Overt Hostility Research Articles

Moving To The ‘Big‘ House: Power And Accommodation In Inter-Generational Farming Families

Relationship management is an on-going concern for members of farming families. This paper examines the dynamics of one of the most important, but under-researched, relationships on a farm; between mother and daughter-in-law. I argue that this relationship operates as a conduit for tensions, enabling conflict to be channelled away from the farm itself into a relationship governed by the designated ‘kinkeepers’ and relationship managers of the farm. This relationship uses discourse surrounding the ‘big house’ – accommodation arrangements on the farm – as a mechanism for preventing overt hostility between family members and maintaining the integrity of the family unit.

Democracy's Promise and the Politics of Worldliness in the Age of Terror

In his article, "Democracy's Promise and the Politics of Worldliness in the Age of Terror," Henry A. Giroux draws attention to how the crisis in US-American democracy has been heralded and exacerbated by the nation's increasing skepticism -- or even overt hostility -- toward the educational system. Part of such a challenge means that educators, artists, students, and others need to rethink and affirm the important presupposition that higher education is integral to fostering the imperatives of an inclusive democracy and that the crisis of higher education must be understood as part of the wider crisis of politics, power, and culture. In an effort to rescue the possibility of political engagement and to emphasize the civic role of academia, Giroux examines the work of two major public intellectuals: Jacques Derrida and Edward Said. Giroux then connects Derrida's project of addressing the promise of democracy to Said's notion of worldliness. Focusing on Said's linkage of worldliness and wakefulness, Giroux argues that at the heart of opposing the new authoritarianism is making pedagogy and education central to the political tasks of reclaiming public space, rekindling the importance of public connectedness, and infusing civic life with the importance of a democratic worldly vision.

Slurs, Snubs, and Queer Jokes: Incidence and Impact of Heterosexist Harassment in Academia

Previous research has suggested that overt hostility against sexual minorities is associated with decrements in their well-being. However, subtler forms of heterosexism and their potential effects have been overlooked, heterosexuals have not been asked how they fare in a heterosexist environment, and no research has examined whether women and men might respond differently to heterosexism. Data from 3,128 northwestern US university students (representing all sexual orientations) address these gaps. Approximately 40% reported experiences of heterosexist harassment (HH) in the past year, and those who encountered both ambient and personal HH reported worse psychological and academic well-being than those who encountered no HH. Similar patterns of findings held for sexual minorities and heterosexuals, and for women and men.

"The Least Innocent of All Innocent-Sounding Lines": The Legacy of Donaldson's Troilus Criticism

“The Least Innocent of all Innocent-Sounding Lines”:The Legacy of Donaldson’s Troilus Criticism Gretchen Mieszkowski There can be no question about the impact of E. Talbot Donaldson's Troilus and Criseyde criticism during its own time. In the 1960s, when his deliciously witty papers appeared on MLA programs, audiences spilled out the doors. He was one of the two most famous and influential American Chaucerians of his era. But it has been nearly half a century since 1958, when Donaldson first published his most important ideas about Troilus and Criseyde in Chaucer's Poetry.1 The British are fond of saying that Americans reinvent literary criticism every decade. Semiotics, poststructuralism, deconstruction, new historicism, feminism, gender studies, discourse studies, and cultural studies; we are now four-and-a-half turns and overturns of critical conception since the heyday of Talbot Donaldson's Troilus criticism. In the 1950s and '60s, New Criticism ruled the seminar rooms of the Yale Hall of Graduate Studies in the persons of some of its greatest practitioners: Cleanth Brooks, Maynard Mack, Louis Martz, W. K. Wimsatt, Jr., and E. Talbot Donaldson. To the New Critics, works of literature were self-sustaining, self-contained, autonomous aesthetic wholes. New Critics wasted little time on a writer's biography2 and no time at all on situating a work in the gender, race, and class issues of its period. Their goal was to uncover the work's wholeness through close readings—analyses of imagery, diction, ironies, paradoxes, ambiguities, and literary conventions. As far as I know, Donaldson never wrote or lectured on the theory of what he did, but it was this critical conception that underlay his work. What mattered was the text alone. His exams often consisted exclusively of passages of text. He was even known to remark that only Middle English stood in the way of a student's understanding Chaucer's poetry; if you could master the language, the poetry was yours. In the 1958 preface to Chaucer's Poetry, Donaldson identifies Chaucer's language as the "principal hindrance to a full enjoyment of Chaucer" [End Page 299] and claims that the "apparent strangeness of his ideas is largely the result of readers' discomfort with his language." Chaucer, he writes, "is a great poet whose poetry is as valid and as exciting today as it was in the fourteenth century; to the student of literature, indeed, it is far more important than the fourteenth century."3 Donaldson was an immensely learned man. An unlearned editor of William Langland would be like an opera diva who could not carry a tune. But Donaldson wore his learning ever so lightly and, in a passage like this one, inching up as it does on overt hostility to historical scholarship, he came close to denying that learning was needed to read Chaucer's poetry. Donaldson's purpose was never to access the fourteenth century via Chaucer's works; it was always and nearly exclusively to experience Chaucer's poetry. An Americanist colleague of mine shares poems with me from time to time: Derek Walcott, Emily Dickinson, Billy Collins—whomever he is currently enjoying. One day he recalled the heady experience of coming to understand how poetry works, of actually "reading" a poem for the first time. And then he mused, "You know, New Criticism empowered readers." E. Talbot Donaldson empowered readers: Judith Anderson, Mary Carruthers, William R. Crawford, Stanley Fish, Denton Fox, Anne Fuller, Marjorie Garber, Elizabeth Kirk, Roger Lass, Eleanor Leach, Jeannette Lutton, Rita Madsen, Gretchen Mieszkowski, William Miller, Alice Miskimin, Lee Patterson, Sylvia Peterson, Norma Phillips, Elizabeth Reedy, Carolynn Van Dyke, Joan Whitehead, Clem Cary Williams, William S. Wilson, and many, many others. We turned into new historicists, reader-response theorists, gender critics, feminists, analysts of cultural studies, deconstructionists, and novelists. Many of us adopted critical stances directly opposed to Donaldson's, but we went our varied ways empowered by New Critical conceptions of how to read a poem, and empowered by him. If contemporary criticism has turned its collective back on New Criticism, then has it also turned its back on the work of this foremost of the medievalist New Critics? Have we left Donaldson far...

Addressing the public about science and religion

Addressing the public about science and religion

Russian Roulette

Leonid Smirnov lives with his wife Natasha in the Moscow suburb of Podolsk where he once worked as a foreman at the Luch Scientific Production Association. Throughout the Cold War, the Luch site was used by the Soviets as a research and development facility for nuclear reactors. On the nondescript campus, Smirnov was tasked with measuring and dispensing highly enriched uranium (HEU)-the seed material for nuclear weapons-to the teams of researchers exploring massive space-based power generation capabilities for orbiting military satellites.' For decades, life as an employee of the massive Soviet nuclear infrastructure was generally one of great privilege, but by 1992, the first year after the collapse of the Soviet Union, life for this once sacrosanct community of scientists, engineers, and technicians was irrevocably altered. Tens of thousands lost their jobs or went months without a paycheque. Even the brightest scientists and engineers were forced to seek work where they could get it-whether driving taxi cabs or selling their nefarious talents to foreign governments.2 Inflation was rampant. The decontrol of most prices in January of 1992 prompted an average price increase of 245 percent in that month alone, and by the end of that year, retail prices had increased by 2520 percent. The cost of consumer goods became, for many, untenable. In 1990, a loaf of bread cost 0.14 roubles; a year later, the price had jumped to 1.40 roubles. By 1992, the price had soared to seven roubles. For the average Russian worker providing for his or her family, price increases of up to 5000 percent on basic goods at best meant financial ruin.3Faced with these dire economic conditions, and knowing that the scales at the Luch plant were not sophisticated enough to detect minute deviations from previously recorded weights, each day Smirnov began filling vials with small quantities of HEU and smuggling the material out of the facility. As plant accounting records continued to show no changes at all to the overall stockpile of bomb-grade HEU, Smirnov ultimately succeeded in squirreling away 70 grams of material without detection-enough to give a would-be terrorist a head start toward building a crude nuclear weapon.4SUPPLY AND DEMANDIn December 1991, the hammer and sickle, the symbol of Soviet dominion, was lowered from atop the Kremlin for the last time. As the world celebrated the end of the Cold War, a less palpable but no less sinister threat emerged in place of overt hostilities. This heretofore unimagined international security challenge was based not upon Soviet strength, but upon Russian weakness. For 40 years, the Soviet Union safely operated many tens of thousands of nuclear weapons, experimented with hundreds of deadly pathogenic cocktails, and stockpiled tons of chemical munitions. Management of this massive weapons complex occurred within the context of a dosed society with redundant security measures that prevented incursion of the complex by the outside world. The omnipresence of the KGB and the threat of harsh penalties made clandestine behaviour among insiders unlikely.But by the early 1990s, Russia and its former Soviet neighbours were left to deal with the legacy of a massive nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons program with a vastly diminished resource base. As the Russian economy crashed, the temptation to surreptitiously divert materials from within for profit, as exemplified by Smirnov, led to new fears of an incipient nuclear, biological, and chemical black market in the former Soviet Union (FSU). From hundreds of excess strategic and tactical nuclear warheads and dozens of decaying nuclear submarines, to radioactive lakes and tens of thousands of unemployed nuclear and biological weapons scientists, the strain placed upon the fragile new governments of the FSU by virtue of their nuclear inheritance alone was overwhelming. Security measures designed to keep foreigners out were now inadequate as knowledge, materials, and weapons became instantly marketable products to terrorists and terrorist states. …

“GET OFF YOUR KNEES”

This article examines perceptions of British-Muslims deployed by “print media public intellectuals” (PMPI). It argues that PMPI embody a particular type of “mediatized intellectual” whose public discourse on Muslims is crucial in determining how issues emerging from the politics of multiculturalism are understood. Adopting a “theory of argumentation” (Richardson, 2001) derived from a critical discourse analysis methodology (CDA), it investigates the political content of messages disseminated by (1) conservative nationalist and (2) secular liberal PMPI through their newspaper opinion columns. The findings suggest that PMPI argumentation ranges from an overt hostility to a qualified discrimination (the former through exclusive accounts of belonging and the latter through a combative/civilising liberalism), and that—moreover—there is a convergence between these two positions in their anti-Muslim sentiment and desire to regulate the lives of ethnic Others (Hage, 1998). There are four parts to this article: the first part outlines what a public intellectual is and where PMPI stand in relation to this; the second part discusses some Muslim attempts to elicit forms of recognition from the state under a rubric of multiculturalism; the third part outlines the chosen CDA schema of analyses and PMPI output; and the fourth part concludes by encouraging us to recognise and examine further the importance of PMPI argumentation in public discourse.

Hostility and Personality Disorder

The role of hostility in personality disorder (Pd) traits was explored using the Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory. Stepwise multiple regression analyses were conducted to ascertain the relative contributions of the eight hostility scales. The criterion variables were the personality disorder scales of the Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory. The participants were 158 first year male and female university students. The results show that Resentment (covert hostility) explains large proportions of variances in borderline, avoidant, schizotypal, passive-aggressive, obsessive-compulsive, and schizoid disorder traits. Verbal hostility (overt hostility) is associated with antisocial, histrionic, and narcissistic Pd traits. Suspiciousness contributes relatively large variances in paranoid disorder traits, whereas guilt is the dominant aspect of dependent Pd traits. The results are explained with reference to the agreeableness versus antagonism facets of the Five-Factor model of personality and Beck's schema construct.

Electronic and Computer Music (review)

Electronic and Computer Music. By Peter Manning. Revised and expanded ed. York: Oxford University Press, 2004. [x, 474 p. ISBN 0-19-517085-7. $35.00.] Bibliography, illustrations, discography, index, photos. No other genre of music has experienced such expansion, in terms of both mechanics and craft, as electroacoustic music has in its approximately 100 year history, a history as much about developing technology as it is about music itself. As director of electroacoustic music studio at University of Durham, Peter Manning has background and experience that enables him to provide a thoughtful and thorough account of electroacoustic music, an umbrella term he uses to describe electronic and computer music because it does not attempt to partition medium in terms of techniques by which sound material is generated, processed, and organized. Instead, it focuses attention on very special nature of acoustic results, taking account of fact that these will always be reproduced via loudspeakers or headphones (p. 403). intent of Electronic and Computer Music is not only to provide a chronology of genre, but also to impart technical foundations that magnify of each development in its history; a particularly important aspect, considering nearly one half of this revised and expanded book is new material dedicated to digital audio and its related elements. Admittedly, book does become heavily laden with technical jargon at times for casual reader, but it is clearly necessary in order to fully appreciate innovations that contributed to evolution of modern music synthesis and digital audio techniques. book is divided into eight sections: (1) Developments from 1945-1960; (2) New Horizons in Electronic Design; (3) The Electronic Repertory from 1960; (4) The Revolution to 1980; (5) Digital Audio; (6) MIDI; (7) Desktop Synthesis and Signal Processing, and (8) The Expanding Perspective. Manning precedes first chapter with background information on activities and developments from turn of century to 1945, describing some initial attempts at electronic sound generation, including such exotica as Dynamophone (measuring in at 60 feet and 200 tons) and Givelet (a precursor to Hammond Organ), as well as more familiar and established ondes martenot and theremin. He also explores influence of Italian Futurist movement in poetry on evolving compositional techniques during first decade of twentieth century, an influence that bolstered an assertive call for incorporation of new instruments, larger tonal palettes, and liberal extension of compositional strategies as a whole. This highly experimental period also marked emergence of optical and magnetic recording, as well as introduction of commercial 78 rpm records. French and German musical aesthetics have had a long history of fundamental differences with regard to their respective tenets. With musique concrete of Pierre Schaeffer's Radiodiffusion Television Francaise in Paris, and elektronische Musik of Werner Meyer-Eppler's Norwestdeutscher Rundfunk in Cologne, quarrels and disputes were a regular course of action for these two major forces in electronic music. differences were, however, kept at a professional level, as Manning explains it: Intense disagreements developed between studios and these were aired in public on a number of occasions, notably at summer European festivals of contemporary music that were then approaching their zenith in terms of their international significance (p. 19). He clarifies that the reasons for this overt hostility were not merely a matter of patriotism, although understandably this factor played a part. They lay more fundamentally in marked differences of outlook as regards acceptable practices of electronic composition (pp. 19-20). section 2 concentrates on these two camps, as well as Milan school, founded in 1955 by Luciano Berio and Bruno Maderna, and developments in America, represented in work of Morton Feldman, Earle Brown, John Cage, and others, along with Milton Babbitt and seminal developments he made with punched tape control system of RCA synthesizer at Columbia-Princeton Electronic Music Center. …

Understanding Cyberhate

This study investigated the self-enhancement strategies used by online White supremacist groups. In accordance with social identity theory, we proposed that White supremacist groups, in perceiving themselves as members of a high-status, impermeable group under threat from out-groups, should advocate more social conflict than social creativity strategies. We also expected levels of advocated violence to be lower than levels of social conflict and social creativity due to legal constraints on content. As expected, an analysis of 43 White supremacist web sites revealed that levels of social creativity and social conflict were significantly greater than were levels of advocated violence. However, contrary to predictions, the web sites exhibited social creativity to a greater extent than they exhibited social conflict. The difference between social creativity and social competition strategieswas not moderated by identifiability. Results are discussed with reference to legal impediments to overt hostility in online groups and the purpose of socially creative communication.

Austria and France: Introduction

Austria and France Introduction ROBERT VILAIN Relations between Austria and France have been characterized by enduring political antipathy, not to say overt hostility, and by profound respect, even empathy, in the cultural sphere ? and sometimes by all of these at once. Whilst this is no doubt true to some extent of every relationship between great nations and cultures, the paradoxes are particularly striking in this instance. It has been observed that ? quite apart from earlier conflicts such as the Thirty Years' War ? France and Austria have been at war no less than nine times between 1715 and 1918, and came to the brink of conflict several more times between the 1720s and 1848.1 Yet periods as disparate as the reign of Maria Theresia and the flowering of Viennese Modernism around 1900 were decisively marked by the influence of France. The development of French music in the nineteenth century is unthinkable without the models of Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven. However, as is perhaps evident even from this choice of examples, the fact that there has long been a reciprocity of interest on many different levels between Austria and France does not necessarily mean that such interest and awareness have been evenly balanced. For better or forworse, a knowledge ofAustria and her history, literature and culture isnot a sine qua non for the educated French citizen in the way that a familiarity with France and things French has been part and parcel of the cultural awareness of an educated Austrian. Research conducted in 1999 on Austria's image in France suggests a positive, even appreciative awareness on the part of the French public, although the image that has been received is a relatively superficial, picture-postcard one.2 The most successful Austrian cultural 'exports' have probably been in the field of music, a traffic that has not been so marked in the 1 The dates of the wars are listed in Paul W. Schroeder, Pointless Enduring Rivalry. France and the Habsburg Monarchy, 1715-1918', in Great Power Rivalries, ed. byWilliam R. Thompson (Columbia, SC, 1999), pp. 60-79 (P- 62): 1733-35, 1741-48, 1792-97, 1799-1801, 1805, 1809, 1813-14, 1815, 1859, 1914-18; during the war of 1939-45, Austria did not, of course, exist as a separate political entity. 2 See Silke D?rnberger, Entwicklung und Status quo franz?sisch-?sterreichischer Kultur transfers im literarhistorischen Kontext. Eine europ?ische Zweierbeziehung, Europ?ische Hoch schulschriften, Series 13: Franz?sische Sprache und Literatur 265 (Frankfurt a. M., 2002), p. 7. 2 Introduction opposite direction (with the exception of Jacques Offenbach, perhaps). There is, of course, a substantial body of work studying the relationship of the two countries, from the very earliest periods to the present day,3 and the present Introduction is no more than a sketch of some of the most striking cultural features of that relationship. Contacts between Austria and France date back to the Middle Ages, when French pilgrims crossed Austria or sailed down the Danube towards the Holy Land. A cluster of dynastic liaisons was inaugurated with the marriage of Rudolf of Habsburg to Isabella of Burgundy in 1284; Rudolfs grandson, Rudolf HI, married the sister of Philippe IV. In 1477 the daughter of Charles le T?m?raire, Maria of Burgundy, married Archduke Maximilian, later Holy Roman Emperor. And yet it was the extension of just such dense dynastic interconnections, making a powerful union of Austria, Bohemia and Hungary, that lay at the root of the centuries-long political antagonism that characterized the relationship of France and Austria.4 The occupation of the Spanish throne by a Habsburg presented a threat to France that did not end until the accession of the Duc d'Anjou as Philip V, confirmed by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. During this period political relations were more often hostile than cooperative. Between 1494 and 1715 the Spanish and Austrian Hapsburgs and the Valois and Bourbon kings of France fought repeatedly in great, exhausting wars [...]. Both were bidding for European hegemony [...]. Each posed a direct, massive security threat to the other [...]. Almost every kind of stake was involved? particular territories (the Low Countries, the borderlands of modern eastern France...

Sociology and the Second Darwinian Revolution: A Metatheoretical Analysis

Sociologists tend to eschew biological explanations of human social behavior. Accordingly, when evolutionary biologists began to apply neo-Darwinian theory to the study of human social behavior, the reactions of sociologists typically ranged from indifference to overt hostility. Since the mid-1960s, however, neo-Darwinian evolutionary theory has stimulated a “second Darwinian revolution” in traditional social scientific conceptions of human nature and social behavior, even while most sociologists remain largely uninformed about neo-Darwinian theory and research. This article traces sociology's long-standing isolation from the life sciences, especially evolutionary biology, to divergence in the metatheoretical assumptions that typify conventional sociological thought versus contemporary evolutionary biology. We conclude with a discussion of the recent emergence of a nascent “evolutionary sociology” that integrates sociobiological reasoning with contemporary sociological thought.

Relationships of American jews with Israel: What we know and what we need to know

WHAT WE KNOW Distancing from Israel: The Evidence In May 1967, millions of American Jews were transfixed by events unfolding in the Middle East. Israel stood on the brink of war, threatened by Arab armies on all its borders. The drama was also being played out in the United Nations, punctuated by the memorable eloquence of Israel's ambassador, Abba Eban, as well as in the corridors of power in Washington, where Israel's representatives sought American diplomatic and material support. To many American Jews, the threat to Israel's very existence, the possibility that millions of Jews might perish, and the seeming indifference (or overt hostility) of the world's major powers aroused painful memories. It had been only twenty-two years earlier that the few survivors of the Holocaust were liberated from the concentration camps and the full horror and tragedy of the Nazi atrocities were revealed.

HINDUTVA, RELIGIOUS AND ETHNOCULTURAL MINORITIES, AND INDIAN-CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY

In India the term “minorities” refers to religious communities present in much smaller numbers than Hindus—Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, Jains, Sikhs, and Parsis/Zoroastrians. According to a 1991 census of India, out of the total Indian population of 846 million, there are 687.6 million Hindus of various sects, 101.6 million Muslims, 19.6 million Christians, 6.3 million Buddhists, 3.3 million Jains and 3.1 million adherents of other traditions. Christians are thus less than 3 percent of the total population whereas Hindus number about 83 percent. “Minorities” may also allude to those communities that have traditionally been kept outside the Hindu-based caste system—Dalits and Adivasis (or Tribals). Dalits number between 180 and 200 million and Adivasis number between 85 and 90 million in a population that has now crossed the one billion mark. While they are now included into the general category of Hinduism, these groups have been treated with overt hostility and repression, and have been the target of concerted and calculated attacks from the majority community. Christianity is also targeted violently and systematically in contemporary India, especially Christians who have been identified as Dalits and Adivasis. An analysis of the ideology and agenda of Hindu nationalism in an historical perspective will reveal the way in which the Dalits and Adivasis are perceived to present a threat to the fulfilment of this nationalist agenda. The Hinduization of India manifests itself with a propensity to eradicate all forms of variant plurality.

Charlotte Brontë and Roman Catholicism

The common perception of Charlotte Brontë's attitude to Roman Catholicism as one of suspicion and distrust, if not straightforward hostility, is superficial and reductive. The atmosphere of the Brontë household was in that respect one of tolerant indifference rather than outspoken criticism, and references in the juvenilia make Roman Catholicism seem exotic rather than dangerous. It was only the experience of her time in Belgium, reflected in The Professor and Villette, that helped Charlotte Brontë to develop a mature response to Roman Catholicism — one in which her overt hostility hides a sense of interest, attraction, and sometimes even fascination with things Catholic.

Rethinking the Concept of Racial or Ethnic Conflict in Schools: A leadership perspective

Racial or ethnic conflict is often conceptualized as overt hostility such as fighting or name calling between groups defined as black, white, Asian, etc. In a study of school leaders who worked proactively to improve race/ethnic relations, the authors found that leaders' understandings of racial/ethnic conflict were far more complex, including an awareness of root causes or precursors of overt conflict as well as recognition of the many dimensions of student identity. Leaders who viewed conflict in these complex ways were able to develop proactive, rather than only reactive, approaches to addressing conflict and building positive interethnic relations.

Marfa Boretskaia, Posadnitsa of Novgorod: A Reconsideration of Her Legend and Her Life

Long before Moscow's annexation of Novgorod in 1478, relations between the two principalities had been troubled. Novgorod had repeatedly defied successive Moscow princes, disrupting trade, defaulting on tax and rent payments, and refusing to accept the jurisdiction of Muscovite legal authorities. By the middle of the fifteenth century, chronic disputes intensified into overt hostilities. Moscow conducted three military campaigns against Novgorod in 1456, 1471, and finally 1478. The last campaign was followed by the introduction of Muscovite governors into Novgorod, the wholesale eviction and resettlement of the local land-owning elite, as well as other measures undertaken to consolidate Muscovy's authority.

Teaching about Race and Ethnicity: Trying to Uncover White Privilege for a White Audience

wonder how to teach race and ethnicity to white students. Davis (1992) identified three classroom responses to teaching about inequality-resistance, paralysis, and rage. Resistance can emerge from a class filled with students raised in a homogeneous community. Classes dominated by resistors often deny inequality or are defensive about its existence. Classes also become paralyzed and overwhelmed by the intractability of stratification systems and don't want to talk about inequality anymore (Davis 1992:235). Other students have experienced inequality, and classes on stratification can provide an avenue for anger. Davis describes several dangers within this class reaction, including scapegoating and reductionist thinking. She also cites rage as a powerful motivator for students. It is particularly difficult to teach many white students about privileges and advantages of their membership in a dominant cultural group. Once white students recognize their advantages, they have to acknowledge that institutionalized inequality not only exists, but favors them. Their resistance ranges from overt hostility to a wall of silence (Cohen 1995). Many white students see inequality as a black or Latino issue. Other students think that, because they are white, they have nothing to add to discussions. Finally, many raceand ethnicitybased privileges are invisible to and taken for granted by most whites and even some people of color. It is problematic for white students to see whiteness as a norm and the natural, inevitable, ordinary way of being human (Dyer 1988:44). I have taught at three universities and have often encountered courses

A house of notoriety: an episode in the campaign for the consulate in 64 b.c.

Near the beginning of In Toga Candida, Cicero informed his audience of a private meeting between his two most serious competitors for the consulate and the managers of their campaigning funds. This meeting took place at the house of a nobleman whom Cicero did not name but to whom he attributed a signal notoriety in the practice of electoral corruption. Asconius offers a solution without hesitation: it was at the house of either Caesar or Crassus. He explains his choice: these two men were Cicero's most committed and influential opponents in his campaign for the consulate, and he has excellent evidence for their opposition: Cicero's own Expositio consiliorum suorum, no longer extant. The credibility or otherwise of this controversial work must be dismissed from any enquiry into the identity of the mysterious figure, however. Asconius, in naming the two alternative possibilities, discloses himself to be without authoritative evidence on the point. Nothing can have been said in De consiliis suis to identify the house, the meeting, or the notorious nobleman. Asconius' words reveal that his attempt at an identification is based on Cicero's assertion therein of an overt hostility to him on the part of both Crassus and Caesar during the campaign. His attribution of a covert ‘dirty tricks’ operation to one of them is no more than speculation.

Reconciling the Celt: British National Identity, Empire, and the 1911 Investiture of the Prince of Wales

With the notable exception of Scotland, Queen Victoria was never very enthusiastic about her kingdoms of the “Celtic fringe.” During the sixty-four years of her reign, Victoria spent a healthy seven years in Scotland, a mere seven weeks in Ireland, and a paltry seven nights in Wales. Although there was little overt hostility, the nonconformist Welsh often felt neglected by the monarch and embittered by the queen's position as the head of the Church of England. Her Irish visits, however, were subject to more open opposition by stalwart republicans. Her visit to Dublin in 1900 was accompanied by embarrassing incidents and coercive measures to ensure the pleasant reception and safety of the monarch.The reign of King Edward VII was notable for its warmer attitude toward Wales and Ireland, but this transformation in the relationship between the monarchy and the nations of the “Celtic fringe” reached its most clear expression with the 1911 investiture of the Prince of Wales during the reign of his son, King George V. The press considered the ceremony to be more important than any other royal visit to the Celtic nations and publicized it widely in the United Kingdom and British Empire. The organizers of the event erected telegraph offices at the site of the ceremony, and the railways established special express trains running from Caernarfon to London that were equipped with darkrooms in order to send stories and photographs of the event directly to the newspapers of Fleet Street.