Paper Tiger Research Articles

Chinese views of nuclear weapons

China's nuclear arsenal has long been an enigma. It is a small force, based almost exclusively on land-based ballistic missiles, maintained at a low level of alert and married to a no-first-use doctrine – all choices that would seem to invite attack in a crisis. Chinese leaders, when they have spoken about nuclear weapons, have articulated ideas that sound odd to the Western ear. Mao Zedong's oft-quoted remark that ‘nuclear weapons are a paper tiger’ seems to be bluster or madness. China's nuclear forces are now too important to remain a mystery. Yet Westerners continue to disagree about basic factual information concerning one of the world's most important nuclear-weapons states. This Adelphi book documents and explains the evolution of China's nuclear forces in terms of historical, bureaucratic and ideological factors. There is a strategic logic at work, but that logic is mediated through politics, bureaucracy and ideology. The simplest explanation is that Chinese leaders, taken as a whole, have tended to place relatively little emphasis on the sort of technical details that dominated US discussions regarding deterrence. Such profound differences in thinking about nuclear weapons could lead to catastrophic misunderstanding in the event of a military crisis between Beijing and Washington.

INDEX

China's nuclear arsenal has long been an enigma. It is a small force, based almost exclusively on land-based ballistic missiles, maintained at a low level of alert and married to a no-first-use doctrine – all choices that would seem to invite attack in a crisis. Chinese leaders, when they have spoken about nuclear weapons, have articulated ideas that sound odd to the Western ear. Mao Zedong's oft-quoted remark that ‘nuclear weapons are a paper tiger’ seems to be bluster or madness. China's nuclear forces are now too important to remain a mystery. Yet Westerners continue to disagree about basic factual information concerning one of the world's most important nuclear-weapons states. This Adelphi book documents and explains the evolution of China's nuclear forces in terms of historical, bureaucratic and ideological factors. There is a strategic logic at work, but that logic is mediated through politics, bureaucracy and ideology. The simplest explanation is that Chinese leaders, taken as a whole, have tended to place relatively little emphasis on the sort of technical details that dominated US discussions regarding deterrence. Such profound differences in thinking about nuclear weapons could lead to catastrophic misunderstanding in the event of a military crisis between Beijing and Washington.

Nuclear-weapons design and testing

China's nuclear arsenal has long been an enigma. It is a small force, based almost exclusively on land-based ballistic missiles, maintained at a low level of alert and married to a no-first-use doctrine – all choices that would seem to invite attack in a crisis. Chinese leaders, when they have spoken about nuclear weapons, have articulated ideas that sound odd to the Western ear. Mao Zedong's oft-quoted remark that ‘nuclear weapons are a paper tiger’ seems to be bluster or madness. China's nuclear forces are now too important to remain a mystery. Yet Westerners continue to disagree about basic factual information concerning one of the world's most important nuclear-weapons states. This Adelphi book documents and explains the evolution of China's nuclear forces in terms of historical, bureaucratic and ideological factors. There is a strategic logic at work, but that logic is mediated through politics, bureaucracy and ideology. The simplest explanation is that Chinese leaders, taken as a whole, have tended to place relatively little emphasis on the sort of technical details that dominated US discussions regarding deterrence. Such profound differences in thinking about nuclear weapons could lead to catastrophic misunderstanding in the event of a military crisis between Beijing and Washington.

China's Missile Forces

China's nuclear arsenal has long been an enigma. It is a small force, based almost exclusively on land-based ballistic missiles, maintained at a low level of alert and married to a no-first-use doctrine – all choices that would seem to invite attack in a crisis. Chinese leaders, when they have spoken about nuclear weapons, have articulated ideas that sound odd to the Western ear. Mao Zedong's oft-quoted remark that ‘nuclear weapons are a paper tiger’ seems to be bluster or madness. China's nuclear forces are now too important to remain a mystery. Yet Westerners continue to disagree about basic factual information concerning one of the world's most important nuclear-weapons states. This Adelphi book documents and explains the evolution of China's nuclear forces in terms of historical, bureaucratic and ideological factors. There is a strategic logic at work, but that logic is mediated through politics, bureaucracy and ideology. The simplest explanation is that Chinese leaders, taken as a whole, have tended to place relatively little emphasis on the sort of technical details that dominated US discussions regarding deterrence. Such profound differences in thinking about nuclear weapons could lead to catastrophic misunderstanding in the event of a military crisis between Beijing and Washington.

CONCLUSION

China's nuclear arsenal has long been an enigma. It is a small force, based almost exclusively on land-based ballistic missiles, maintained at a low level of alert and married to a no-first-use doctrine – all choices that would seem to invite attack in a crisis. Chinese leaders, when they have spoken about nuclear weapons, have articulated ideas that sound odd to the Western ear. Mao Zedong's oft-quoted remark that ‘nuclear weapons are a paper tiger’ seems to be bluster or madness. China's nuclear forces are now too important to remain a mystery. Yet Westerners continue to disagree about basic factual information concerning one of the world's most important nuclear-weapons states. This Adelphi book documents and explains the evolution of China's nuclear forces in terms of historical, bureaucratic and ideological factors. There is a strategic logic at work, but that logic is mediated through politics, bureaucracy and ideology. The simplest explanation is that Chinese leaders, taken as a whole, have tended to place relatively little emphasis on the sort of technical details that dominated US discussions regarding deterrence. Such profound differences in thinking about nuclear weapons could lead to catastrophic misunderstanding in the event of a military crisis between Beijing and Washington.

Judicial appointments: The Article 255 TFEU Advisory Panel and selection procedures in the Member States

This article assesses recent reforms of the appointment procedure for members of the Court of Justice and the General Court. We evaluate the effects of the establishment of the Article 255 TFEU Panel. Next to a discussion on the transparency of the Panel's opinions, the criteria set and the role it plays in reappointments, we present case studies of the selection procedure in fourteen Member States, representing new and old, and small and large Member States. Our analysis shows that far from being a paper tiger, the Article 255 TFEU Panel has proven to have a significant impact: it has had a chilling effect on a number of national nominations but also indirectly influenced the selection processes in some Member States, thus limiting arbitrariness. However, opening up judicial appointments to scrutiny at both the EU and the national level has resulted in a subtle move into the direction of judicial self-government.

Access to Justice Support Services or Government Intervention A Solution for Canada's Unaffordable Legal Services Problem

The solution to the “access to justice” problem that the majority of the population cannot obtain legal services at reasonable cost, is to enable the Canadian Legal Information Institute (CanLII) to provide the support services to all lawyers in Canada, that the LAO LAW division of Legal Aid Ontario (LAO) provides to lawyers in Ontario who do legal aid cases. In contrast, all of the literature and conferences that this most serious of law society problems has generated, recommend solutions that involve treating the symptoms of the problem but not the cause. For example, the solutions put forward by the Federation of Law Societies of Canada involve cutting the cost of legal services by using: (1) self-help solutions; (2) people of lesser competence than lawyers; (3) pro bono services. This article discusses the inadequacy of those solutions to cope with: (1) the ever-increasing volume of laws, (2) complexity of those laws; (3) technology to be understood; and, (4) the greater volume of e-records to be reviewed. Such increasing legal infrastructure creates an ever-increasing need for lawyers to interpret and apply it, which means increasing time to deliver every legal service so as to maintain its high quality. In that sense, legal services are under constant pressure to improve. The failure of Canada's law societies to produce the innovation that enables a product or service to be improved without increasing its price, has caused legal services now to be unaffordable for the majority of the population. Therefore, society and reality are going forward, but the law societies are taking the legal profession and the availability of legal services backward. The long history of law society failure to solve this problem, and chronic inaction, is due to a lack of understanding of its cause. As a result, the solutions that have been recommended are meant to improve the existing system of providing legal services. That is the cause of the problem, the preservation of the existing system — the “handcraftsman’s method of delivering legal services whereby the same lawyer, or group of lawyers, does all of the work necessary to deliver each legal service. Instead, LAO LAW enables the use of a “support services” method of delivering legal services — like the family doctor referring patients to specialists and the rest of the medical world's infrastructure of support services; and like the car manufacturers using "special parts companies." There is no equivalent in the legal profession to the specialist that is the family doctor. If the legal profession in Canada does not make that transition, the problem will never be solved. It has to be solved, otherwise the small and middle-sized law office will disappear, and government intervention will be necessary — either by: (a) a program of socialized law by way of government-funded and cost-recovered legal services; or, (b) enabling the free enterprise competitive marketing of legal services by: (1) allowing law firms to be owned by non-lawyer commercial entities; and, (2) allowing such entities to provide legal services directly to their customers, by employing lawyers from all the disappearing law firms. That appears to be the only way in which the necessary innovation that creates the necessary cost-efficiency that drives down the price of legal services, will occur. Or, improving CanLII as a support service for all lawyers in Canada is the only way to escape government intervention. Otherwise, “Being without a lawyer means being without power in our society,” which means, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is a "paper tiger," which means, Canada is no longer a constitutional democracy; merely a parliamentary democracy.

Masterstroke or paper tiger – The reform of the EU׳s Common Fisheries Policy

The European fisheries policy has undergone a substantial reform. The reform process was initiated by a Green Paper published by the European Commission in 2009. It was recently finalised with an agreement on a new Basic Regulation between the European Commission, the Council and the Parliament in October 2013. The reform of the Common Fisheries Policy will be an important step towards a more sustainable fisheries policy in Europe. The most important reform steps are the introduction of maximum sustainable yield as the new management target, a landing obligation for bycatch and a governance shift towards regions. Although the mentioned reform elements are in generally very promising, their concrete design does not always meet existing expectations.

The evolution of the Indonesian Ombudsman System

The enactment of Law No. 37 of 2008 concerning The Ombudsman of Republic of Indonesia (Law on ORI) marks the emerging development of the Indonesian Ombudsman System. The new Law was adopted in a context of increasing public demand for better public service and political concerns in regard to existing independent state institutions. Previously governed by the Presidential Decree No. 44 of 2000, the National Ombudsman Commission – typical of executive Ombudsman – was regarded as a mere ‘complaints desk’ and a ‘paper tiger’ as it had a number of serious problems, including legal and non-legal. This article investigates both the legislative and institutional changes that postdate late 2008 within the Ombudsman system. It is argued that the task developing Indonesia’s Ombudsman system remains a ‘work in progress’. An explanation of this argument is provided through the experience of the National Ombudsman and the enactment of new legislation relevant to the function of the Indonesian Ombudsman, including Law No. 14 of 2008 regarding Freedom of Information and Law No. 25 of 2009 concerning Public Service.

Asian Values v. The Paper Tiger: Dismantling the Threat to Asian Values Posed by the International Criminal Court

In a decade of shifting norms and changing practices in international criminal law, the principle of complementarity has emerged as the primary, but as-yet incompletely defined, mechanism of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to coax states towards enforcing individual accountability for international crimes. By enabling the ICC to decide whether specific cases are admissible, and whether to investigate and prosecute individuals of a state potentially without that state’s consent, complementarity is also the largest stumbling block for Asian states’ participation in the ICC. In particular, member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), where the ‘Asian values’ of non-interference in domestic affairs and deference to state sovereignty are the foundation of inter-state relations, take issue with the competence of the ICC. This article analyses the extent to which such Asian values are a legitimate basis for ASEAN resistance to the ICC treaty regime in the context of the design and emerging practice of the ICC concerning complementarity and referral mechanisms. It suggests that, both in substance and procedurally, the ICC regime may represent less of a threat than anticipated to these Asian values, and that notwithstanding non-ratification, continued engagement between the ICC and ASEAN non-states parties may gradually promote the internalization of norms consistent with the ICC’s aims.

A Paper Tiger? An Empirical Analysis of Majority Voting

A Paper Tiger? An Empirical Analysis of Majority Voting

Book Review: Edwin Newman, Strictly Speaking: Will America Be the Death of English

Book Review: Edwin Newman, Strictly Speaking: Will America Be the Death of English. Transaction Large Print, 2010. ISBN: 978-1412813273 (Paperback). 240 Pages. $33.95[Article copies available for fee from The Transformative Studies Institute. E-mail address: journal@transformativestudies.org Website: http://www. transiormativestudies, ors O2013 by The Transformative Studies Institute. All rights reserved.]In what amounts an act of public service, Transaction Publishers continues publish Edwin Newman's Strictly Speaking (1974) in large print edition. The book is entertaining and instructive in the vein of such classics as George Orwell's Politics and the English Language and Mark Twain's Fenimore Cooper's Literary Offenses. Newman ridicules cliches, euphemisms, incorrect usage, pseudo-scientific terminology, and turgid political speech while providing fascinating introduction politics in the United States during the seventies.Newman (1919-2010) was reporter at NBC from 1961 1984. He appears in many television programs available on YouTube, which include his address bereaved nation on the day of President Kennedy's assassination, an interview with Marshall McLuhan, documentary on the 1964 World Fair, and two presidential debates he moderated. Newman also appeared in comic sketch on Saturday Night Live in which he corrects the grammar of caller on suicide prevention hotline.In Strictly Speaking, Newman skewers such time-worn phrases as whopping wage increases (When does wage increase begin whop? he wonders) and (But who ever heard of an easy truce, or comfortable one?) (27, 30-31). Newman also points out journalistic framing devices: As automatic as uneasy before truce was Marxist before the title of the late President Allende of Chile. You would have thought Marxist President was the position Allende had run for and been elected to (32).Some of the cliches highlighted by Newman (i. e., eyeball confrontation and paper tiger) (35) are mercifully obsolete. He also pillories the professional jargon of newscasters who speak of major thunderstorm activity instead of major thunderstorms and of psychologists who consider children be in a play situation rather than at play. (30) The vocabulary of the social sciences (misspecification, disaggregates, etc.) appears have earned, at least in the mind of Newman, its users special place in Hell.Nonetheless, sloppy constructions, such as partially surrounded and totally unique, may well endure as long as the English language. For Newman, insipid language resembles background elevator music that incessantly encroaches on us [and] thumps and tinkles away, mechanical, without color, inflection, vigor, charm, or distinction unlike the wisecracks, accurate descriptions, precise formulations of ideas [that] brighten the world (21). In sequel, A Civil Tongue (1976), he elaborates further:A civil tongue... means me language is not bogged down in jargon, not puffed up with false dignity, not studded with trick phrases have lost their meaning. It is not falsely exciting, is not patronizing, does not conceal the smallness and triteness of ideas by clothing them in language ever more grandiose, does not seek out increasingly complicated constructions, does not weigh us down with the gelatinous verbiage of Washington and the social sciences... It is direct, specific, concrete, vigorous, colorful, subtle, and imaginative when it should be, and as lucid and eloquent as we are able make it. It is something revel in and enjoy. (6)In Strictly Speaking, Newman relates language democracy, observing those for whom words have lost their value are likely find ideas have also lost their value. (6) However, Newman understands good language usage has its limits, wondering, for example, whether grammarians were less fooled by the Gulf of Tonkin affair - the fabricated incident President Johnson used escalate the war in Vietnam - than were other people (8). …

Balancing or Bandwagoning? Europe's Many Relations with the United States

As framed here, the key question regarding the larger debate about the European approach(es) to the United States after the end of the Cold War is: are the Europeans bandwagoning or balancing? And in that context, how should the development of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) be interpreted? Both articles provide valuable insights into the dynamics of transatlantic relations, yet they both miss important (although different) parts of the larger picture. First, this response to the two articles argues that the CSDP can be understood neither as balancing behaviour nor as an attempt to bandwagon with the United States for the simple reason that the CSDP is little but a paper tiger. For all practical purposes there is no common European security and defence policy. Second, it is argued that the structural realist tendency to see the Europeans' behaviour as either balancing or bandwagoning is futile. Some European nations clearly bandwagon; others are pursuing a more independent and autonomous approach to the United States.

Culture and Country towards Child Right in Nepal

It has scientifically proved that childhood is the most creative period of human life. It is the basic building block of human development. One of the famous humanitarian personalities of the world, Mahatma Gandhi rightly said "If we are to have real peace, we must begin with the children." It is necessary to make this period safer, creative. But it is worldwide threatening to the children from the terrorism and different kinds of child abuse like child labor, child trafficking, gender discrimination, prohibition from the education etc. Nepal is one of the countries which are not out of them. It is the time for thinking how to safe children. Though Nepal has already formulated laws regarding the child right, but they are only "paper tiger". So, it is necessary to implement the existing laws and abolish the all kind of discrimination and child abuse and follow the international convention relating to child right. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v1i1.8369 Researcher: A Research Journal of Culture and Society Vol.1(1) 2013

The EU Battlegroups (EUBGs) – a successful story or a paper tiger?

Abstract After decades of reliance upon NATO in security matters, the EU ought to develop security assets of its own in order to protect its interests and citizens. The Common Foreign and Security Policy as an expression of EU readiness and willingness to play a more significant role in security matters on the international stage led to the creation of the European Security and Defence Policy, thus putting at the EU’s disposal civilian and military capabilities for dealing with the crisis spots around the world. The EUBG concept originated with the first member states’ pledges in November 2004 which gave added value to the EU in the security and defence area, at least on paper, while so far no EUBG has been deployed in the theatre of operations.

Review of the legal aspects of environmental management in the South China Sea and Gulf of Thailand

The mandate of the Legal Task Force established under the South China Sea project was to evaluate the present status of legal environmental instruments at national, sub-regional and regional levels with a view to exploring ways to strengthen regional co-operation in the environmental management of the South China Sea. This article provides an overview of: signatory states' obligations for regional co-operation under major global environmental conventions; the status of existing regional co-operative mechanisms and instruments, including regional agreements and ‘soft’ laws11Soft-laws are non-legally-binding instruments, such as Declarations, Guidelines and Action Plans. An example is Agenda 21. They are usually adopted where states will not or cannot agree on the terms for a legally-binding instrument.; national environmental legislation; and an analysis of national environmental legislation regarding major issues and themes of interest. This article demonstrates that, while the global and international conventions to which the countries of the South China Sea are parties convey obligations on the states to co-operate regionally, this obligation has generally not been met. In addition, there is no single legally-binding regional intergovernmental agreement on marine environmental protection that involves all the countries bordering the South China Sea. This review indicates that, while all countries have a suite of legal instruments designed to protect the environment and conserve natural resources, these are often not harmonised and integrated with national policies. Countries continue to be without an integrated coastal/marine management policy that sets clear priorities, principles and guidelines that can steer policy conflicts towards resolution and encourage government agencies and offices to see themselves as part of a larger effort towards proper management of coastal and marine habitats.The article concludes with a review of potential mechanisms for future regional co-operation in environmental management and proposes alternative models. Lessons learned from the global community and regional programmes indicate a growing emphasis on the domestic implementation of global instruments via regional co-operative initiatives and maximising effectiveness. An emerging trend is the proliferation of calls to ‘strategically’ address these two needs. This suggests that an appropriate course of action for a region seeking to strengthen co-operation would be forging a legal agreement that suits regional needs and interests and, in so doing, incorporates ‘effectiveness’ into the design.It is further concluded that the SCS region is in a unique and enviable position. Unlike most other regions, it has never adopted a legally-binding instrument and, consequently, it is free of precedent and other legal baggage. Regional co-operation is gaining momentum and South China Sea states are indicating a greater concern for environmental sustainability. There is also a growing recognition that the inefficient use of resources will only worsen without horizontal and vertical co-ordination and regional co-operation. It seems an appropriate time to consider an effective and region-appropriate course for long-term sustainability of the South China Sea and its resources, including consideration of a regional framework for co-operation, co-ordination and communication. Political commitment will determine whether any new co-operative framework becomes a paper tiger or an Asian tiger.

Judith MacKay: self-made scourge of the tobacco industry

Judith MacKay: self-made scourge of the tobacco industry

Warning signs of genocide: an anthropological perspective

Dedication Acknowledgments Preface The Deadly Seeds of Genocide Chapter 1 Genocide Defined Chapter 2 Paper tiger Rising: Fear Chapter 3 From Fear to Hatred Chapter 4 Animating tigers: Dehumanization, Structural Violence, and Paper Tigers Chapter 5 The Tiger Stalks: The Steps of Genocide Chapter 6 Excursions into History Chapter 7 Causes, and Some Predictions Chapter 8 Sowing Good Seeds: Sustaining the Soil of Community Appendix I Statistics of Genocide, with Risk Factors Appendix II. Genocide compared References Index

Book Review: Europe: EU Counterterrorism Policy: A Paper Tiger?

Book Review: Europe: EU Counterterrorism Policy: A Paper Tiger?

Haunting Legacy: Vietnam and the American Presidency from Ford to Obama. By MarvinKalb and DeborahKalb. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2011. 355 pp.

Haunting Legacy: and the American Presidency from Ford to Obama. By Marvin Kalb and Deborah Kalb. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2011. 355 pp. Thirty-seven years after the last American helicopter flew away from the U.S. Embassy in Saigon, the War still lingers in America's subconscious. Haunting Legacy begins where David L. Anderson's edited volume, Shadow on the White House: Presidents and the War, 1945-1975 (University Press of Kansas, 1993) ended. Anderson's book argued that no president could ignore Vietnam, as Southeast Asia pulled each commander in chief, starting with Harry Truman, into its vortex, and in Haunted Legacy, the father and daughter journalist team of Marvin and Deborah Kalb conclude, Vietnam has infiltrated the presidential DNA (p. 3). The Kalbs establish their central thesis in the introduction and then examine each president from Gerald Ford to Barack Obama. They contend that beginning with Ford, all post-Vietnam presidents live with the legacy and burden of the War--each president fears to sink into another quagmire, by applying military force against another country, and especially hesitates to deploy ground troops into hostile territory. The authors establish two presidential foreign policy models: the Gerald Ford and the Jimmy Carter. The former consists of President Ford and both Bushes, men more aggressive and willing to use military force, while the latter model consists of Presidents Carter, Ronald Reagan, and Bill Clinton--men more reluctant to use military offense. The Kalbs show an interesting unwillingness to categorize the incumbent; they believe that President Obama fits both models, so far. The authors state that President Ford did his best to help South Vietnam, but Congress (and society) refused. Not wanting anyone to perceive him or the country as a paper tiger, Ford utilized military force against the Khmer Rouge after they seized the SS Mayaguez. The authors venerate President Carter for his success with the Panama Canal Treaty, the Camp David Accords, SALT II (never ratified), and the strengthening of ties with China, but then blame bad luck rather than indecisiveness with Carter's failure to control the Iranian hostage crisis. In addition, Carter and National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski receive gentle treatment for their backing of the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, which would have disastrous consequences in the future, a point that the Kalbs establish well but do not unpack further. A shift in tone occurs when the Kalbs analyze President Reagan. The authors throw subtle jabs at Reagan, and present him as the Republican mythologized Cold War winner, an aloof former B-movie actor, who failed on all counts in Lebanon. They determine, He still talked a good game, but when it was time for a decision, he punted (p. …