This study delved into the dynamics of perceived challenges, adoption, and assessment of Western values of democracy and human rights among university students in Palestine, particularly in the aftermath of the 2023 War on Gaza. A mixed-methods strategy was used in the research, with a participant pool of 384 students representing a range of demographics. By exploring the impact of geopolitical events, the results revealed a positive link between perceived challenges and the assessment of Western values. Although there is a notable gender and geographic difference in the assessment and adoption of Western values, females and those living in cities and villages are shown to have greater perceived challenges with these values. The qualitative component, including interviews with 12 students, provided valuable insights into the postwar evolution of Palestinian perspectives, highlighting a notable shift in attitudes, initially characterized by belief in the superiority of Western values, followed by a decline in faith during the war. This decline is attributed to traumatic events, biased media narratives, and the contradiction between idealized standards and harsh realities. In conclusion, the study emphasizes the need for a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted influences on Palestinian perceptions of Western values.

Reviewed by: Going West: Migrating Personae and Construction of the Self in Rabbinic Culture by Reuven Kiperwasser Matthew Goldstone Reuven Kiperwasser. Going West: Migrating Personae and Construction of the Self in Rabbinic Culture. Providence, RI: Brown Judaic Studies, 2021. 237 pp. Reuven Kiperwasser’s Going West: Migrating Personae and Construction of the Self in Rabbinic Culture explores how narrators of the Yerushalmi and Bavli constructed regional identities through portrayals of rabbinic interactions with internal Others (i.e., rabbis from one location visiting or residing in another location). Grounded in both theoretical and literary methodologies, this work encourages readers to redirect their attention from rabbinic interactions with groups typically understood as outsiders in the eyes of the rabbis (e.g., minim) to the prevalent experiences of alterity among those within rabbinic circles. Kiperwasser presents a compelling case for understanding narratives about Babylonian and Palestinian rabbinic interactions as important sites for the negotiation of the respective storyteller’s geographic identity. Moreover, he highlights the greater significance of Babylonian visitors impacting Palestinian rabbinic identity than the role of Palestinian figures impacting Babylonian rabbinic identity. In conceptualizing travel narratives, Kiperwasser adopts the helpful framework of hospitality. This perspective allows him to reflect on the roles and [End Page 178] expectations of both host and guest as rabbinic characters uphold or deviate from these positions. In articulating the nature of hospitality, Kiperwasser draws upon certain Derridean theorizations, such as the interrupted self, that at times enhance his textual readings throughout the eight main chapters. Following an introduction that provides background and some methodological considerations, the first six chapters of the book focus on depictions within Palestinian literature (primarily the Yerushalmi) of Babylonians (most of whom are rabbis) coming to Palestine. The first chapter adopts a bird’s eye view of Palestinian perceptions of Babylonians. In addition, this chapter discusses the erection of geographic boundaries through the need for Palestinian rabbis to ask permission before leaving Palestine and explores the use of humor as a form of defense mechanism. The subsequent two chapters revolve around the ways lay and elite visitors from Babylonia impact the formation of Palestinian rabbinic selves. According to Kiperwasser, through mocking stereotypes about Babylonians and the reinforcement of hierarchies in which Babylonians remain inferior to their peers, Palestinian narrators construct their own identities in response to the presence of internal Others. Chapters 4 and 5 narrow in on a few specific rabbis, examine rabbinic openness to absorbing elements of their peers’ cultural particulars, and explore the ways in which Palestinian leaders might have felt reliant upon their Babylonian colleagues. Chapter 6, the last of the chapters that focus on Palestinian sources about Palestinian hosting of Babylonian figures, looks at the use of shared traditions in the Yerushalmi and Bavli, paving the way for an articulation of the differences between the Palestinian and Babylonian employment of hospitality narratives for the cultivation of regional rabbinic identities. The final two chapters revolve around Bavli narratives about Palestinians coming to Babylonia (chapter 7) and Babylonians going to Palestine (chapter 8). Within these stories, Kiperwasser observes the way in which the Bavli minimizes conflict between figures and transforms what appeared in Palestinian sources as an interacademy episode into an internal Babylonian story. The foci of these accounts lead Kiperwasser to conclude that the narrators of Bavli hospitality episodes were less drawn to utilizing such interactions as a basis for the construction of Babylonian rabbinic identities than were Palestinian authors. Kiperwasser consolidates his observations in the conclusion, which delineates three forms of rabbinic selves: the more empathetic self, torn between xenophobia and philoxenia; the xenophobic self, as captured by a passage in Song of Songs Rabbah; and the more benevolent Babylonian narrator who uses Palestinian figures to embellish his sense of self. These abstracted representations map the variety of sources onto a simplified framework for basic comparison, allowing Kiperwasser to posit core geographic differences in the rabbinic depiction and use of hospitality narratives. Bearing in mind that an author can never include everything relevant to a particular topic, there are two lacunae that stand out as areas that would have strengthened the work. First, although Kiperwasser devotes attention to a theoretical Derridean framework for thinking about hospitality, he...

The COVID-19 pandemic has affected students all over the world. Unfortunately, Palestinian students feel the compounding effects of an ongoing occupation paired with a global pandemic. This study observes Palestinian university students and instructors perceptions toward using online learning applications and the extent to which these applications meet Institute of Higher Education Policy (IHEP) benchmarks during the COVID-19 pandemic. The researchers used a quantitative tool to collect data from students and instructors from twelve Palestinian universities. For data collection, two online questionnaires were distributed. The sample of this study consisted of 375 students and instructors from different Palestinian universities. The results show that instructors agree that online learning meets most IHEP benchmarks. Whereas, students don’t agree that online learning meets IHEP benchmarks.

There is a growing consensus that repression and counter-insurgency can be effective when selective. Yet the empirical evidence is mixed and theories specify that (unmeasured) perceptions of target selection matter. This article addresses this gap by directly measuring individuals’ interpretations of a coercive policy which varies in target selection. It employs original surveys with Palestinians on their exposure to house demolition, views on the policy and attitudes towards the Israel–Palestine conflict. The study finds that when interpreted as indiscriminate, house demolition increases opposition to compromise. The results are consistent when perceived target selection is manipulated in an embedded survey experiment.

ABSTRACT In 2014 and then again in 2015-16 in Jerusalem, some Palestinians attacked Israelis and others, including through stabbings and vehicular attacks. A case study of Israeli rule of Palestinians in Jerusalem highlights the causal role of horizontal inequality or inter-group disparities in cultural, economic, political, and social realms. Palestinians are shortchanged in each realm, and this helps fuel the violence in the city. The case also adds further nuance to some of the supporting arguments put forward by scholars in the horizontal inequality tradition. Miodownik & Nir’s focus on perceptions suggests the possibility of a gap between reality and perceptions, but in East Jerusalem, Israeli policy and Palestinian perceptions appear in synch. The spontaneous grassroots violence with only limited organizational support contrasts with other cases where violence was the result of the interaction between elites influenced by political inequality and masses motivated by economic inequality. Lastly, Stewart’s policy recommendation of more aid to reduce economic inequality assumes that the rulers will provide more aid or allow others to do so. In East Jerusalem, Israel has not provided sufficient resources but also has blocked the most likely substitute, the Palestinian Authority, from freely operating in East Jerusalem.

The post-June War period becomes predominantly, though not exclusively, an ‘Israeli-Palestinian’ conflict rather than an ‘Arab-Israeli’ conflict. What sort of state is the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) wishing to establish? Since at least 1968, The Palestinian leadership has made explicit statements concerning governance, especially in favour of democracy and justice. Why was this ignored? The first aim of this study is not to draw out the situated nuances and contours for a complete description of the Palestinian perception of governance and international law, rather the aim is thematically to examine the Palestinian support for a more democratic form of governance. Secondly, this study attempts to examine the official Israeli record and reaction (or lack thereof) to these statements made by the Palestinians. Finally, these findings will be compared to conflict management and democratisation. The study ends with a question to the reader: what if more energy were placed into supporting democracy rather than managing conflict? Or, said another way, justice rather than peace?

This article offers a film analysis of Israeli films which, it claims, embrace or critique Israel’s Zionist and Palestinian perceptions of honor, as compared with universal human dignity. The article groups together and examines six acclaimed Israeli feature films that, it argues, present and comment on Zionist and Palestinian perceptions of honor, as well as human dignity. The Israeli-Zionist Kazablan (1973) and the Israeli-Palestinian Wedding in Galilee (1987) each construct an ideal version of Zionist and Palestinian honor codes and mentalities, respectively. More critical and recent films, James’ Journey to Jerusalem (2003), Attash (2004) and Ajami (2009), suggest that these happy ideals conceal monstrous shadow images that undermine the reverence and promotion of human dignity. Finally, Bethlehem (2013) is read as portraying both Zionist and Palestinian mentalities concerning honor as macho, adolescent, insensitive and hurtful. According to this reading, Bethlehem demonstrates how both honor codes preclude the adherence to and cherishing of universal human dignity, locking the two nations in an eternal blood feud.

ABSTRACTIn this article based on ethnographic research among Palestinians in Britain, I argue that applying a ‘decentred’ conception of diaspora provides an understanding of the complexity of Palestinian identity-making in Britain. After a critical review of theorizations of the notion of diaspora and its relevance to this case study, I discuss ethnographic data to illustrate how processes of rooting and mobility are linked together in various contexts in which personal migration trajectories and positionalities play an important part. I demonstrate that, for Palestinians in Britain, diaspora relates to connections constructed both in relation to their homeland and other frames of reference: in relation to both roots and mobility.

This article uses a new conceptual approach to the question of Palestine, namely the settler-colonialism paradigm. This paradigm enabled scholars to develop the depiction of Zionism as a settler-colonialist project. However new approaches which have focused on Zionism as a settler-colonialist movement have, in fact, neglected indigenous Palestinian perspectives. The article advocates further refinement to the discourse of anti-colonialism by revisiting early Palestinian perceptions of Zionism. The article also shows that in the early stages of Zionism the movement was clearly depicted as a settler-colonialist project by Palestinian journalists and press commentators of the newspaper Filastin. However the existential implications of such an analysis were ignored by the Palestinian political elite, an oversight which also contributed to the 1948 Palestinian Nakba (catastrophe).

The Palestinian-Israeli conflict is the longest ongoing protracted conflict in contemporary times. This research seeks to gain insight on the root of the conflict based on Palestinian youth perceptions and to make meaning of their experiences. Research was conducted on two levels. First, an innovative third party neutral, Participatory Action Research-based YOUCAN Facilitation was conducted within Palestine, Israel and a Jordanian refugee camp. Second, ethnography was utilised as the researcher was fully immersed in Palestinian youth society for four months. Using Grounded Theory, the Palestinian youth groups’ self-produced themes of problems of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict could be grouped into nine super themes of problems. Allocating the groups’ self-assigned priority to each theme within the Supremes, the most important category of conflict could be identified. Based on Palestinian youth perceptions, Ideological, racism and differentiation problems are the most important problems underlying the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. These results give voice to the perceptions of Palestinian youth and bring to light a shocking explanation of a life of terror and conflict as experienced by Palestinian youth, whether it is mental, physical and/or emotional. The ethnography led to a major discovery in the order and structure of Palestinian youth’s everyday lives. The Palestinian youth generation was observed to be clearly divided into six Mannheimian generation units that are based on political ideology affiliation. These generation units are Political Islam, Nationalist, Apolitical Islam, Marxist, Veiled Political Islam and Veiled Apolitical Islam. Affiliation with apolitical ideology was observed to heavily impact and direct social, cultural, educational and political activities and interactions among Palestinian youth.

This paper summarizes some results of a wider research on foreign aid that was conducted in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 2010. It seeks to describe the impressions and feelings of Palestinian aid beneficiaries as well as the roles and functions they attached to foreign aid. To capture and measure local perceptions on Western assistance a series of individual in depth interviews and few focus group interviews were conducted in the Palestinian territories. The interview transcripts were processed by content analysis. As research results show — from the perspective of aid beneficiaries — foreign aid is more related to human dignity than to any economic development. All this implies that frustration with the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict inevitably embraces the donor policies and practices too.

This qualitative study utilizes critical ethnography methods to illustrate Palestinian refugee perceptions of higher education in Jordan. Participants addressed their assimilation to the Jordanian national identity as a means of obtaining education. Content and access to education were more important than assimilation, maintenance of ethnic identity, and a homogeneous national identity. The more immediate need for academic access and social or professional capital thwarted their desire to infuse their ethnic identity in academia.

This article argues that the recent calm the West Bank is currently experiencing results from the US-Israeli strategy of outsourcing the disciplinary power of the occupation to the Palestinian Authority (PA). It discusses recent security commitments that the US has made to the PA, and popular Palestinian perception of PA police and soldiers. In addition, the article considers how the US/Israel/PA governing strategy manifests itself in new spatial formations in the West Bank, from new roads and shopping festivals, to new prisons and Palestinian-maintained checkpoints. Finally considered is whether a new resistant politics can possibly emerge from the present status quo, whether yet another generation of Palestinians can be expected to struggle and sacrifice, or whether the post-political malaise currently pervasive in Palestine (and elsewhere) will be perpetuated with the creation of a new generation of apolitical young consumers in the West Bank?

Based upon over 20 hours of focus groups and in-depth interviews with diverse representation from three Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon, the authors analyse Palestinian perceptions of both Lebanese and Palestinian security institutions, detailing the ways in which conventional, state-centric approaches to security by both parties have been insufficient. Special attention is paid to the new security regime in the Nahr al-Bared camp, which was destroyed in 2007 during a protracted battle between the Lebanese army and the militant Islamist group Fatah al-Islam. This is because the Government of Lebanon has made clear its intention that this regime serve as a model for the country's other 11 camps. Ultimately, the authors argue, Palestinian human security is inextricably linked to Lebanese sovereignty and national security, and the improvement of Palestinian human security will yield tangible security benefits for Lebanese and Palestinians alike. Rather than presume to speak on behalf of all Palestinians in Lebanon, the authors have instead opted to present detailed—and sometimes contradictory—quotations from Palestinians interviewed on such subjects as arms, violent extremism, Lebanese–Palestinian relations and the protection of human rights.

A Constitutional Framework of a Future Palestinian State - Synthesis of Leading Palestinian Thinking and Public Perceptions

Perception of charisma, the ability to infuence others by virtue of one's personal qualities, appears to be infuenced to some extent by cultural factors. We compare results of five studies of chari ...

Erratum to: J Genet Counsel DOI 10.1007/s10897-007-9131-2 The text of the online publication and the printed publication of “Culture and Acculturation Influences on Palestinian Perceptions of Prenatal Genetic Counseling” (Volume 17, Number 1, February 2008, pp. 101–116, DOI: 10.1007/s10897-007-9131-2) contains an inaccurate reference to the location of the Palestinian Territories in the Middle East. The following corrections should be noted: • On page 102, Section “Arab Americans,” the second half of the paragraph starting on line fourteen should read: In comparison, there are roughly 5.1 million Palestinians living in the Palestinian Territories (the West Bank and Gaza Strip) and Israel who are also predominantly Muslim. Of those, about 3.8 million live in the Palestinian Territories (Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, 2001–2006), and they are referred to as “native Palestinians” in this study. About 1.3 million live in Israel (Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, 2003) and are commonly known as “Arab Israelis.” • On page 103, Section “Purpose of the Present Study,” the sentence beginning on line four should read, “Two groups were studied: 17 native Palestinians living in the Palestinian Territories; and 14 Palestinian Americans who were born and raised in the U.S.” • On page 104, Section “Materials and Methods, Participants, Sample Recruitment,” 1) starting on the second line of the first paragraph should read, “native Palestinians living in the Palestinian Territories, either in the city of Ramallah or nearby village of Kharbata;” • On page 104, Section “Materials and Methods, Participants, Sample Recruitment,” the last two lines of the first paragraph should read, “(i.e., first to be born in the U.S. to parents who emigrated from the Palestinian Territories) were recruited.” • And on page 104, Section “Materials and Methods, Participants, Sample Recruitment,” the sentence beginning on the sixth line of the second paragraph should read, “In the Palestinian Territories potential….” The authors regret the errors.

Patient cultural backgrounds strongly influence decision-making processes and outcomes in genetic counseling. The present study investigated influences of culture and acculturation on prenatal decision making processes of native Palestinians and Palestinian Americans. Seventeen native Palestinians and 14 first-generation, Palestinian Americans were interviewed and asked to imagine themselves as patients in hypothetical premarital and prenatal situations. Five major issues were investigated: 1) Influence of family history of an inherited condition on pre-marital decisions; 2) Perceptions of non-directive genetic counselor statements regarding options; 3) Role of gender in prenatal decisions; 4) Gender differences in emotional expression; and 5) Role of family and society in prenatal decisions. Several similarities and differences in native Palestinian and Palestinian American responses were obtained. Similarities appear to be due to common cultural roots, while differences may be due to acculturation. Practice and research recommendations are provided.

Charisma, the ability to lead by virtue of personality alone, is difficult to define but relatively easy to identify. However, cultural factors clearly affect perceptions of charisma. In this paper we compare results from parallel perception studies investigating charismatic speech in Palestinian Arabic and American English. We examine acoustic/prosodic and lexical correlates of charisma ratings to determine how the two cultures differ with respect to their views of charismatic speech.

In the present study I compare public views regarding suicide bombings using data from two surveys of Palestinian refugees living in southern Lebanon (N = 342) and Lebanese Muslims (N = 553) administered during the summers of 2002 and 2003 respectively. The data reveal that approval of suicide operations is more pronounced among Lebanese than Palestinians. These findings hold even after controlling for individual socio-economic and demographic characteristics. For both populations, support for suicide attacks is more evident among women than men. Among Lebanese, support for suicide attacks is also a function of low income and among Palestinians, a function of residence in camps. For both samples, the most important determinant of support for suicide attacks is attachment to political Islam. The greater the commitment to political Islam the more likely respondents are to endorse suicide activities. It should be noted however, that the impact of political Islam is more evident among Palestinians than Lebanese.