Ottoman Authorities Research Articles

The Beginnings of Romanian National Activism among the Balkan Vlachs during the Mid-Nineteenth Century: Nicolae Bălcescu, Ion Ghica and Ion Ionescu de la Brad

After the failure of the 1848 revolution in the Romanian Principalities, some of the exiled revolutionaries take refuge in European Turkey. Here, they come into contact with Vlach communities. Taking note of some obvious linguistic and cultural similarities between Vlachs and Romanians, several of the former revolutionaries start making plans towards ‘awakening’ the Vlachs’ supposed Romanian national consciousness. My analysis will focus on several letters exchanged among three Romanian former 1848 revolutionaries (namely, Nicolae Bălcescu, Ion Ghica and Ion Ionescu de la Brad) during their post-revolutionary exile. Based on these letters – which contain sparse allusions to future political action among the Vlachs –, I attempt to piece together the timid beginnings of a covert plan to initiate Romanian national propaganda in Vlach communities. It is my contention that such planning was followed by in situ prospections among the Vlachs, which were performed surreptitiously, in order to elude the vigilance of the Ottoman authorities. Moreover, I argue that this early planning and research laid the groundwork for the substantial Romanian propaganda activities which would come to fruition in the aftermath of the Moldavian-Wallachian union of 1859.

A Land Code That Extended the Lifetime of an Empire

This study aims to question the reasons and consequences of the code on behalf of the empire. The article supports the idea that the code was one of the most important reform codes that helped the empire to postpone its decay in the 19th century. The study suggests that the code played a crucial role for the empire in controlling illegal settlements, increasing tax incomes and registering the people who were already living in the region by preserving their status. The study claims that the code contributed to preserving the wealth of the people living within the empire by enabling authorities to track the construction and land purchasing activities in the region. By that the study suggests that the empire achieved to learn more about desolate areas in the region by constructing new building sites, administration offices, and farming areas in order to develop the region economically and enhance Ottoman authority in the region. The threat to the demographic structure of the territory, especially after the defeat of the Crimean War, negatively affected the economy and social cohesion of the empire. Therefore, France and Britain, dwelling on the support they had provided to the empire against Russia after the Crimean War interfered with the internal and external policies of the empire, which were regarded to be threatening the sovereignty of the empire. Therefore, the study supports the idea that the code serves as a reaction to regain the Ottoman sovereignty both in and out of its boundaries after Paris Treaty (1856). As the study suggests, by the code the Ottoman authorities had a chance to keep the demographic structure of the region by preventing new incoming immigrants and settlers to the empire. The code in its basic form is supported to preserve the boundaries of the empire by preserving the wealth of people, tribes, and their demographic status where they were living in. By keeping track of the people and their land purchasing and settlement activities within the empire, the code also increased the revenues the empire collected contributed to Ottoman treasury. The study supports the idea that the code played a critical role in prolonging the lifespan of the empire beside guaranteeing the demographic structure of the region. The study employs qualitative research method by using document analysis technique.

A late Ottoman intellectual on the Chora monastery: Mehmed Ziya's book on the ‘Kaʻriye Cami-i Şerifi’ in context

Mehmed Ziya, an Ottoman Muslim educator and intellectual, published an art historical treatise on the Chora Monastery/Kariye Mosque in Istanbul in 1910. This was largely a translation of three articles by the French Byzantinist Charles Diehl previously published in Études byzantines and in Le Journal des savants. Through his book, Mehmed Ziya attempted to acquaint the Ottoman Turks with this Byzantine monument, especially its rich decorations. Two letters appended in the book reveal his efforts to raise awareness among the youth in this respect, and to mobilize the Ottoman authorities regarding the protection and promotion of the Chora monastery more particularly.

Болгарская община в османском обществе во второй половине ХVIII в. – 70-е гг. ХIХ в.: процесс формирования национального самосознания

The article delves into the situation of the Bulgarian community in the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the XVIII century – 1870s, the analysis of the process of growth of national self-consciousness of the people in the conditions of transformations in society associated with the crisis of the feudal system and the need for reforms that began in the empire in the XIX century. The chronological framework of the study is the period of the National Revival of Bulgaria (second half of the XVIII century – 1878). The study demonstrates that the community played a vital role in preserving Bulgarian ethnicity during the period of Ottoman oppression, maintaining folk traditions, and resisting subjugation. It is emphasized that the integration of the community into the Ottoman feudal system did not imply that the subjugated people acquiesced to foreign rule. Amidst the crisis of feudalism and under the influence of reforms within the empire, changes occurred in the community, enhancing the populace’s desire to safeguard their interests. Conclusion dwells upon the fact that the Bulgarian community was one of the societal institutions where national liberation ideas began to emerge during the National Revival era. To a significant extent, it was through the community that the people began to resist both the Constantinople Patriarchate and the Ottoman authorities. The article is based on the methodological principles of historicism and objectivity, as well as on a combination of historical-systemic, historical-typological, and historical-genetic methods.

The Clash Between Albanian Nationalism and the Ottoman Empire Over the Albanian Language, from Tanzimat to 1912

ABSTRACT This paper examines the clash between Albanian nationalism and the Ottoman Empire, focusing on the role of the Albanian language from the Tanzimat reforms to 1912. The Tanzimat period marked significant political and educational reforms within the 19th-century Ottoman Empire, where elementary education was primarily conducted in religious languages, hindering the development of a unified Albanian national consciousness. This study employs historical and comparative methodologies, utilizing primary and secondary sources to investigate the evolution of Albanian nationalism within the broader context of Balkan nationalist movements. By analysing the role of language in Albanian cultural nationalism and contrasting it with religiously-based nationalisms in neighbouring regions, the paper highlights how efforts to promote the Albanian language as a marker of national identity heightened tensions with Ottoman authorities. The research concludes that the rise of Albanian nationalism, driven by linguistic unity, directly confronted Ottoman interests and mirrored the rise of Turkish nationalism.

Julian or Gregorian calendar? Authority and identity in the Greek Catholic community of nineteenth-century Ottoman Syria

ABSTRACT This article examines the Greek Catholic community’s calendar dispute in nineteenth-century Bilād al-Šām within the context of the Ottoman Tanzimat reforms. The imposition of the Gregorian calendar by Patriarch Bāhūṯ in 1856 sparked a crisis, revealing tensions over religious authority and identity. This conflict became a focal point for struggles between the Ottoman authorities, foreign powers, and local actors, highlighting the clash between centralising reforms and local resistance. Through a micro-historical approach, the article cross-references Ottoman, consular, missionary and Arabic sources to explore how the dispute politicised local Greek Catholic communities, redefined their relationship to the Ottoman state and global Catholicism, and contributed to the 1860 Damascus massacre. The study shows how infra-community divisions nearly led to a schism, illustrating the complex intersection of religious, political and social dynamics. By focusing on this dispute, the article challenges traditional narratives of time reform as a simple conflict between tradition and modernity, revealing a nuanced negotiation of power, identity, and authority. This analysis also sheds light on the development of sectarianism in the Ottoman Empire, showing how internal religious conflicts shaped broader interconfessional relations.

Stanje na granici Kruševačkog okruga od 1839. do 1843. godine

The paper presents the situation on the border of the Kruševac district in the period after the abdication of Prince Miloš until the establishment of the era of constitutional defenders and the time of Prince Aleksandar Karađorđević. The Kruševac district was on the border and this led to constant incursions by Turks and Arbanas, which were reflected in illegal crossings, unauthorized trade, non-compliance with quarantine rules, cattle theft, which was at its peak in this period, but continued during the entire rule of the defenders of the constitution. Jošanički and Koznički srez were especially threatened, but the situation was no better in Bugar Moravski and Kruševac srez. The Serbian authorities reacted, informed the representatives of the official Ottoman authorities, but also tried in all other ways to preserve their territory, and thus their autonomy.

The Istanbul Struggle of Ali Fehmi Džabić for Religious and Educational Autonomy and His 1909 Memorandum to the Arab Representatives of the Ottoman Parliament Against the Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina

This paper explores the efforts of Ali Fehmi Džabić (d. 1918), the leader of the movement for the religious and educational autonomy of Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina, to gain the support of the Ottoman authorities and Shaykh al-Islam in 1902, when he traveled to Istanbul with a delegation to address the issue of religious and educational autonomy. Furthermore, it examines his reaction to the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina through the memorandum he sent to the Arab representatives of the Ottoman Parliament in January 1909. In relation to the aforementioned, petitions and memorandums submitted to the Ottoman authorities are presented, including their content, the circumstances surrounding their creation, their outcomes, and their broader and narrower historical context.

Christian Communities in Lebanon under Ottoman Rule

Abstract This review essay explores the socio-political conditions of Christian communities in Lebanon during the Ottoman Empire’s governance. The study examines the administrative, legal, and social frameworks that shaped the lives of Lebanese Christians under Ottoman rule. It reviews the degree of religious tolerance, the impact of the millet system, and the role of local leaders in mediating relationships between the Christian communities and the Ottoman authorities. By offering a comprehensive historical overview, this work provides a nuanced perspective on the coexistence and conflicts between Christian and Muslim populations, contributing to a broader understanding of interfaith dynamics during this critical period in Middle Eastern history.

Contesting ‘Truth’: A Late Ottoman Response to Protestant Missionary Writings

This study delves into the polemical exchange between the 19th-century Ottoman scholar Harputlu İshak Hoca (d. 1892) and the protestant missionary Karl Gottlieb Pfander (d. 1865). By examining the historical context surrounding their controversy, this research sheds light on the interaction between the Ottoman state and British and American missionaries, particularly during the expansion of missionary activities in Anatolia. This paper also explores the responses of the Ottoman authorities to the missionary printing activities and the impact of the Church Missionary Society’s work on societal and governmental levels. Furthermore, it provides an analysis of Pfander’s Mizan ul-haqq (The Balance of Truth) and Harputlu’s Şemsü’l-hakîkat (The Sun of Truth) and Ziyâü’l-kulûb (The Light of Hearts), portraying them as not only engaging in interreligious polemics but also as creators of textual products that reflect the complex historical realities of their time. This research underscores the Ottoman scholars’ close attention and prompt responses to missionary literature.

The View of Christian Authors on the Practice of Devshirme in the 16th Century Ottoman Empire

The paper examines how various 16th century Christian sources (the vitae of the Balkan martyrs and the notes of Western travelers) reflect one of the cruelest practices of the Ottoman Empire: It is the so-called devshirme or «blood tax» – a system of forced recruitment of Christian boys for their conversion to Islam, upbringing in Turkish culture and subsequent transformation into faithful servants of sultan – soldiers of the Janissary corps or civil servants. Author of the South Slavic vitae of St. George the New of Sophia warns his Christian readers against the dangers of devshirme, as the main character of the vitae even had to leave his native home in order not to become a janissary and to keep his faith. The South Slavic scribe is echoed by the author of the Russian vitae of St. George the New: he conveys a frightening description of devshirme as the most terrible atrocity of the «Hagaren tsars» – for the sake of the sultan’s «honors» Christian children forget their faith and turn into faithful servants of a foreign religion. More detailed descriptions of devshirme are found in the writings left by Western travelers and diplomats who visited the Ottoman empire in the 16th century. They also talk about the horrors of the «blood tax», but more focus on how the Christians of the Ottoman Empire tried to avoid this heavy levy, as well as on the fact that some Christians themselves were ready to give their children to the Ottoman sultans in order to provide them with better social standing in the future. Western authors do not ignore some of the abuses of the Ottoman authorities in collecting the «blood tax» in the second half of the 16th century, that can be explained by negative trends in the development of the Ottoman state in this period. Despite all of this, many European travelers and diplomats talk about the meritocratic approach of the Ottoman authorities to the formation of the state elite, which is partly expressed in devshirme. The Western authors find this approach as one of the main reasons for the success of the 16th-century Ottoman expansion.

When Emmanuel Carasso Turned Italian: A Biography of Extraterritoriality and Questions of Nationality in the Ottoman Empire

Emmanuel Carasso (Turkified as Emanuel Karasu) (1863-1934) was a lawyer who hailed from a Sephardic Jewish family in Salonica, where he became instrumental after the turn of the century in the establishment of Macedonia Risorta, the local branch of the Italian masonic lodge Grande Oriente. The Salonica lodge quickly became an important center of Young Turk revolutionary activity in the following years, as privileges offered by capitulations enabled secrecy for lodge members. After the Constitutional Revolution of 1908, Karasu applied for Ottoman nationality and then became a member of the parliament representing Salonica and later Istanbul. During the course of his political career, he is best known for being a member of a delegation of four who went to Abdulhamid II to relay to him the news of his dethronement in the aftermath of the Counterrevolution (April 1909). Using his strong positions within the Committee of Union and Progress, Karasu managed to amass considerable wealth during the First World War, when his name also got popularly involved with corruption. Unlike other Unionists who left the imperial capital as the war came to an end, Karasu remained in Istanbul, where a number of court cases were brought against him. This is when he applied for Italian nationality, a request that started a lengthy bureaucratic paper trail that sheds light on an interesting nexus of political influence, capital, and extraterritorial privileges. This paper seeks to trace available Ottoman records in a bid to reconstruct the post-WWI odyssey of Karasu and trace the ways in which litigations were worked out in occupied Istanbul, how Al- lied Powers interacted with Ottoman authorities when it came to questions of nationality, and what these episodes imply in the transition to a post-Ottoman Middle East.

Vasil Levski, the Committees and the Trial in Sofia in the Light of an Unknown Report of March 1873 of the Special Judicial Commission

The article deals with a hitherto unknown report of the Special Judicial Commission, which in late 1872 and early 1873 conducted the trial in Sofia against Vasil Levski and his companions. The paper is preserved in the Ottoman Archives in Istanbul. The author analyses its contents with reference to three topics: 1) the creation of a revolutionary network in the Bulgarian lands and the activities of Vasil Levski, Dimitar Obshti and Angel Kanchev; 2) the organisation of the Arabakonak robbery, the search for its perpetrators, the disclosure of the revolutionary activists and the conduct of the trial; 3) an analysis of the situation in the Bulgarian lands and the internal and external political reasons that led to the creation of such a revolutionary structure. The report is a valuable document, revealing the view of the Ottoman authorities not only on the trial, but also on the social, political and structural reasons that led to the emergence and activity of a revolutionary organization aiming to achieve autonomy or complete independence for the Bulgarian people.

Building a Protestant Church on Ottoman Armenian Soil

The presence of American missionaries in late Ottoman territory, exemplified by figures like Smith and Dwight, marked a significant chapter in the region's history. Their legacy, spanning a century, left indelible marks on Turkey's cultural and educational landscape, including the establishment of institutions like Robert College and the Redhouse press. However, their engagement was not without complexities, as they found themselves embroiled in the intricate interplay between the Ottoman government and the burgeoning nationalist movements among its Christian populace. This paper examines the missionaries' dual roles as contributors to Turkey's development and intermediaries in the dialogue between nationalist aspirations and Western sympathizers, such as James Bryce. Delving into their initial harmonious coexistence with Ottoman authorities and subsequent entanglements, it sheds light on the missionaries' confrontations not with the government but with the Armenian Gregorian patriarchate, as they navigated the delicate terrain of religion and politics in Ottoman Armenian soil.

Jewish attempts to penetrate the Arab states during the Ottoman era (1517-1920)

The relationship between the Jews and the Ottoman Turks went through various phases and stages from its inception until the recognition of their state by modern Turkey in 1949. Harmony prevailed when the Jews were mere subjects in the Ottoman Empire, similar to other communities. However, there were instances of firmness by the Ottoman state when Jewish ambitions emerged, especially in the periods preceding World War I. Despite the Ottoman's generally positive treatment of the Jews and their warm welcome, the Ottomans faced challenges in the lands from which the Jews came to the Ottoman territories. To explore these dynamics and the extent of the relationship between the two parties, a study titled "Jewish Attempts to Infiltrate Arab States during the Ottoman Era 1517-1920" was conducted. To understand these aspirations and Ottoman reactions, the study is divided into two axes. The first axis examines the general conditions of Jews in the state from its establishment until the end of the 18th century. The second axis explores Jewish efforts to settle and secure promises from the Ottoman authorities to realize their dreams through global Zionism, particularly active in the second half of the 19th century—a period marked by the decline of the Ottoman Empire and the loss of its properties in various places. Additionally, the study delves into how the Ottomans dealt with these aspirations and focuses on the official stance of the state regarding Zionist colonial alliances and interactions in the early 20th century

Panagiotis Lefakis (?-1940). The blind majestic obstetrician who had been loved by the Ottomans

Sometimes, during an era of clashes, appears a man to promote humanism. Such a man was Panagiotis Lefakis who dedicated his life to treat the helpless inhabitants of Dedeagats (later Alexandroupolis) regardless of nationality and religion. With studies in Constantinople and Paris he practiced general medicine and obstetrics in Thrace. Lefakis, completely lost his eyesight by cause of retinal detachment but continued his work. With the help of his daughter Elli, he was the most preferable physician among the Muslims, as his blindness was an advantage due to cultural reasons. Muslim families felt secure as a blind man could not offend a Muslim female patient or a pregnant woman. His skills and temper helped Lefakis to achieve greatness and although he had been accused by his countrymen, the Ottoman authorities recognized his contribution.

“The Spanish Adventurer”: Ottoman Surveillance of Aladro Kastrioti, the Pretender for the Albanian Throne

This article delves into the intriguing case of Juan Pedro Antonio Aladro, a Spanish individual whose claims of being rightful heir to the throne of Albania captivated European newspapers in 1902. Through an analysis of historical sources and contemporaneous newspaper articles, this paper explores Aladro’s background, his alleged aristocratic connections, and his self-proclaimed lineage as a descendant of George Kastrioti Skanderbeg. This work investigates the response from the Ottoman Empire, specifically the surveillance conducted by the Ottoman Foreign Ministry in light of Aladro’s claims, and highlights the dismissive view the ministry held towards Aladro’s ambitions, characterizing him as an adventurer driven by personal gain rather than as a credible contender for the Albanian throne. The Ottoman authorities closely monitored Aladro’s movements, from his travels to Corfu where he held meetings with associates to his subsequent journey to Naples, which created a state of uncertainty regarding his exact whereabouts. By examining historical records and newspaper accounts, this article attempts to shed light on the perception of Aladro and the broader context of the Albanian situation at the time. It also explores the intricate interplay between European diplomacy and Aladro’s quest for an independent Albania, as well as the skepticism foreign powers expressed towards his claims.

The Transformation of the Ottoman State’s Relationship with the Nusayri/ʿAlawi Community in the Nineteenth Century

ABSTRACT This article aims to examine the changing nature of the Ottoman central administration’s policies towards Nusayris in the nineteenth century. In different contexts of space and time, the Ottoman authorities employed different measures of collaboration, oppression and persecution, while the Nusayris responded to these policies by either resistance or accommodation. Drawing on various sources from the Ottoman archives, the article singles out various contexts in time and space, in which the Ottoman state – both centrally and locally – condemned them as ‘heretics’ or, alternatively within this fluid continuum, accommodated them to local political and administrative practice and needs. A close analysis of the practices and the terminology brought to bear in dealing with the Nusayris suggests an adaptive, ever changing and dynamic relationship of the state to these parts of the population. The findings presented here thus urge the historicization of instances of persecution and marginalization in order to come to terms with complex religio-political entanglements and, finally, to delineate a more nuanced perspective on the history of this community in the late Ottoman Empire.

Kriminal i nedela među pojedinim članovima dubrovačkih zajednica u srpskoj Despotovini (1400-1459)

The goal of this paper was to review and analyze a certain number of crimes committed between Ragusans in medieval Serbia and thus gain some insight into history of crime as one of the aspects of everyday life as well as to draw some comparisons with criminality in the cities of medieval Italy. The analyzed cases date from the beginning of the 15th century up to 1459. The arrival of the Saxons into Serbia heralded a new era in the Serbian economy as the newly opened mines began to flourish. This newfound mineral wealth started to attract merchants in ever-increasing numbers from abroad, particularly Ragusa (Dubrovnik). These bustling Ragusan communities saw a great deal of strife while crime and violence were a part of everyday life. The motives of these crimes were usually financial gain or personal reasons such as rivalry. These cases were archived in the Ragusan archive because an independent judiciary was a privilege granted by charters of Serbian rulers. Some of the most common crimes were theft, burglary, robbery, physical violence, and insults. Oftentimes Ragusans served as customs officers on Serbian marketplaces and would misuse their position for financial gain at the great expense of their fellow Ragusans. Ragusans would also sometimes use Serbian or Ottoman authorities against their compatriots which was illegal as it was infringing upon Ragusan privileges. There are even records of Ragusan stealing each others ledgers and wills in an effort to erase evidence of their debts. The number of convictions of the crimes reported outside of Ragusa was quite low, at only about one quarter. Such a number would likely mean that the accuser and defendant would make peace without further interference from the court. There were probably many more cases that weren't reported to court at all for the Ragusans would deal with them themselves if they considered that the best course of action. However, a certain level of trust in the judicial system was definitely present in the minds of the Ragusans of Serbia.

Between Empires: Women’s Resistance and Domestic Slavery in the Libyan Territories in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

In 1854, Fekiriyeh and Renghi Sefa, two enslaved girls from the Sudan, fled their enslaver, Ahmed Pasha, and sought refuge in the house of the British Consul in Salonica. Their ordeal had begun weeks earlier when they were loaded onto a ship and transported from the Ottoman Tripoli to the Greek port city. To evade the Ottoman prohibition on slave trafficking within the Empire, the Pasha furnished them with manumission papers. On arrival in Salonica, the Pasha confiscated the documents and destroyed them. After Ahmed Pasha revoked their freedom, the two girls absconded, showing up at the door of the British Consul.This article examines historical cases of enslaved women and girls, like Fekiriyeh and Renghi Sefa, who escaped their enslavers and sought refuge or help from various political authorities in Ottoman and post-Ottoman Libya or connected territories. These cases were often marked by trafficking, enslavement, abuse, sale, and an eventual quest for emancipation, By analyzing the interactions between enslaved individuals, European and Ottoman authorities, and Muslim households, this study highlights the gendered nature of slavery in North Africa.Contrary to conventional top-down perspectives, this research emphasizes the importance of the individual actions of enslaved women in seeking alternative authorities, such as foreign consulates, to adjudicate their claims. Despite opposition to the trans-Saharan slave trade and the slave trade within the Ottoman Empire before its disintegration after the First World War, British representatives avoided getting involved in cases of domestic slavery in Libya. Italian authorities would continue a similar policy after annexing the territory in 1911. Notwithstanding this reluctance, enslaved girls and women learned through various networks how to find sympathetic forums for their grievances. Evaluating the policies of British Consuls, Italian abolitionists, and the Italian colonial government, this paper argues that the actions of enslaved women, rather than male policymakers, were central to changing the status of enslaved individuals and eventually contributing to abolition.The focus on the experiences of girls like Fekiriyeh and Renghi Sefa exemplifies the importance of documenting enslaved girls' and women's lives and experiences. While the ultimate fate of these women and girls post-manumission remains unknown, their courageous efforts to resist enslavement contribute to a broader understanding of the intricacies of abolition in Libya and the larger Ottoman World in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.