Palaeolithic Hunter-gatherers Research Articles

Dead wood gathering among Neanderthal groups: Charcoal evidence from Abric del Pastor and El Salt (Eastern Iberia)

We present here a new approach combining the microscopic characterization of fungal decay features and the fragmentation degree of the charcoal remains from Middle Palaeolithic combustion structures: features H4 and H11 from Abric del Pastor, unit IV (>75 ka BP) and features H50 and H57 from El Salt, unit Xb (ca. 52 ka BP), Eastern Iberia. The observation of wood degradation patterns that occurred prior to charring followed by their quantitative analysis according to previous experimental studies revealed differences between the alteration degrees of the firewood used in the hearths, highlighting the existence of firewood acquisition criteria based on dead wood gathering and also suggesting smoke-related functions. Coupled with fragmentation analyses, this method highlighted possible post-depositional processes affecting the higher degraded charcoals. These results lead us to propose a quantitative analysis of the fungal decay patterns on Middle Palaeolithic charcoal reinforcing the previous hypotheses about dead wood gathering among Neanderthal groups as an accessible and available resource in the surroundings. These data have significant implications for the interpretation of firewood use and management by Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers which was traditionally defined as an opportunistic activity according to the absence of selection criteria based on specific taxa.

De la géographie sociale en archéologie paléolithique : concepts et apports du Magdalénien des Pyrénées

Landscape archaeologies that pay attention to cultural importance of place have become increasingly common in recent years in many parts of the world. However, these approaches have largely failed to make inroads into Pleistocene European hunter-gatherer archaeology. This is partly due to a focus on economics, survival, and neo-liberal assumptions of “efficiency” in early modern human behavior. With evidence of lithic use drawn from cave sites, survey, and open-air excavation, I argue that Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers left clues to the importance of certain places in the landscape. Lithic tools in particular have been undervalued for their symbolic meaning, which goes well beyond style and ethnicity models. Raw material has been seen as evidence of mobility and trade, but possible cultural motives behind material choices have been downplayed or ignored.

Settlement behavior in the Kanto Plain during the Japanese Paleolithic based on lithic raw material procurement and consumption

This study examines settlement system changes before and during the Last Glacial Maximum in central Japan. Human mobility is estimated from raw material procurement to infer how Upper Paleolithic hunter–gatherers acquired necessary materials. Seventy-four sites are investigated with the methodological assumption that the lithic raw materials were obtained through an embedded strategy.Changes in settlement patterns through time are reconstructed in the following ways. First, around 30,000 14Cyrs BP, hunter–gatherer territories formed between high-quality lithic raw material sources approximately 200 km apart, constrained by the distribution of lithic raw material sources and the area's terrain and suggesting that their subsistence activities were also conducted in those prime areas. Second, during the Last Glacial Maximum, hunter–gatherers still acquired lithic raw materials from distant sources around 200 km apart, while the area of hunting activities using spear points decreased to an 80 km radius. As territories shrank, large manufacturing sites for making spear points appeared in the vicinity of high-quality raw material sources in this period.In sum, the embedded lithic procurement system in Japan during this period was largely changed by ecological deterioration. Patterns transitioned from general resource exploitation in the early period to seasonal movement between isolated resource-rich areas during the Last Glacial Maximum, resulting in significant change from the mobile hunter–gather society at the end of the Late Pleistocene to the sedentary society of the Holocene.

Fire Usage and Ancient Hominin Detoxification Genes: Protective Ancestral Variants Dominate While Additional Derived Risk Variants Appear in Modern Humans.

Studies of the defence capacity of ancient hominins against toxic substances may contribute importantly to the reconstruction of their niche, including their diets and use of fire. Fire usage implies frequent exposure to hazardous compounds from smoke and heated food, known to affect general health and fertility, probably resulting in genetic selection for improved detoxification. To investigate whether such genetic selection occurred, we investigated the alleles in Neanderthals, Denisovans and modern humans at gene polymorphisms well-known to be relevant from modern human epidemiological studies of habitual tobacco smoke exposure and mechanistic evidence. We compared these with the alleles in chimpanzees and gorillas. Neanderthal and Denisovan hominins predominantly possess gene variants conferring increased resistance to these toxic compounds. Surprisingly, we observed the same in chimpanzees and gorillas, implying that less efficient variants are derived and mainly evolved in modern humans. Less efficient variants are observable from the first early Upper Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers onwards. While not clarifying the deep history of fire use, our results highlight the long-term stability of the genes under consideration despite major changes in the hominin dietary niche. Specifically for detoxification gene variants characterised as deleterious by epidemiological studies, our results confirm the predominantly recent appearance reported for deleterious human gene variants, suggesting substantial impact of recent human population history, including pre-Holocene expansions.

Painting Altamira Cave? Shell tools for ochre-processing in the Upper Palaeolithic in northern Iberia

Much of our knowledge of the symbolic world of Upper Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers is based on the study of the graphic representations found in Western European caves. However, to date, few studies have been conducted on rock art apart from chronological and stylistic characterisation. Altamira Cave (northern Iberia) is characterised by an outstanding rock art ensemble, whose representations cover practically the whole Upper Palaeolithic. The site is equally important for the rich Upper Palaeolithic deposits in the cave entrance, which contain large shell assemblages. Traditionally, the presence of shells in hunter-fisher-gatherer settlements has been interpreted as part of the diet and/or the symbolic world (through the creation of ornaments) of these groups, regardless of their possible use as an instrument. In this paper we utilise use-wear methodology, chemical analysis and analytical experimentation to verify the initial hypothesis that shells in the archaeological deposits of Altamira were used to obtain the ochre powder utilised to produce the magnificent and diverse rock art ensemble in the cave. The results provide new information on the process of obtaining pigments for the realisation of paintings and confirm that the use of shells to obtain ochre was a systematic activity throughout the whole study period. Finally, our conclusions support the explanatory model that highlights the role played by marine resources for Upper Palaeolithic human populations.

Human responses to climate change on obsidian source exploitation during the Upper Paleolithic in the Central Highlands, central Japan

Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers intensively exploited obsidian sources 1200–2000 m a.s.l. in the Central Highlands, central Japan. Previous studies have suggested that the last glacial maximum (LGM) decreased human obsidian procurement in the source area because of its high altitude. However, the relationship between the impacts of the LGM and human responses in the source area based on convincing evidence from the paleoclimate, obsidian provenance data, and archaeology remains poorly understood. This study examines the correlations among pollen record datasets during the past 30,000 years from the Central Highlands 1400 m a.s.l.; more than 85,000 pieces of obsidian provenance data for the Chubu-Kanto region; and chronological sequences of Upper Paleolithic industries in the Central Highlands. Through synthetic analysis, we reconstruct historical changes in the human–environment interaction in the Central Highlands during the Upper Paleolithic. Our combined data shows the early LGM constraining the procurement activity at the sources; an increase in active human responses to the LGM cold phase; and changes in the land use of the source area in the terminal LGM triggered by the appearance of new lithic technology and the reorganization of mobility ranges. We find that human adaptations to the LGM conditions related to the natural resource exploitation around a latitude of 36°N were complex.

History and possible mechanisms of prehistoric human migration to the Tibetan Plateau

Abstract Prehistoric human history on the Tibetan Plateau is a hotly debated topic. Archaeological research on the plateau during the past few decades has enormously improved our understanding of the topic and makes it possible for us to consider the processes and mechanisms of prehistoric human migration to the region. By reviewing the published archaeological research on the Tibetan Plateau, we propose that the first people on the plateau initially spread into the He-Huang region from the Chinese Loess Plateau, and then moved to the low elevation Northeastern Tibetan Plateau and perhaps subsequently to the entire plateau. This process consisted of four stages. (1) During the climatic amelioration of the Last Deglacial period (15–11.6 ka BP), Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers with a developed microlithic technology first spread into the Northeastern Tibetan Plateau. (2) In the early-mid Holocene (11.6–6 ka BP), Epipaleolithic microlithic hunter-gatherers were widely distributed on the northeastern plateau and spread southwards to the interior plateau, possibly with millet agriculture developed in the neighboring low elevation regions. (3) In the mid-late Holocene (6–4 ka BP), Neolithic millet farmers spread into low elevation river valleys in the northeastern and southeastern plateau areas. (4) In the late Holocene (4–2.3 ka BP), Bronze Age barley and wheat farmers further settled on the high elevation regions of the Tibetan Plateau, especially after 3.6 ka BP. Finally, we suggest that all of the reported Paleolithic sites earlier than the LGM on the Tibetan Plateau need further examination.

Presence of vetches (Vicia spp.) in agricultural and wild floras of ancient Europe

Vetches (Vicia spp.) were part of the everyday diet of the modern human Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers at the end of the last Ice Age. Among the major criteria to determine the domestication in vetches and other ancient grain legumes are non-dehiscent pods, larger seed size and smooth seed coat. The seeds of bitter vetch [V. ervilia (L.) Willd.] were found among both the earliest findings of wild collected plants from Early Pre-Pottery Neolithic, from 12th millennium BC cal and the storages of domesticated crops of the Near East Neolithic. Vetches entered Europe in its south-east regions and progressed into its interior via Danube. Archaeological findings offer nice examples that confirm the importance vetches had in the primeval agriculture in Europe and its adjacent regions. Apart from the samples of cultivated vetches used either for food or feed or both, there is rich archaobotanical evidence on the wild and weedy vetch species in diverse European ecosystems. Recently the first known success has been obtained in the extraction of ancient DNA from charred bitter vetch seeds. The future research on this subject certainly must make a more detailed map of the paths of the vetch distribution over Europe and, especially, its long-term and essentially important ties with their domestication and distribution in Asia Minor, Near East and North Africa. The initiated research on the vetch ancient DNA should bring more light onto the individual steps of the earliest days of vetch crops. The preliminary historical linguistic analysis assessed two Proto-Indo-European roots associated with vetches, *erəg w (h)— denoting pea, and *weik— meaning to avoid, initially gave the Latin vincīre, meaning to bind, and then vicia, denoting vetches in general. This multidisciplinary approach will hopefully be a useful reminder how widespread and important vetches used to be, as well as a tool for their re-introduction as presently neglected crops into the contemporary European agriculture.

Osseous technology as a reflection of chronological, economic and sociological aspects of Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers: Examples from key Aurignacian and Gravettian sites in South-West Europe

Typological studies applied on the osseous industry developed slowly in France following the pioneering work of H. Camps-Fabrer and the technological renewal that F. Billamboz and D. Stordeur brought to this field in the 1970–1980s. This field has been thriving since the 2000s. Technology represents part of a systemic approach where each component of a technical system is analysed as to its purpose, its structure and its connection to other components of the socio-economic system. Nevertheless, technology is not an end in itself. Any technological observation must be considered in its sociological and palaeohistorical context in order to understand, not only the activities that took place during the occupation of a site, but more broadly to translate these data into “a realistic story of human behaviours”. That is why reducing osseous technology to analysis of technical stigmata alone oversimplifies the potentials of this approach. We will illustrate this topic using Aurignacian and Gravettian examples from a few key French and Spanish sites. By showing technical and conceptual differences in the manufacturing of osseous projectile points (e.g. split-based points) in assemblages usually considered homogeneous, we can infer the existence of different techno-typological traditions and discuss if they are – or not – representative of different cultural traditions. Various technical details such as splitting base preparation by scraping, are significant indicators allowing discussion of whether there was diffusion of ideas and/or human groups from one side of the Pyrenees to the other at the beginning of the Upper Palaeolithic.

Variability of Late Gravettian lithic industries in southern Poland: A case study of the Kraków Spadzista and Jaksice II sites

This article summarizes archaeological data obtained from two Late Gravettian assemblages discovered at Kraków Spadzista and Jaksice II sites. At the Kraków Spadzista site different tool types in each zone were discovered, what could be a reflection of the varied activities carried out on each part of the site. From the other hand at Jaksice cite a homogeneous lithic assemblage, with a predominance of the armatures was discovered. These two inventories differ fundamentally both in terms of the raw materials used, tool-making technologies, as well as the lithic typology and morphology. These dissimilarities could be observed not only between above mentioned sites, but also among other Late Gravettian localities known from Central Europe and they concern primarily retouched tool assemblages. This leads us to conclude that in this period we could observe a mosaic of dissimilar inventories, but – at least at the current stage of research – they do not define any group of sites either geographically or chronologically. Whether this is the reflection of cultural diversity or seasonally varied assemblages used by Palaeolithic hunter–gatherers we can not unriddle. We could only state that the problem is most complicated, and needs more detailed studies focused not only on the lithic artefacts, but also on faunal remains, chronology, and paleoenvironmental reconstruction. Only the correlation of all this data can bring us closer to solving the problem of the diversification of the Late Gravettian industries.

Dry Creek Revisited: New Excavations, Radiocarbon Dates, and Site Formation Inform on the Peopling of Eastern Beringia

The multicomponent Dry Creek site, located in the Nenana Valley, central Alaska, is arguably one of the most important archaeological sites in Beringia. Original work in the 1970s identified two separate cultural layers, called Components 1 and 2, thought to date to the terminal Pleistocene and suggesting that the site was visited by Upper Paleolithic huntergatherers between about 13,000 and 12,000 calendar years before present (cal B.P.). The oldest of these became the typeassemblage for the Nenana complex. Recently, some have questioned the geoarchaeological integrity of the site's early deposits, suggesting that the separated cultural layers resulted from natural postdepositional disturbances. In 2011, we revisited Dry Creek to independently assess the site's age and formation. Here we present our findings and reaffirm original interpretations of clear separation of two terminal Pleistocene cultural occupations. For the first time, we report direct radiocarbon dates on cultural features associated with both occupation zones, one dating to 13,485-13,305 and the other to 11,060-10,590 cal B.P.

Mammouth et comportements de subsistance à l’Épigravettien : analyse archéozoologique du secteur de la fosse no 7 associée à l’habitation no 1 de Mezhyrich (Ukraine)

Zooarchaeological analyses were carried on new large mammal bone materials, from the Epigravettian (Late Upper Palaeolithic) site Mezhyrich (Ukraine), in the pit no 7 area associated with the mammoth bone dwelling no 1. The results exhibit a usage of the pit as a dump area of food and technical remains from mainly mammoth, hare and fox processing, and bone fuels. The information about mammoth procurement by the last Palaeolithic hunter–gatherers in Eastern Europe allows to document the hunting activities on the mammoth populations, which were probably already weakened at the end of the Pleistocene.

Local vegetation dynamics and human habitation from the last interglacial to the early Holocene at Theopetra cave, central Greece: the evidence from wood charcoal analysis

This paper presents the results of wood charcoal analysis carried out on material from Theopetra cave in central Greece. The sequence dates from prior to 130–8 ka bp and is made up of layers of both anthropogenic and geogenic origins. The study of the wood charcoal samples from these layers sets out to distinguish changes in the local vegetation through time, to correlate these with broader environmental conditions and to discuss how they may relate to differences in the frequency and intensity of human occupation of the cave from shortly before the last interglacial to the Holocene. Changes in the presence and frequency of Prunus sp., Juniperus sp. as well as taxa needing temperate, thermophilous or riverine conditions in successive layers reflect a pattern of vegetation succession that can be correlated with the pollen and marine isotope stage (MIS) records. The earliest human occupation took place in an open park-woodland environment dominated by Prunus during the late MIS 6–6/5 transition. This was followed by a succession of temperate woodlands with deciduous Quercus, Carpinus and Fraxinus, reflecting the optimal conditions of the last interglacial (MIS 5e), followed by more open vegetation during subsequent cooling events. Middle Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers visited the cave repeatedly during the last interglacial, in contrast to more sporadic human presence during the following climatic deterioration. This was characterized by Juniperus dominated steppe and open vegetation and/or riparian woods, reflecting the harsh and unstable climatic conditions of the pleniglacial. Finally, the expansion of Pistacia and re-establishment of temperate woodland points to climatic amelioration during the Holocene from which there is evidence of regular use of the cave by Mesolithic and Neolithic people. The dominant role of Prunus observed in several periods provides important complementary information to the pollen evidence from the late Pleistocene.

Large-scale recent expansion of European patrilineages shown by population resequencing.

The proportion of Europeans descending from Neolithic farmers ∼10 thousand years ago (KYA) or Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers has been much debated. The male-specific region of the Y chromosome (MSY) has been widely applied to this question, but unbiased estimates of diversity and time depth have been lacking. Here we show that European patrilineages underwent a recent continent-wide expansion. Resequencing of 3.7 Mb of MSY DNA in 334 males, comprising 17 European and Middle Eastern populations, defines a phylogeny containing 5,996 single-nucleotide polymorphisms. Dating indicates that three major lineages (I1, R1a and R1b), accounting for 64% of our sample, have very recent coalescent times, ranging between 3.5 and 7.3 KYA. A continuous swathe of 13/17 populations share similar histories featuring a demographic expansion starting ∼2.1–4.2 KYA. Our results are compatible with ancient MSY DNA data, and contrast with data on mitochondrial DNA, indicating a widespread male-specific phenomenon that focuses interest on the social structure of Bronze Age Europe.

The demography of the Upper Palaeolithic hunter–gatherers of Southwestern France: A multi-proxy approach using archaeological data

Demographic change is increasingly cited as an explanation for many of the patterns seen in the Palaeolithic archaeological record, following the assumption of a relationship between population size and material culture espoused by dual inheritance theory. However, the empirical testing of this relationship relies on the ability to extract information about past population patterns from the archaeological record. Using the extensive and well-studied record of the Upper Palaeolithic (∼39,500–11,500calBP) hunter–gatherers of Southwestern France as a case-study, this paper compares the evidence for changes in relative population size as seen in three popular archaeological proxies for demographic change (site counts, site sizes, and occupation intensity estimates). These proxies present conflicting results across the sequence; a finding which is explored through the impact of taphonomic biases and past research agendas. Numbers of sheltered sites and quantities of retouched stone tools are suggested to be the most reliable demographic proxies. The problem of equifinality of interpretation in archaeological proxies for demography is examined for the Aurignacian and Gravettian periods in the region, with changes in lithic raw material, faunal acquisition strategies, and hunter–gatherer mobility all potentially contributing to the patterns documented.

Paleolithic hunter-gatherers’ dietary patterns: Implications and consequences

The human diet has passed through several revolutionary changes since the introduction of agriculture, which has led to substantial modifications in individuals’ nutrition behavior. Overwhelming evidence supporting that diet is a key environmental risk factor affecting the now rampant incidence of the diseases of affluence such as obesity, type 2 diabetes mellitus, cardiovascular diseases, and certain types of cancer. Findings on the health implications of low carbohydrate-high protein diet are inconsistent and controversial. Unlike modern humans, it was argued that the eating patterns of the Paleolithic hunter-gatherers could have beneficial effects on human health by reducing diet-induced chronic lifestyle diseases. Hence, the objective of this review was to outline the main aspects of Paleolithic hunter-gatherers’ dietary patterns and its main long-term health consequences. Paleolithic diet is based on the assumption that our hunter-gatherer ancestors were nourished on low carbohydrate-high protein diet. Yet, the majority of literature on Paleolithic diet is anecdotal and reflects two opposite viewpoints. First, advocates and proponents argued that human’s genome could have been modified a little since the early stages of agriculture. Thus, genetically, humans remain Stone Agers adapted for a Paleolithic dietary regimen. As such, consuming a diet similar to that consumed during the Paleolithic era would be more compatible with our genetic makeup and might reduce the occurrence of diet-related lifestyle diseases. Second, critics asserted that the Paleolithic dietary recommendations and restrictions are not evidence-based. Adherents of Paleolithic nutrition claimed that modern populations who maintained Paleolithic lifestyle are totally free of the diseases of affluence. Nonetheless, information about the Paleolithic diet have been drawn from studies of surviving hunter-gatherer populations, archeological records, and analysis of wild plants and animals plus other methods. Recommendations of the Paleolithic nutrition are not based on interventional studies, thus the adoption of which could have negative health consequences. Hence, before adopting low carbohydrate-high protein diet, it seems logical to undertake a well designed population-based longitudinal studies to evaluate the long-term health consequences of the Paleolithic nutrition.

Upper Palaeolithic population histories of Southwestern France: a comparison of the demographic signatures of 14C date distributions and archaeological site counts

Radiocarbon date frequency distributions and archaeological site counts are two popular proxies used to investigate prehistoric demography, following the assumption that variations in these data reflect fluctuations in the relative size and distribution of past populations. However, the two approaches are rarely applied to the same data-set and their applicability is heavily conditioned by the archaeological record in question, particularly research histories, agendas, and funding availability. In this paper we use both types of data to examine the population history of the Upper Palaeolithic hunter–gatherers (∼40 000–12 000 cal BP) of Southwestern France, comparing the demographic signatures generated.Both proxies produce similar signatures across the Upper Palaeolithic sequence of the region, strengthening the interpretation of relative demographic changes as the cause of the pattern. In particular, a marked population decline is seen in both datasets during the Late Gravettian (∼28 000 cal BP), as well as a population increase in the Late Solutrean (∼25 000 cal BP) supporting the notion that the region acted as a population refugium during the Last Glacial Maximum. Where the two proxies diverge in the demographic signatures they produce, the radiocarbon date distribution shows peaks compared to troughs in site counts; the opposite pattern expected given taphonomic issues surrounding cultural carbon. Despite differences in chronological resolution and sampling bias, our data suggest that the two proxies can be considered broadly equivalent; a finding which warrants the investigation of prehistoric demography in regions where either extensive survey data or radiometric dating programmes are unavailable. While some preliminary observations are made, the impact of changing mobility on diachronic patterns seen in both proxies remains, however, difficult to assess.

Social Landscapes of the Late Palaeolithic: Marking Meaning in the Magdalenian

Landscape archaeologies that pay attention to cultural importance of place have become increasingly common in recent years in many parts of the world. However, these approaches have largely failed to make inroads into Pleistocene European hunter–gatherer archaeology. This is partly due to a focus on economics, survival, and neo-liberal assumptions of ‘efficiency’ in early modern human behaviour. With evidence of lithic use drawn from cave sites, survey, and open-air excavation, I argue that Upper Paleolithic hunter–gatherers left clues to the importance of certain places in the landscape. Lithic tools in particular have been undervalued for their symbolic meaning, which goes well beyond style and ethnicity models. Raw material has been seen as evidence of mobility and trade, but possible cultural motives behind material choices have been downplayed or ignored.

Sourcing geochemically identical obsidian: multiscalar magnetic variations in the Gutansar volcanic complex and implications for Palaeolithic research in Armenia

In obsidian-rich Armenia, one of the most archaeologically significant obsidian resources is the Gutansar volcanic complex (GVC). Numerous Palaeolithic sites across Armenia consist of little more than deposits of obsidian tools and debris, and within the Hrazdan Gorge, the vast majority of artifacts is crafted from GVC obsidian. For example, about 93% of the lithic assemblages from the Lower Palaeolithic site of Nor Geghi 1 and the Middle Palaeolithic site of Lusakert Cave 1 are GVC obsidian. Although erupted from multiple volcanic centers, GVC obsidians are geochemically identical and cover an area more than 70 km2. For studies seeking to reconstruct movements of Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers throughout the local landscape, the expansive GVC is problematic: geochemically identical obsidians dominate the foraging territories of sites within and near the complex. Here we explore the potential of obsidian magnetic properties to reveal hitherto unobservable patterns in GVC obsidian utilization with the ultimate goal of elucidating Palaeolithic behavioral patterns. Our results show that magnetic properties vary over multiple scales within the GVC, allowing obsidian sourcing to become multiscalar. These measurements are rapid, inexpensive, and entirely nondestructive for small artifacts. Measuring a few basic magnetic properties enables us to distinguish geochemically identical obsidians from three eruptive centers and potentially to attribute artifacts to specific quarrying sites, recognize changes in provisioning strategy, and estimate a minimum number of cores represented by a lithic scatter.

Macronutrient contributions of insects to the diets of hunter–gatherers: A geometric analysis

We present a geometric model for examining the macronutrient contributions of insects in the diets of pre-agricultural humans, and relate the findings to some contemporary societies that regularly eat insects. The model integrates published data on the macronutrient composition of insects and other foods in the diets of humans, recommended human macronutrient intakes, and estimated macronutrient intakes to examine the assumption that insects provided to pre-agricultural humans an invertebrate equivalent of vertebrate-derived meats, serving primarily as a source of protein. Our analysis suggests that insects vary more widely in their macronutrient content than is likely to be the case for most wild vertebrate meats, spanning a broad range of protein, fat and carbohydrate concentrations. Potentially, therefore, in terms of their proportional macronutrient composition, insects could serve as equivalents not only of wild meat, but of a range of other foods including some shellfish, nuts, pulses, vegetables and even fruits. Furthermore, humans might systematically manipulate the composition of edible insects to meet specific needs through pre-ingestive processing, such as cooking and selective removal of body parts. We present data suggesting that in modern societies for which protein is the more limiting macronutrient, pre-ingestive processing of edible insects might serve to concentrate protein. It is likely, however, that the dietary significance of insects was different for Paleolithic hunter–gatherers who were more limited in non-protein energy. Our conclusions are constrained by available data, but highlight the need for further studies, and suggest that our model provides an integrative framework for conceiving these studies.