southern Xinjiang 17. Colonising Kashgar in the Name of the People

The Influence on the Consumption Level of Tibetans

Transportation is the accelerator in the development of regional economy. Since the peaceful liberation of Tibet in 1951, central government has invested heavily to Tibet on the construction of civil aviation, highway and rail transportation network system, which promotes the circulation of people and goods between Tibet and outside world. Tibet’s economy has developed fast after the improvement of transportation, and people’s living standard has also been raised vastly. By researching in the history and current situation of people’s consumption level and transportation condition in Tibet, the thesis established in Tibet road transport for urban residents and farmers and herdsmen affect the level of consumption and other economic models. Results show that Tibet road transport impact to the influence of the urban residents consumption level is greater than the impact on the farmers and herdsmen consumption level, and the main factors influencing the road freight volume by empirical analysis conclusion.

NARRAR A RESTAURAÇÃO PORTUGUESA

The Portuguese Restauracao (1640) took place during a period which was characterized by a high frequency of political �confessionalisation�, and at its highpoint by �raison d�Etat� which actively defended a strict �social disciplining�. This article puts forward a narrative structural pattern which describes and explains the semantic value of the multiple narrations that legitimize the political rebellion which led to the governance of D. Joao IV: 1) the flourishing Portugal, prior to the reign of the Habsburgs; 2) the unification with Spain as a radical break with an idealized past; 3) the period of captivity, expiation and trust in providence; 4) the triumphant and peaceful liberation; and 5) the joyous promise of future felicity. In accordance with this discursive structure, the Restauracao narrations are based on two conceptual lines: the legitimacy of origin and the legitimacy of the execution of power, both against the Habsburgs and in favor of the Braganca. Last but not least, the text defends that the Braganca adapted the practices of the pietas mariana, which already existed, with the intention to justify and consolidate their political legitimacy just as the Habsburgs had done with the pietas austriaca.

Dilemmas of victory: the early years of the People's Republic of China

Acknowledgments 1. Early Years of the People's Republic of China: An Introduction Jeremy Brown and Paul G. Pickowicz Part I: Urban Takeover 2. Clean-Up: Order in Shanghai Frederic Wakeman, Jr. 3. Masters of the Country? Shanghai Workers in the Early People's Republic Elizabeth Perry 4. Democracy and the Demise of Private Charity in Shanghai Nara Dillon Part II: Occupying the Periphery 5. From Resisting Communists to Resisting America: Civil War and Korean War in Southwest China, 1950-51 Jeremy Brown 6. Chinese Communist of Tibet, 1949-1951 Chen Jian 7. Big Brother is Watching: Local Sino-Soviet Relations and the Building of Dalian, 1945-1955 Christian Hess 8. Call of the Oases: Peaceful Liberation of Xinjiang, 1949-1953 James Z. Gao Part III: Culture of Accommodation 9. Crocodile Bird: Xiangsheng in the Early 1950s Perry Link 10. The Very First Lesson: Teaching about Human Evolution in Early 1950s China Sigrid Schmalzer 11. Acting Like Revolutionaries: Shi Hui, the Wenhua Studio, and Private-Sector Filmmaking, 1949-1952 Paul G. Pickowicz 12. Creating New China's First New-Style Regular University, 1949-50 Douglas A. Stiffler Part IV: Family Strategies 13. Ye Family in China Joseph W. Esherick 14. Birthing Stories: Rural Midwives in 1950s China Gail Hershatter 15. Capitalists Choosing Communist China: Liu Family of Shanghai, 1948-1956 Sherman Cochran Notes Index

Establishing a Workable Autonomy in Tibet

This article recommends a change in China's policy toward Tibet to better conform to national commitments and international obligations. Since the People's Liberation Army marched into Tibet in the 1950s China has generally imposed its will on the Tibetan people. The 1951 "17-Point Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet" reflected the view that China was liberating Tibetan territory from imperialist forces. From the Tibetan perspective such "liberation" was imposed and promises of local self-rule were not kept. The emerging communist and totalitarian state that followed the 1949 Chinese revolution proved incapable of allowing genuine Tibetan self-rule. A harsh attitude of domination ensued. The present instrument of Chinese rule is China's national minority policy provided in Article 4 of the Chinese Constitution and China's Law on Regional National Autonomy (LRNA). Though this policy promises local self-rule, the habits of intervention both formally in the political system and in the mechanisms of Communist Party oversight leave Tibetans with very little of the promised legislative and administrative autonomy. Assessing this policy against the backdrop of China's long historical relationship with Tibet and the requirements of international law, this article concludes that China's national minority policy fails to meet its obligations to the Tibetan people. Taking account of standards articulated in the new UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, this article recommends a change of course to establish a more genuine autonomy under Article 31 of the Chinese Constitution relating to the establishment of special administrative regions.

Analysis on the status of farmers, agriculture and countryside, and development strategies and measures in Tibet autonomous region

Coordinated and sustainable development of farmers, agriculture and countryside (FAC) is key to realize the national objective of comprehensively developed well-off society. Since the peaceful liberation of Tibet, outstanding achievements have been made in FAC work. However, compared with East and Middle China, there still exists a big gap. The farmers’ net income per capita in 2001 was 1,404 yuan, 962 yuan lower than the nation’s average. In late 90’s the farmers’ income growth slowed down. Agricultural industrialization is at low level, technologies play a small role in agricultural development, rural infrastructure is weak, the rural grass root organization is much underdeveloped, and construction of towns is behind the other regions of China. Based on the problems of FAC development there, this paper proposes FAC development strategies and measures for accelerating rural development in Tibet.

China's Last Nomads: The History and Culture of China's Kazaks (review)

Reviewed by: China's Last Nomads: The History and Culture of China's Kazaks Larry N. Shyu (bio) Linda Benson and Ingvar Svanberg. China's Last Nomads: The History and Culture of China's Kazaks. Armonk and London: M. E. Sharpe, 1998. xiii, 251 pp. Hardcover $63.95, ISBN 1-56324-781-X. Paperback $24.95, ISBN 1-56324-782-8. China's Last Nomads is the latest addition to the publications by Linda Benson and Ingvar Svanberg on the history and modern development of the Kazak people in China. While Benson's research focus has been on Xinjiang's Moslem minorities, Svanberg's interest is concentrated more on the history and culture of the people of Kazak nationality, be they in Kazakstan, China, or elsewhere. This new work represents the convergence of their research interests, and represents a further fruition of their collaboration.1 The overwhelming majority of the Kazaks in China reside in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. While Xinjiang may not be as "hot" as Tibet in terms of Western media attention and popular cultural and religious interests, this huge "frontier province" in China is politically and strategically more important to China as well as to her Central Asian neighbors. Large-scale Han Chinese immigration in the last fifty years has greatly altered the demographic picture of Xinjiang, and yet nearly 60 percent of Xinjiang's population consists of "minorities," with Uyghurs constituting the single largest group of close to eight million out of a total population of seventeen million in the region. The Kazaks are the second largest minority nationality in Xinjiang, presently numbering about 1.2 million. They also constitute the largest Kazak community outside the newly independent Republic of Kazakstan. Although the name Kazak only became a formal designation, by the Soviet Union, in the 1920s, this Turkic nomadic people had roamed the vast land from Mongolia through Xinjiang to Central Asia for centuries, and most of them had converted to Islam. The expansion of the Manchu and Russian empires from opposite directions during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries led to the incorporation of the areas inhabited by the Kazaks. In the twentieth century, the successor states of the two empires created new international borders to divide the Kazaks permanently into national minorities of Russia and China, respectively. In their struggle to maintain their tradition, lifestyle, and identity as a distinct minority, the Kazaks often found themselves at odds with the policies and agenda of the state, and this could lead to repression from the central government. The authors' goal in this book is to examine the experience of Kazaks as a minority people in the multiethnic region of Xinjiang, China, with a focus on the twentieth century. The drastic changes in their experience have included their separation from the Kazaks in the USSR, their status under the rule of Chinese [End Page 378] Communism, their increasing interactions with Han Chinese immigrants, and, more recently, the return to private family ownership of herds as part of China's economic reform policies. The authors' stated goals are largely fulfilled in this book. After a general introduction to the physical and cultural setting of the land settled by the Kazaks in China and a brief history of the Kazak people down to the twentieth century, the next four chapters are devoted to detailed accounts of the Kazak experience in Xinjiang in this century. The authors were able to draw on a wide range of primary and secondary source material, supplemented by a series of personal interviews with Kazak émigrés. The accounts provided are informative and balanced. To this reviewer, the most interesting descriptions in the book are about the early stages of the Chinese Communist takeover of northern Xinjiang and the later transformation of the Kazak prefectures and counties under PRC rule. The authors reveal in this study that the "peaceful liberation" of Xinjiang in 1949 by the People's Liberation Army, so widely proclaimed by Chinese Communist sources, was not really all that peaceful. At least some Kazak leaders like Osman Batur had offered active resistance, and it took the new regime several years to suppress the "counterrevolutionaries" and establish order in the region...

The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet, and the Dalai Lama (review)

122 China Review International: Vol. 6, No. i, Spring 1999 ship makes threatening statements or when American intelligence detects any possible PLA preparation for the use offorce in the Taiwan Strait. John Garver is to be commended for producing an excellent in-depth analysis of the 1996 crisis. Academicians, policy makers, and the general public will enjoy reading this book as it illuminates the impact of the political dynamics on foreign policy decisions within China, the United States, and Taiwan that gave rise to the 1996 crisis. Garver differentiates between Chinese "anti-hegemonist conservatives " and the "realpolitik mainstream" and shows not only that the PRC leadership is not monolithic, but that whatever point ofview prevails in Beijing is of enormous consequence. Moreover, Garver also raises thought-provoking policy issues with regard to China and Taiwan, challenging American policy makers to define U.S. policy interests in Taiwan clearly and think through the problem of how to cope with a rising China. Parris H. Chang Pennsylvania State University Parris H. Chang is a professor emeritus ofpolitical science and President ofthe Taiwan Institute ofPolitical, Economic and Strategic Studies, and concurrently a member ofTaiwan's Legislative Yuan (Parliament). mm Melvyn C. Goldstein. The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet, and the Dalai Lama. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1997. xiii, 152 pp. Hardcover $19.95, ISBN 520-21254-1. In recent years the Tibet Question, that is, the issue ofthe political status ofTibet vis-à-vis China, has emerged at the forefront ofAmerican culture and politics. Both specialists and novices interested in this issue, as well as watchers ofcontemporary China, will find Melvyn Goldstein's The Snow Lion and the Dragon an invaluable, but not incontrovertible, resource. In this concise monograph Goldstein skillfully explains the history ofthe Tibet Question, critically analyzes the contemporary motivations and intentions ofkey figures in both Beijing and Dharamsala, and boldly offers a peaceful solution to a question that has plagued 1 " China's internal and external relations, brought undue suffering to all Tibetans, and is threatening Tibetan culture with irrevocable change. By dividing the body ofhis text into discrete sections, Goldstein suggests that Sino-Tibetan relations have existed in five distinct forms. In section one, "The ofHawai'i Press Reviews 123 Imperial Era" (which he leaves undefined), Goldstein asserts that "Tibet was in no way subordinate to China," and that "each was a distinct and independent political entity" (p. 1). While this assertion is generally accurate, substantial evidence exists suggesting some degree ofpolitical suzerainty over Tibet by the Mongols and the Manchus, two non-Han ethnic groups who maintained dynastic rule over China. Striving to present history in a fair and balanced manner, Goldstein qualifies his broad assertion by discussing this suzerainty in terms of a system of "passive hegemony" that was created by Qing (Manchu) emperors to exert their influence in Tibet, while also emphasizing that actual Chinese influence there varied dramatically during the Qing dynasty (1644-1912). Having dealt in great depth with Tibet's period of de facto independence from China following the fall of the Qing elsewhere,1 Goldstein briefly summarizes in section two die crucial period from 1912 to 1949 during which Tibet managed its affairs free from any Chinese influence. Here Goldstein highlights the importance of the failed Simla Convention in shaping our contemporary understanding of the Tibet Question as a conflict over the de jure political status of Tibet vis-à-vis China, as well as the development ofthe "bad-friend syndrome" between Tibet and various Western powers. In his discussion ofthe third phase of Sino-Tibetan relations, Goldstein cogently analyzes the circumstances surrounding the development ofthe first formal written agreement between China and Tibet acknowledging the sovereignly of the former over the latter—the Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation ofTibet. In so doing he dispels the common misunderstanding in the West that radical Maoist reforms began in Tibet immediately following the signing ofthis agreement by pointing out that Mao, at least initially, adopted a policy of "gradualism" with regard to reform in Tibet. Moreover, Goldstein lucidly shows how the failure of this policy was due both to overzealous Chinese socialist reformers and competing forces in...

Recent Developments in Spoken Drama

In the 33 YCctrs of the exi st sthose of the first 17 years of the PRC; mId in quality there are many at least as good as Sentry under Neon. rrhe Cultural Revolution decade, dominated as it \-lasby eight model operas and one novelist, simply can't compare with the lively drama scene of today: literally hundreds of titles have appeared since 1976. The wide-ranging themes of the new plays can 'be grouped under six headings: 1. Classical history .Cao Yus Wang Zhaojun and Chen .Baichen' s Dafeng ge (the great lind) are among .the best known. 2. ~{entieth-century history some of these plays focus on incidents .such as Qiushou pili (Autumn harvest thunderbolt), Xi 'an shibian (The Sian incident), and Gudu chunxiao (Spring morning in the old city) which describes the peaceful liberation of BeijinG in 1949; other .plays focus bn political leaders, such as· Sun Yatsen, Chen yi Shizhang (Mayor Chen Yi);' i~ediately after the Cultural Revolution, \-lhilesome plays satirized Jiang Qing, such as Ji'enfSyehonglede shihou (When the maple leaves turn red), others glorified Mao's earlier wife, such as Yang Kai hui, c..Tiaoyane; (Tender willol), and Die lian hua (The b'utterfly . that loved a flower); well-known heroes were also dramatic subjects, for example Beth.une . 3. Hevivals these include works from the thirties up to the Cultural R2volution, such as Leiyu ('J.1hund.erstorm),Hichu

Mexican Influence in Central America, 1821-1823

p OSTERITY often fails to give adequate recognition to liberators who fail to be spectacular in their actions. Military rank or political power, or both, have served as usual prerequisites for the average liberator, whose subsequent fame has depended as much or more on a as upon his actual achievements. One of the best proofs that can be offered to substantiate the need for a good press can be found in the history of Central America during the turbulence that preceded the final independence of that region from foreign rule. In the period from 1821 to 1823 two very remarkable captains-general were placed in charge of the onetime Captaincy-General of Guatemala. One was the last representative of Spanish control there, and the other was an appointed official of the Mexican Empire. Each in his turn brought independence to Central America. Captains-general, though, are not logical liberator material, and both received what might be considered a bad after they had made their contributions to Central American independence. For if idealism and heroism (however selfishly motivated) enable public opinion to become panegyric in extolling the exploits of leaders responsible for much bloodshed, conversely it is difficult to expect intense journalistic or historical adulation for men who follow a course of least resistance, or act upon moral principles that reject the use of force where it is avoidable. At least such might be the most logical explanation for the relative slighting accorded Gabino Gainza, Spain 's last captaini-general of Guatemala, and Vicente Filisola, appointed captain-general of Guatemala by Iturbide shortly before he abdicated. Gainza was responsible for Central America 's peaceful attainment of independence from Spain.' To Filisola Central America owed a carefully handled, equally peaceful liberation from Mexico.

Tibet's Administration During the Interregnum, 1954-1959

HE YEARS I95I-I954 witnessed the juridical and factual re-establishment of Chinese control and influence in the Tibetan region.1 Officially promoted under the guise of implementing the Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet (May 27, I951), Chinese penetration into Tibetan social, economic and political life in reality disregarded to a great extent the specific provisions of that accord, particularly the clause on internal regional autonomy. The resulting resistance of the Tibetan officialdom to Peking's infiltration tactics, coupled with the Chinese determination to secure firm control over the strategic Tibetan plateau, led to a long series of serious clashes between the Peking and Lhasa authorities, interrupted periodically by uneasy truces and compromises. The search for an over-all solution to the problem of relations between the Central Government and the national minorities and for a definitive modus vivendi between Peking and the ethnically non-Han border regions finally came to an end with the drafting of China's new constitutional system in 1954. With the promulgation of the Constitution a precise formal framework emerged for the first time defining, inter alia, the functions and powers reserved for the autonomous nationalities within the Chinese State. The period of vague, ill-defined relationships between the central powers and the outlying areas thus nominally came to an end and Tibet, along with other territories in the same category, was at last vested with a legally formalized status in the structure of the Chinese People's Republic. The Tibetan delegation which arrived in Peking in September I954 included the two Lamas and other high dignitaries of the Tibetan hierarchy. In the following weeks the group took an active part in the sessions of the Constituent Conference at which time repeated professions of loyalty, friendship and admiration for the Communist regime were publicly made by all the Tibetan leaders. As it finally emerged from the deliberations, the Constitution still stipu. lated that China was to be a unitary State (Art. 3), although it was also con-