Patriotic Societies Research Articles

SECRET COMMITTEE "DEATH OR LIBERTY" THE MAIN PROPONENTS OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF ALBANIA

The injustices towards the Albanian people began from the decisions of the Congress of Berlin in 1878 and the bloody suppression of the uprising of the Albanian League of Prizren in 1881, where many Balkan states gained independence from the Ottoman Empire, while Albanians remained an integral part of it. At the beginning of the 20th century, Albanians were very unprepared both politically and organizationally. Thanks to some Albanian activists and patriots, in November 1905 the Secret Committee for the Freedom of Albania "Death or Freedom" was formed, which will organize the armed struggle against the Ottoman rule and the neighboring chauvinist circles that attempted to dismember the Albanian lands. This organization was formed in the city of Bitola under the leadership of Bajo Topulli, Fehmi Zavalani, Halit Bërzeshtës, Gjergj Qeriazit, Çerçiz Topullit, Mikhail Gramenos, Nuçi Naçit and many other patriots. The purpose of this organization was to raise awareness, brotherhood, love and unity in a joint fight against every ruler for the Freedom of Albania. This organization played the role of the central committee by sending patriots and activists to every province of the country where it formed its branches in the most important centers of the Albanian vilayets. It has also expanded its activity with patriotic societies abroad. In 1906 the Secret Committee for "Freedom of Albania" in the area of Korça formed the first armed units that operated until 1908 when the Congress of Bitola will be held. The bravery and courage of the armed groups together with the Congress of Bitola contributed so that the act of Albania's independence was to be written with these letters. 1912.

О воспитании патриотизма у современной студенческой молодежи

The article highlights some issues connected with the content and formation of patriotism in modern student youth. The importance of the task of the patriotic education of the younger generation in the activities of all institutions of socialization is underlined. The notion ‘patriotism’ is considered on the basis of the definitions found in the scientific literature. Taking into account the results of the sociological poll of the student youth studying at the higher educational institutions of the Republic of Buryatia, conducted by the author in 2023, the characteristic of the group on the levels of valuable consciousness and behavior is given. It is pointed out that the majority of young people realize high significance of patriotism value, the necessity of its education from the childhood, consider themselves to be patriots, express indifference to the society problems, but there are several shortcomings in patriotic group culture revealing, first of all, the detached position of some young people from the society on the level of behavioral attitudes. Much work in the students’ patriotic education is specified to be done by the higher educational institutions today. The suggestions aimed at the increase of effectiveness of that work are made: formation and implementation of the well-thought-out educational system; support of the patriotic societies created today at the universities; competent application of the technology of socio-cultural projecting with the students’ involving into the process of creating and implementing projects; high quality, meaningfulness of the conducted events.

Women’s Organizations in Belgrade from the Last Quarter of the Nineteenth to the Early Twentieth Centuries

This article considers the emergence and activities of women’s organizations in Belgrade from the last quarter of the nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. An attempt is made to show that their features, circumstances of formation, and activity are connected with the history of Serbian society from the second half of the nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. Special attention is paid to the position and particular aspects of the life of Serbian women at that time, as well as the history of women’s education, in the context of which the Women’s Higher School in Belgrade is mentioned. This paper considers the foundation and work of several charitable and charitable patriotic societies and briefly presents the activities of the Serbian National Women’s Union, the Working Women’s Society (Consciousness), and the Secretariat of the Women of the Social Democrats. Attention is drawn to the great role of educated women in the foundation and work of such organizations, who were undoubtedly of outstanding personal qualities, and had the desire and opportunity to work for the benefit of society and the country. The attitude of Belgrade society and the state to their activities is also examined. It is emphasised that the “collective”, patriotic, and heroic principles characteristic of the Serbian worldview manifested in the nature and activities of a number of organizations. This occurred at a time when there were no real internal or external conditions for the development of a movement in favour of changes in the position of women in Serbian society or broadening their rights. The research is based, in particular, on the testimonies of some Russian observers (scholars-Slavists, travellers etc.) who visited or lived in Serbia in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which complement the idea of the overall picture of Serbian and Belgradian life at that time.

De la exaltación virtuosa y los verdaderos liberales: Riego ante la fractura del liberalismo exaltado durante el Trienio Constitucional (1822-1823)

A lo largo de 1820 y 1821 Rafael del Riego se había convertido en un referente indiscutible para el liberalismo exaltado, que no dudó en utilizar su imagen pública en el debate político contra el liberalismo moderado. ¿Por qué a partir de 1822 la actuación personal y política de Riego dejó de contentar a ciertos sectores exaltados? El fallido golpe de estado del 7 de julio de 1822 llevó al poder al liberalismo exaltado con el ministro San Miguel y evidenció aún más la fractura existente entre los exaltados pertenecientes a la masonería y los vinculados a la comunería. Riego, por su actuación y por su condición de símbolo del régimen constitucional, quedó envuelto en el debate político entre ambos grupos del liberalismo exaltado. Estos compitieron por su figura y su ascendencia, a través de la prensa y de los debates públicos en las sociedades patrióticas, hasta que se produjo la invasión francesa de 1823.

La situación política de España en 1821 evocada en el diario parisino Journal des villes et des campagnes et la Feuille parisienne, réunis

This text analyzes a little-known Parisian newspaper that evokes the Spain of 1821, and does not do so in a neutral way, but from the ideological position of being monarchist, conservative and clerical. The columnists come to admit that, seeing himself seriously threatened, the monarch has agreed by obligation to promise to be faithful to the regime and the Constitution. In its pages the absolutists (the servile), the clergy and the guardias de corps of the king are judged favorably. The hated adversaries are the commoners, the members of the Patriotic Societies, the militants of the Fontana de Oro and the exalted liberals, sometimes labeled as revolutionaries. According to the Journal, with the inept supporters of the new system, the economy is worsening in all sectors.Fecha de envio / Submission date: 12/02/2020Fecha de aceptacion / Acceptance date: 25/04/2020

“A Commodity So Closely Aligned to Armageddon”: The Sudbury Region in Wartime and Aftermath

The Northern Review 44 (2017): 371–414War wrought great change in the Provincial Norths, not least the Sudbury area in Northeastern Ontario. Despite nationalist southern voices calling for “Canadian nickel,” the war confirmed the duopoly of INCO and Mond—nickel reinforced war materiel ranging from bullet casings to battleships. Corporate strategies differed: at first hesitant, the United States based INCO maximized production and profit while British Mond Nickel began with patriotic bluster but ultimately maintained a steadier course. Variant tactics notwithstanding, nickel production increasingly dominated the local economy—even a provincial government keen to “settle” New Ontario favoured the firms over farmers angry about sulphur-damaged crops. Farmers less directly “downwind” took advantage of improved infrastructures, new farming methods, and strong markets to bring local agriculture to commercial levels. Even forestry was vibrant. War, it seemed, was good for this part of the provincial north, or at least its purse. Mixed economies were parallelled by social maturation, or, was it the decline of “northern-ness”? “Southern” voluntary associations made major strides, and the war brought a surge of patriotic societies. Patriotism cut various ways—local Franco-Ontariens, angered by Regulation 17, reacted strongly against conscription. Immigrants volunteered to fight (whether for Canada or homeland) even as their peers collectively challenged the social and economic order. Wartime passions thus reshaped the human landscape even as resource exploitation wrought physical and economic change. Southern pressures, economic and environmental consequences, a struggle for permanence—the Nickel Belt provides a valuable look into the Provincial Norths during the “war to end all wars.” This article is part of a special collection of papers originally presented at a conference on “The North and the First World War,” held May 2016 in Whitehorse, Yukon. https://doi.org/10.22584/nr44.2017.017

Introducción de la enseñanza mutua en las escuelas de Cuba, Guatemala y México

En este artículo se hace un registro y descripción del itinerario de la llegada de la enseñanza mutua en Cuba, Guatemala y México, la participación de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de la Habana, la Real Sociedad Económica de Amantes de la Patria de Guatemala, de la Real Junta de Caridad y Sociedad Patriótica para la Buena Educación de la Juventud de Puebla, y de algunos preceptores que en la segunda década del siglo XIX logran impactar y transformar la educación en primeras letras en estos países. Para ello se hace un seguimiento a través de documentación epocal contextualizando las acciones de las asociaciones y dando relieve primordialmente al evento de la introducción del método de enseñanza mutua. Se establece la cronología para identificar desde dónde fue tomado el método lancasteriano y se establecen los primeros actores en su aplicación con sus respectivas caracterizaciones.
 ________________
 Contextualización: Idioma Maya Achi
 Contextualizador: Alejandro Pedro de la Cruz y de la Cruz
 Ministerio de Educación de Guatemala
 
 CH’UTIN TZIJ
 Tz’ib’anik chupan jun cholajil rilom béyal ruponik tijonik ronojel chupam Cuba, Guatemala i México, xe’ok b’i je nimaq chi re rajaw pwaq qachalal Habana, qonojel utz k’uxaj re jiyub’ ta’aj Guatemala, utz. K’uxaj molom utz kik’ux i molom aj tinimit re utz k’utunel chike ab’omab’ altomab’ re Puebla, i jun chik kib’im qanok ukab’ junab’ re XIX xe tikiche’ chu minik re tinamit. Chike i keqa’ an jun b’eyanik rumal uwujil ya’tal kanok chi antalik kumal nimaq taq moloj ‘ibelib’ kiya’o ucho’ab’ nab’el taqchak jeqom kanoq usuk’ k’utunik kanoq. Kajaqik cholom ilb’al pa saqil wi k’ut b’al lancasteriano qakilb’elre nab’e nimaqtaq ch’ob’onel i wach u’ anik antalkanok.

Educación escolar y masonería: krausismo y laicidad entre España y Costa Rica a finales del siglo XIX

En el último tercio del siglo XIX, la educación en Costa Rica experimentó un lento proceso de crecimiento en el número de centros educativos, aumentó los índices de alfabetismo e intentó expandirse sin discriminación sexual y socioeconómica al obtener un carácter gratuito y obligatorio. El proyecto educativo estatal buscó la secularización y la formación de ciudadanos en un proceso de apropiación de ideales de la modernidad. Lo anterior, paralelo al desarrollo de centros de estudio, sociedades científico-literarias y patrióticas, el teatro y las campañas de higienización. Esta visión estatal fue coincidente con la visión masónica. A partir de un análisis prosopográfico se propone la siguiente hipótesis: La participación de educadores en la masonería costarricense partidarios de la institución libre de enseñanza, el krausismo, el positivismo y el racionalismo, se debió a que estos encontraron en la logia el principio de libertad de expresión con el que estaban identificados durante una época en que el liberalismo fue la vanguardia de la expansión de la esfera pública en el país. Muchos de estos educadores masones fueron españoles.

El pensamiento político de Rafael del Riego y su ruptura con los moderados

The Trienio liberal (1820-1823) was a time of great ideological conflicts within the Spanish liberalism. These conflicts revolved many times on the reading and implementation of the Constitution of 1812. The moderate group, also called doceanista, gambled on an implementation agreed with the forces of the Ancien Regime in order to take part in the new political game. In the meantime, the exalted liberalists wanted to take advantage of this historical moment to strengthen the revolutionary liberalism relying on the force that gave the patriotic societies and urban groups. In this context, the restorer of the Constitution, Rafael del Riego, was considered as an unalienable myth for both trends and was the subject of a string of attacks by the moderates, who were the greater part of this period in Government.

Contra el Estado: Masonería, Sociedades Patrióticas e Inquisición en la Nueva España entre la Revolución Francesa y la Revolución de Independencia

Durante el período comprendido entre la Revolución Francesa y la Revolución de Independencia, la Inquisición procesó activamente no solo a aquellos que iban en contra de la ortodoxia católica, sino también a aquellos que se expresaban en contra de la monarquía y el gobierno. Entre estos últimos, se encontraban muchos masones y miembros de sociedades patrióticas organizadas a semejanza de la masonería.

The National Committee of Patriotic Societies and the Aesthetics of Propaganda

Abstract This essay analyzes three pedagogical manuals on publicity design published by the National Committee of Patriotic Societies (NCPS) during the First World War. The NCPS represented dozens of nationalistic organizations dedicated to the mission of preparedness. This essay argues that in its publicity guidebooks, the NCPS suggested that propaganda designed with a Republican aesthetic could wed the working class to the war effort. Such advice was predicated on the psychological notion that affective experiences conditioned audiences for further persuasive appeals. Examination of these manuals thus highlights the importance of psychological theories of affect to the aesthetics of propaganda.

Cross Purposes: Pierce V. Society of Sisters and the Struggle Over Compulsory Public Education by Paula Abrams

 Reviews the economy of the Pacific Northwest, Native Americans,Asians,European immigrants,and native-born white workers — whether men, women, or children — were essential to the successful harvesting of these crops. That diversity of labor extends to the Southwest, where Wyman examines the westward expansion of cotton from east Texas. As farmers adopted different strains of cotton that could handle the growing conditions of the arid region, temporary, seasonal laborers again proved necessary for crop cultivation and harvest.Building on a tradition of AfricanAmerican labor, cotton farmers, especially in west Texas and Arizona,used Mexican labor to fill the labor void.Mexican workers found work picking cotton as well as laboring in railroad construction throughout the Southwest. With the introduction of sugar beets in the Great Plains, Mexicans as well as European immigrant families supplied the necessary labor for that industry to be successful. Moreover, California farmers, who have developed the most diversified agricultural system in theAmerican West, employed the full ethnic spectrum of laborers in fields from the Imperial Valley to the upper reaches of the San Joaquin Valley. Wyman rounds out this study with an examination of the one labor union that sought to bring this polyglot of workers together into an organization that could better their condition and change the economic system that relied upon labor exploitation for its success. Of course, the federal government, with the support of state governments and farmers’ associations,crushed the IndustrialWorkers of the World. With the advent of the automobile and the flood of Mexican labor into the West in the 1920s, the modern era of farm labor was poised to change the social narrative.What did not change, however, is the inherent nature of worker exploitation in western commercial agriculture Greg Hall Western Illinois University Cross Purposes: Pierce v. Society of Sisters and the Struggle over Compulsory Public Education by Paula Abrams University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 2009. Illustrations, notes, index. 280 pages. $65.00 cloth. The Oregon Compulsory School Bill of 1922 was a controversial initiative measure corrosive in its origins and historic in its consequences. PaulaAbrams,Professor of Constitutional Law at Lewis and Clark Law School, has written a detailed account of thebrief lifeof that measure and its legacy after the U.S. Supreme Court declared it unconstitutional in 1925.AsAbrams follows the bumpy journey of the School Bill and the legal battle that followed its passage, the book becomes a case study of the interplay of politics, culture, and law. Few observers could have predicted in May 1920 that a resolution by the Supreme Council of the Scottish Rite Masons, Southern Jurisdiction , proposing mandatory attendance at public schools for children between the ages of eight and sixteen, would become a legal milestone in Oregon and American history. The reaction was muted when the Masonic Grand Lodge of Oregon endorsed the proposal in June 1920. But the issue soon erupted into a bitter struggle that divided churches,organizations ,and communities and contributed to the dramatic growth of the Ku Klux Klan, which entered Oregon in 1921.Ultimately,the Oregon initiative was the catalyst for the lawsuit Pierce v. Society of Sisters. The school fight began quietly and escalated rapidly.During his unsuccessful primary campaign for governor in early 1922, Republican State Senator Charles Hall, with Klan support, introduced the compulsory school idea,which coincided with the national Klan’s “One Flag, One School” campaign. In July 1922, a small group of prominent Masons and the leaders of some patriotic societies in Portland filed the School Bill initiative for the November general  OHQ vol. 111, no. 3 election. Private school advocates, already on the defensive,mounted an aggressive campaign against it.Catholics,who comprised only about eight percent of the state population, financed most of the local opposition. The Lutheran Schools Committee, which had waged a successful defense of private schools in Michigan, pursued a parallel path separate from the Catholics , while other denominational schools and Hill MilitaryAcademy played only minor roles. The book’s strength is its description of the interaction of local churches and organizations with national institutions and denominational hierarchies on both sides of the issue.Disagreements about strategy and goals were frequent. Some opponents...

Patriotism, nationalism and modernity: the patriotic societies in the Danish conglomerate state, 1769–1814

ABSTRACT. This article investigates sixty‐three patriotic societies established in the Danish conglomerate state during the Age of Enlightenment, since they can throw light on the pre‐national collective identities. It explains how the patriotic societies had both an external function in regard to society and an internal function among their members. It analyses how the members comprehended patriotism and how they propagated ideas of solidarity and good citizenship to a wider audience. The patriotism of the eighteenth century is also compared with the nationalism of the nineteenth century, and the way they reflect two different understandings of core concepts such as state, language and folk culture is explained. However, both ideologies correlate to modernity, since they reflect the same dialectic tension in the relationship between the individual, the social community and the modern state.

1829-1821: RIEGO MUEVE MADRID. NUEVAS BRISAS EN EL VIEJO REPERTORIO DE ACCION COLECTIVA EN LA ESPAÑA DEL SIGLO XIX

Starting from the idea of «collective action repertoire» as a cultural artefact (Charles Tilly), this paper focuses on the mobilizations that followed the dissolution of De la Isla Army and the removal of Riego as Field Marshal of Aragon, in Madrid during 1820-21. Whithout denying the persistence of traditional ways of protest, this work intends to enrich the common view about the collective action in Spain during the XIXth century, as well as emphasizing some distinctive features of the new repertoire: the decrease of violence, the political nature of demands, the role of Patriotic Societies and the spread of mobilizations.

The American motor parkway

The development of the American motor parkway was one of the most significant landscape design achievements of the twentieth century. In addition to serving as prototypes for the high-speed motorways that changed the face of the developed world, parkway development provided an international model for the harmonious integration of engineering, landscape architecture, and urban and regional planning (figure I). At the height of their popularity in the 1920S and 1930S, parkways were championed by the popular and professional press and embraced by a diverse array of interests including engineers, landscape architects, city and regional planners, patriotic societies, scenic beautificationists, public officials, tourism interests and elite architectural critics. Motorists flocked to them as well, cramming the commuter parkways that spread throughout metropolitan suburbs and enjoying extending excursions on the long-distance parkways that traversed America's backcountry (figure 2).

Origenes and the Poetics of History

During the eighteenth century, Latin civilization, unfolding in its European and American spaces, underwent a decisive change in its forms of cultural and political sociability. The state system of the ancien régime, which referred back to the absolutist descendit of St. Thomas Aquinas—God-Monarch-Kingdom-City—was inverted according to the logic of representative citizenship. Other ascendant bonds such as patriotic societies, Jacobin clubs, parliamentary alliances, and enlightened salons, which Emile Coiran has described as "gardens of doubts," overflowed the monarchical corpus. These transformations gave rise to what Jürgen Habermas has called the public space: a kind of neutral ground between society and State where the discourses and the institutions of civil opinion and political representation [End Page 151] are articulated. 1 The enlightened public sphere thus completed the transition from the holistic order, in which the citizens were integrated into the whole of the State by means of the modern order of corporations; that great assembly of free and egalitarian individuals organized in a horizontal civility. 2

From Freemasons to Industrious Patriots. Organizing and Disciplining in 18th Century Germany

Formal organizations or corporate actors came into existence in the 18th century. They required from their members a radical change in behaviour. At least some members had to be able to discipline themselves and to design organizations in order to discipline other members. Based on a review of theories of disciplinization, the question of how the early organizers acquired self-discipline and organizing skills, is pursued. Associations such as freemasons' lodges, reading societies, and patriotic societies which were founded in Germany in the 18th century are identified as the first formal organizations which provided their members with platforms for training in self-discipline and for experimenting with organizational rules. This paper attempts to reconstruct how, over time, these early organizations evolved towards a more rational organizational design, and how their members developed organizational behaviour.

Paris au printemps 1791, les Sociétés Fraternelles et le problème de la souveraineté

Raymonde Monnier, Paris in the Spring of 1791 : The Fraternal Societies and the Question of Sovereignty. If a good deal has been written about the part played by the Parisian Section Societies during Year II, much still remains to be studied concerning the development of the ideas and political behaviour which brought the sans-culotte to life. This is especially true in the spring of 1791. The growing role of the Fraternal Societies merged with the activity of the press and of leaders to create a new democratic culture. The author analyses the number, activity and geographical location of these societies and their struggles against the policies of the City Government and the Assembly. This history of Robert and the Central Committee of Patriotic Societies is studied, as well as that of the Social Cercle and the Friends of Truth. After the flight to Varennes, the campaign in favour of a republic cannot be separated from the questions of sovereignty and representation : universal suffrage and the people's acceptance of laws were called for as the necessary instruments of a true democracy.

"Virginia Needs Living Heroes": Historic Preservation in the Progressive Era

Research Article| January 01 1991 "Virginia Needs Living Heroes": Historic Preservation in the Progressive Era James M. Lindgren James M. Lindgren Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar The Public Historian (1991) 13 (1): 9–24. https://doi.org/10.2307/3378156 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation James M. Lindgren; "Virginia Needs Living Heroes": Historic Preservation in the Progressive Era. The Public Historian 1 January 1991; 13 (1): 9–24. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3378156 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentThe Public Historian Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1991 Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Portraits in Conflict: A Photographic History of Arkansas in the Civil War (review)

94CIVIL WAR HISTORY Reconstruction in Essex saw blacks enter politics and attempt to reshape their world, but Virginia's redemption ushered in the familiar interplay of race and class, segregation and discrimination. Slaughter casts Essex's slow decline into rural poverty in the best possible light, but oysters and pickles have hardly replaced tobacco as the agricultural basis ofthe county's economy . Slaughter includes a sensitive account ofthe civil rights movement in his narrative, a welcome rarity in local history books. Settlers, Southerners, Americans' broad focus and fresh approach make this a unique local history, one which should both satisfy and educate his local constituency, but to the professional historian, the volume is uneven and ultimately unsatisfying. Although the author attempted to include minorities in his history, the resulting narrative is still highly traditional. Slaughter did not consult valuable primary sources such as the census worksheets, Freedmen's Bureau records, or the files ofthe American Missionary Association, which might have shed more light on his subjects. He does not discuss the social impact of the war, nor does he investigate the roots of modern black political participation. Slaughter's short, choppy paragraphs and uneven transitions detract from his otherwise graceful style. A good copy editor might have smoothed over the gnarly split infinitives, frequent parentheses, and misspelled words. The author resorts to the amateurish continuous past tense to convey action. Essex County might have been better served had it chosen a more scholarly publishing house for its efforts. Despite these caveats, Settlers, Southerners, Americans successfully injects social history into traditional "moonlight and magnolias" local history, in the process enriching both genres, and perhaps pointing toward more polished syntheses. Stuart McGehee Bluefield College Portraits in Conflict: A Photographic History of Arkansas in the Civil War. By Bobby Roberts and Carl Moneyhon. (Fayetteville: The University of Arkansas Press, 1987. Pp. 242. Cloth, $37.00; paper, $22.00.) Among the many distinctions of the American Civil War, the use of the camera to visually document the conflict occupied an important place. What Matthew Brady did on a broad scale in the East, many lesser photographers attempted elsewhere. In Portraits of Conflict: A Photographic History ofArkansas in the Civil War, Bobby Roberts and Carl Moneyhon BOOK REVIEWS95 present a portfolio of images from an obscure corner ofthe Trans Mississippi theater. Roberts directs the archives of the University of Arkansas, Little Rock. Carl H. Moneyhon is a member ofthe Department of History of this same university. While the photographic legacy of Arkansas' role in the great sectional conflict was modest by standards set east ofthe Mississippi River, several photographers offered their services in this region. Individual enlistees, and newly mustered units, considered a pose before the camera to be an essential part ofthe ritual of war. Although the photographers of Confederate Arkansas soon exhausted their limited supply of chemicals, a new— Union—group accompanied the North's occupation force in 1863. R. H. White and Thomas W. Bankes were among the more prominent representatives . They photographed military installations, naval vessels, newly formed Union units among Arkansans, and hospitals. Hospitals played a vital part in the conflict in Arkansas, since this state possessed one of the most unhealthy climates for the war. Photos of freedmen are included, although lacking in quality. Battlefield scenes are unfortunately absent, aside from those at Helena. A few photographs of the aftermath of the Battle of Port Hudson, Louisiana, where Arkansans made a determined stand, capture some results of battle. The book concludes with images of the consequences ofthe war in Arkansas, to include patriotic societies and the moving experience in 1913 when survivors of both sides paraded together in Little Rock. The assembly of written and photographic sources for the study of Arkansas history has made great strides since World War II. This book reflects this advance on the latter side. Photographic sources for the study of military history often contribute measurably to the understanding of this field. Not only did the pioneer photographers capture military scenes in Arkansas but made possible the first comprehensive visual entree into the history of the state for any period. The text and captions that accompany the photographs in this volume are informative, although...