This research explores the historical foundations and development of the Zionist movement, emphasizing the involvement of European colonial powers in advancing its goals and the subsequent emergence of Palestinian nationalism as a counterforce. Employing a qualitative methodology that includes historical analysis and a comprehensive literature review, the study investigates the repercussions of Zionism on Palestinian society, the national resistance against the Zionist settler-colonial initiative, and the dominant efforts to marginalize Palestinian historical narratives. The findings reveal that the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, facilitated by colonial support, served as a pivotal moment in the Zionist agenda. Strategic errors by Arab nations and Palestinian leadership contributed to a weakened campaign for Palestinian independence. Despite these challenges, Palestinians have demonstrated remarkable resilience in maintaining their identity and asserting their rights. The study concludes that achieving lasting peace necessitates confronting historical injustices, safeguarding human rights, and promoting equitable and honest dialogue between the parties involved. It underscores the imperative for international assistance in formulating a just and comprehensive resolution. Furthermore, the research highlights the significance of drawing lessons from historical complexities to foster a more equitable and peaceful future in Palestine.

This essay examines the postcolonial ecofeminist implications of The End of Spring (2008) by Sahar Khalifa, a Palestinian nationalist and feminist. Palestinian women are confronted with a dual burden of disabling discourses: the master narrative of the Israeli occupation and the masculine rhetoric of the colonized Palestinian man. The interpretations of the novel from a postcolonial ecofeminist perspective bolster the postcolonial ecofeminist argument that the Israeli exploitation and occupation of Palestinian land and the double oppression and marginalization of Palestinian women are intertwined within patriarchal and colonial systems. The treatise highlights the maternal and physical contributions made by women to Palestinian liberation and resistance project and how the masculinization of the Palestinian resistance obstructs the liberation project and hampers Palestinian nationalistic objectives. Khalifeh emphasizes the resistance of women against patriarchal and colonial forces in The End of Spring, as evidenced by the resolute perspectives of Umm Suad and Suad, her daughter. The participation of these two females in acts of resistance demonstrates that motherhood and the idea of a motherland, particularly in a struggle against patriarchal norms and colonialist power, are not anti-feminist but complementary and compatible with feminism.

This study aims to elucidate the meaning of the poem "Qasidatu al-Ardi" by Mahmoud Darwish through the lens of Stephen Greenblatt's new historicism perspective. This research is categorized as descriptive qualitative research. The primary data sources for this study include the poem "Qasidatu al-Ardi" and relevant non-literary texts, which comprise books and associated websites. The data collection technique employed in this study involves a reading approach that applies Greenblatt's new historicism perspective, emphasizing the simultaneous analysis of literary and non-literary texts to explore their interrelationship. The analysis techniques utilized include data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. The study reveals that the depiction of the Palestinian people's struggle in the poem "Qasidatu al-Ardi" is intricately linked to the historical context of Land Day in 1976 in Galilee. Furthermore, the poem presents the condition of the Palestinian people through themes of Palestinian nationalism, genocide in the Palestinian territories, and the aspirations of the Palestinian populace. Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap makna puisi “Qasidatu al-Ardi” karya Mahmoud Darwish dengan berdasar new historicism perspektif Stephen Greenblatt. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitati deskriptif. Adapun sumber data penelitian ini adalah puisi “Qasidatu al-Ardi” karya Mahmoud Darwish, dan teks non-sastra berupa buku dan website yang relevan. Teknik pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini menggunakan teknik baca cata dengan menerapkan pendekatan new historicism perspektif Stephen Greenblatt. Pendekatan ini menekankan pada pembacaan secara bersamaan antara teks sastra dengan teks non-sastra untuk mengetahui keterkaitan antara keduanya. Adapun teknik analisis yang digunakan adalah reduksi data, penyajian data, dan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian mengenai bentuk perjuangan rakyat Palestina dalam puisi “Qasidatu al-Ardi” menunjukkan bahwa: penciptaan puisi “Qasidatu al-Ardi” berkaitan erat dengan latar belakang sejarah Land Day tahun 1976 di Galilea; dan kondisi rakyat Palestina dalam puisi ini ditunjukkan melalui adanya bentuk nasionalisme rakyat Palestina, genosida di wilayah Palestina, dan harapan rakyat Palestina.

Abstract This article examines Hamas's growth in Lebanon after the 1992 deportation of 415 members to the no-man's land between Lebanon and Israel, leading to ties with the Lebanese branch of the Islamic Brotherhood. Over time, Hamas developed a complex organization rivaling the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), with offices and representatives in Lebanon's refugee camps. The article argues that Hamas, rooted in the camps and driven by pragmatism, cannot be easily destroyed. Its claims to statehood, the right of return, and resistance, symbolized by Naji al-Ali's character Handala, embodies the enduring Palestinian nationalism. Despite the targeted killing of Hamas leaders, the movement's ideas persist, with poetry reflecting its deep connection to Palestinian social and political life, resistant to the military actions that has made Gaza a humanitarian disaster.

The article considers the reasons for the rise of religious nationalism which has been politically coloring the decades long confrontation between the Jews and the Palestinians. The naissance of Palestinian nationalism and the clash of the two national movements under the British mandate warrant a parallel with present-day developments. While the religious component has always been present, albeit to varying degrees, in the discourse of various nationalist forces (liberal, right-wing, socialist), it received a new impetus by the Israeli occupation of Arab lands after 1967 war. The war in Gaza has highlighted the special role that religious nationalists are currently playing on both sides. The rise of religious nationalism, which resulted from the absence of a settlement of the Palestinian problem is a major destabilizing factor. The military confrontation between Hamas and Israel provides additional material for the analysis of religious nationalism at the present stage, its role in creating mutually exclusive narratives and radical practices, increasingly narrowing the possibilities of eventual compromises.

Twitter aids public discourse, hashtag activism and sociopolitical advocacy. In terms of Palestinian resistance discourse against Israel, the hashtag #GreatMarchofReturn represents a peaceful digital protest by the Palestinian refugees based in Gaza. We identified 13,000 tweets related to #GreatMarchofReturn, which we analysed using content analysis and descriptive analysis, followed by a visualization of the findings. We argue that hashtag activism facilitates the collective Palestinian protest discourse on Twitter about Israel’s oppressive diplomacies in Palestine. The activism endorses Palestinian nationalism and the mobilization of civilian rights. Moreover, the micro-blogging site becomes a significant platform for politicizing Israel’s punitive populism and subsequent subjugation of Palestinian refugees, especially in Gaza. The psycho-politics of phygital protests affects the socio-emotional mobilization of the Great March of Return in both virtual and physical public spheres.

Abstract In recent years, a more coherent, widespread critique of Zionism as a form of settler colonialism has developed in Western academia. Despite its critical assumptions regarding Zionism, this conversation has yet to influence one of the core images of the Zionist-Arab encounter, mainly that of Palestinian intransigence versus Zionist political flexibility. According to this stereotypical image, these contrasting political characteristics played a central role in allowing a Jewish state to be established in a large part of historical Palestine, while an Arab one did not materialize. By examining political encounters between Zionists and Palestinians over the course of more than a hundred years, this article shows that, in fact, Palestinian leadership and Palestinians generally were willing to settle for an internationally recognized Arab-Palestinian state at key points. By contrast, Zionists usually exhibited greater ambivalence toward the idea of a recognized state, preferring to settle for something else, mainly expansionism. By adopting a counterintuitive approach, this article seeks to contrast the colonial dimension of Zionism with the more flexible and ultimately more state-and norm-oriented quality of Palestinian nationalism.

Abstract In January 1935, Palestinian Islamic thinkers, in conversation with counterparts elsewhere in the Middle East and South Asia, concluded that those who sold or facilitated the sale of land to the Mandate Jewish community must be excommunicated. This article explores the emergence of such religious excommunication (takfīr) in Mandate Palestine between 1929 and 1935 based on a wide range of periodicals and pamphlets from this period. It argues that, far from a story of an underlying “Islamic radicalism” which reemerged in a time of pressure, this is a case in which internal and external political and economic pressures necessitated a drastic solution which could distinguish Muslims committed to the Palestinian nationalist project from those who were not. In doing so, the article contributes to scholarship on both Modern Islam and Mandate Palestine.

The article analyses the intersection of Palestinian nationalism and feminism as represented in literary and political discourse. Through an examination of well-established historical discourses surrounding the Palestinian situation, this study reframes the notion that feminist political projects and nationalism are incompatible. By utilizing the framework of postcolonial feminism, this analysis scrutinizes the depiction of Palestinian women in narratives of national struggle as agents, symbols, and authors. Employing historical analysis and literary criticism as sources of data, this article investigates the development of Palestinian women's activism from the early 20th century to the present. It underscores the impact that women had on the Palestinian literary canon, their contributions to the national movement, and the emergence of indigenous feminisms. Notwithstanding the comparatively masculine conception of nationalist agency that permeates Palestinian nationalism, this qualitative study investigates the ways in which national struggle stimulated the advancement of Palestinian women. This encompasses discussions concerning gender awareness and the methods through which women defied cultural and societal norms through active participation in the national struggle and substantial literary contributions. This study is of significant value as it critically examines the complex relationship between feminism and nationalism in the Palestinian context, while also challenging the assumptions made by Western feminism. Through an examination of the experiences and perspectives of Palestinian women, this study underscores the ways in which the concurrent reinforcement of nationalist sentiments and reclamation of feminist narratives empower Palestinian women and bolster support for the Palestinian cause, thus making a significant contribution to the nation's pursuit of independence.

ABSTRACT Palestinian nationalism and visions of Palestine as a nation have, since the loss in 1948 of 78% of Mandate Palestine to the newly founded State of Israel, focused on notions of rootedness and connection to the land. However, as a result of the disruptions to Palestinian culture stemming from the refugee lives of a large proportion of the population, and the loss or fragmentation of many personal and institutional archives, sources for the quotidian details of rural life and how the relationship between land and people played out in different parts of historic Palestine are often scarce. This article experiments with the use of accounts by Western archaeologists as potential repositories of such information. This derives, the author argues, not just from the descriptive features of such writings, which they share with other commonly used sources such as travelogues and the memoirs of missionaries and other temporary residents, but also from the nature of archaeology itself as an activity which intimately, if at times controversially and destructively, engages with land and soil, and in which local people were often hired to carry out excavation on their own lands. While fully acknowledging the many issues raised by the use of imperial documents to consider the lives of indigenous and subaltern peoples, I seek to employ techniques such as reading against the grain to investigate how such archives can contribute granularity and detail to our understandings of rural life in Palestine at the end of the Ottoman period.

This article examines the utilization of concrete as a medium for artistic expression in the art produced by contemporary Palestinian artists residing in the State of Israel. The author proposes that when considered through Eyal Weizman’s lens of "politics in matter," concrete emerges in contemporary Palestinian art as a significant material intersecting with the broader political fabric, an artistic medium intricately linked to the ongoing struggle for Palestinian identity, nationalism, and human rights. Within the geopolitical context of Israel/Palestine, concrete thus gives rise to multifaceted associations of struggle, violence, defense, and fear. Contemporary Palestinian artists actively engage with concrete, repurposing it as a tool for artistic, civic, and political resistance. They challenge dominant narratives, contest prevailing historical accounts, and confront oppressive structures. Their works reimagine shared spaces, contest the erasure of Palestinian history, and amplify marginalized voices. Concrete becomes a material embodiment of the complexities experienced by Palestinian artists residing and working within the State of Israel, its finally symbolizing resistance and catalyzing the reimagining of alternative futures. This article provides a comprehensive analysis of how concrete is employed and represented within contemporary Palestinian artistic practices, shedding light on its role in shaping Palestinian experiences and contributing to a nuanced understanding of the Palestinian/Israeli context. By exploring the politics of concrete, the article enhances our understanding of its significance in contemporary Palestinian art and its place in the broader discourse of art history.

This article examines Arab art music, or tarab, during the British Mandate for Palestine as the sonic harbinger of Palestinian modernism. It shows how the production, consumption, and dissemination of professionalized Arab art music in early twentieth-century Palestine was linked to the emergence of a Palestinian elite at a time when Palestine was undergoing rapid developments and becoming an important node of cultural exchange in the region. Arab art music thus provided a site for the construction of a cosmopolitanized urban identity across Palestinian cities, one that operated on two political registers: local Palestinian nationalism and regional pan-Arabism. The article concludes with a discussion on how Palestine’s political elite negotiated the inherent contradictions of colonized modernity through Arab art music.

Abstract From its beginning, the Organisation of Solidarity of the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (ospaaal) used its print media to campaign on behalf of Palestinian nationalism, articulating the concerns of displaced Palestinians from a perspective of unrecognised and thwarted national liberation movements. This organisation, responsible for carrying out the activities of the Tricontinental group that began meeting in Havana in 1966, identified the issue of Palestinian statelessness as a key feature of ongoing colonialism. From this perspective, ospaaal developed a platform from which to articulate solidarity against ongoing imperialism, one which could be usefully extended to explain and render solidarity with other causes. We argue that ospaaal’s visual and narrative framework, extended to the anti-colonial advocacy first for Dhofar (from the late 1960s to middle of the 1970s) and later for Western Sahara (late 1970s to 1990), presented a powerful, though limited, critique of international governance institutions from the Global South. Tricontinental publications’ reporting and solidarity media, in framing statelessness as an inherent problem of an incomplete process of decolonisation, critiqued the rhetorical strategies employed by imperial powers to maintain colonial relationships through international organisations like the United Nations.

أدت الصحافة العربية والصهيونية دورا كبيرا في منشوراتها واعدادها التي تندد بالصهيونية واخطارها على فلسطين ، إذ عارضت تلك الصحف قيام دولة صهيونية في فلسطين وعدت ذلك انتهاك لحقوق الشعب الفلسطيني . وقد اهتمت تلك الصحف بالقضايا الاجتماعية والاقتصادية فضلا عن السياسية ، وكان من اول اهتماماتها حماية الأرض من المستغلين اليهود وعدم بيع الأراضي للوافدين اليهود ، كما ركزت تلك الصحف على القومية الفلسطينية ( العربية ) ومعارضة كل فكرة تهدف إلى قيام وطن قومي لليهود في فلسطين، فضلا عن معارضتها لنظام الانتداب البريطاني على فلسطين والذي اوضحت تلك الصحف المساعي البريطانية الكبيرة في مساندة الهجرة الصهيونية وتوطينها في أرض فلسطين.

Abstract This article looks at Hamas's war against Israel through the lens of the poetry written by leading members of Hamas during the period 1987–1996 (from the founding of the organization through the early stages of the implementation of the Oslo Accords). Poetry is one of the means employed by Hamas to convey its political, social, and religious messages and ideology, which links its Islamic outlook with Palestinian nationalism. During the years covered by the article, dozens of the organization's senior members expressed themselves in this genre. The article looks at ten poets who were affiliated with Hamas leadership circles and were intensively engaged in writing poetry in those years. It describes the background to this activity, extracts the main messages and motifs presented in their verse, and examines the goals served by this lyrical composition in the organization's war against Israel.

Abstract In the thirty years of British occupation before 1948, elite Palestinian spokesmen understood emotion as a fundamentally ineffective mode of political engagement vis-à-vis a perceived audience of European colonial diplomats. After the nakba, though, as writers like Qustantin Zurayk and ‘Arif al-‘Arif tried to make sense of its traumatic upheavals to new iterations of regional audiences, expressions of emotion began to make new appearances alongside such writings’ abstract appeal to rights. In the 1960s, and particularly after the war of 1967, emotional expression began to take on a rather different valence as writers like Ghassan Kanafani came to understand emotion, and especially the expression of an abstract form of decolonial anger, as a key way to connect with other global audiences and thereby buttress external support for Palestinian political demands. This article, then, seeks to explore changes in the emotional content of Palestinian nationalist literature, and especially the increased rhetorical presence of expressions of anger, as reflections of changes in what we might think of (in a gloss on Barbara Rosenwein’s crucial notion of emotional communities) as “emotional audiences.”

This research aims to reveal the meaning of Mawtini's poem, the unofficial national anthem of Palestine, by Ibrahim Tuqan. This study uses descriptive-analytical research using Michael Riffaterre's semiotic theory, which consists of indirect expressions, heuristic readings, hermeneutic readings, matrices, models, variants, and programs to express the meanings contained therein. The results of the research show that Mawtini's poetry contains jargon or phrases, namely: homeland, live a noble life or die a martyr's death, it is better to die than to be a slave to the enemy, sword, and ink as tools of war and narration, not afraid of death, and do not want to suffer. All of them are typical phrases or jargon of the struggle of the Middle East to expel Western invaders, especially Palestine. From there, it was concluded that Mawtini's poetry has a very deep meaning about the fighting spirit for the motherland, patriotism, and Palestinian nationalism, which later made it the unofficial national anthem of Palestine. The poem is intended to give hope and awaken the spirit of struggle to the Palestinian people in facing their enemies at that time, namely the Jews and the British in 1934 regarding the policy of unrestricted Jewish immigration and buying land to establish a "Jewish National Home".

Abstract The signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s between Israel and the PLO has had significant implications for the Palestinian-Arab community in Israel. From a three-decade perspective it becomes clear that the debate on Oslo continues to resonate among the various political and ideological circles in Israel's Arab community. While the members of the Arab-Jewish current consider the Oslo period the Golden Era of Arab parties in Israeli politics, the Palestinian nationalists in the Arab community sharply criticize not only the outcome of the Oslo Accords but also the Palestinian leadership that endorsed them as well. The Islamists greeted the Oslo Accords with mixed reactions but over time began to criticize their outcome as well. This article sheds light on the evolving narratives of Oslo among the various ideological currents in Israel's Arab society from the early 1990s to the present.

ABSTRACT After the naksa, Palestinian poet Fadwa Tuqan composed her famous “I Shall Not Weep,” which she later included in her first resistance-themed collection: The Night and Knights. In this poem, Tuqan openly proclaims her intention to enter the male-dominated political arena and join the Palestinian poets of resistance. However, Tuqan's turn toward the nationalist cause did not come without a struggle. She had, for long, resisted this move as a performative denunciation of women's paradoxical location within the nationalist symbolic order. Focusing on The Night and Knights, this article traces the poetic representations of Tuqan's emerging attachment to the collective and investigates the meanings of her engagement with Palestinian nationalist discourse. I argue that while the construal of the gendered self in the collection illuminates the generative power that the Palestinian experience holds, it also reveals how Tuqan's location within various systems of power informs her strategies of representation and resistance.

Openings after the Last Sky