Open Diplomacy Research Articles

Internationalism, Isolationism, and Racism: What Woodrow Wilson Inherited from Thomas Jefferson in the 14 Points

Thomas Jefferson and Woodrow Wilson are influential American political figures who are famous for the succession and development of Jeffersonianism. Through Jeffersonian liberalism and textual analysis of the 14 Points by Woodrow Wilson, the paper finds that 14 Points expand American politics from domestic affairs to international political (covenants and open diplomacy), economic (freedom to navigate of all time), military (reduction of armaments), moral and cultural (national self-determinism all over the globe) issues, through the League of Nations as a way to isolate itself from European order and alliances. Besides, the colonies are excluded from independence despite some equal treatment. Expansionism, isolationism and racism are what Wilson inherited from Thomas Jefferson.

The making of ‘public opinion’: Media and open diplomacy in China’s strategy at Versailles and the May Fourth Movement

AbstractThis article makes an intervention in the study of the May Fourth Movement by examining the role the mass media played in the diplomatic and domestic mobilization processes set in motion by China’s experience at the Paris Peace Conference. In contrast with the mainstream narrative that constructs the May Fourth Movement as a spontaneous response to the loss of Shandong at Versailles, this article shows that it was preceded by a proactive diplomatic strategy to mobilize ‘public opinion’ over the Shandong question. The Chinese delegation’s decision to launch a media campaign in support of their diplomatic agendas at Versailles inadvertently turned domestic media into a platform for political debate. As a result of competition between the political elites who dominated the mediascape, discussions over the Shandong question shifted from focusing on international diplomacy to domestic politics in the spring of 1919. An examination of the ‘media war’ during the May Fourth Movement further demonstrates that the political elites’ variable ability to adopt media strategies to shape and channel public opinion resulted in changing the political landscape of the post-May Fourth era. By focusing on the role of the mass media in the diplomatic and domestic mobilization in China’s strategy at Versailles and during the May Fourth Movement, this article forges new connections between the international and the domestic. It also invites further reflections on the nature of the May Fourth Movement by showing that the media was a tool of political mobilization that connected the political elite to the masses.

Квантитативный анализ речей открытой дипломатии

This paper analyses the linguistic and statistical characteristics of open diplomacy texts within the framework of the diplomatic discourse, namely, speeches of permanent representatives to the UN Security Council. The authors examine the possibility of using computer quantitative content analysis and automated semantic text analysis in order to track changes in this type of institutional discourse by quantitative and qualitative means. As all the session reports of the UN Security Council since its creation have been digitized and are in the public domain, it is possible to process them with quantitative linguistics methods using computer programs, with subsequent analysis from the positions of linguistic pragmatics, communication studies, content analysis, and linguistic theory of emotions. These tools can be used to assess the changes in a diplomat’s speech behaviour over time (in this case, the 10- year period of O.A. Troyanovsky’s work as the Soviet Permanent Representative to the UN Security Council), depending on the communicative situation and on the acuteness of the issue being discussed. It is noted that, with the topic staying the same – the situation in the Middle East – the quantitative characteristics of the speeches with a certain time interval between them remain unchanged, while their emotional component undergoes changes. The results of the research indicate the need for further study of this type of texts by means of computer sentiment analysis, e.g. using the Indico system. Quantitative analysis of such specific language material as speeches of permanent representatives to the UN Security Council, which are a set of discursive practices aimed at resolving complex international issues and conflicts by means of open diplomacy, allows us to develop an objective profession-specific communicative model that can be implemented in today’s multimedia environment.

The epistemic project of open diplomacy and the League of Nations: Co-evolution between diplomacy, PR and journalism

PurposeThe article discusses findings from a research project on the communication history of the League of Nations. It departs from the League's normative goal of “open diplomacy”, which, from an analytical standpoint, can be framed as an “epistemic project” in the sense of a non-linear and ambivalent negotiation by communication of what “open diplomacy” should and could be. The notion of the “epistemic project” serves as an analytical concept to understand this negotiation of open diplomacy across co-evolving actors' constellations from journalism, PR and diplomacy.Design/methodology/approachThe study employs a mixed-method approach, including hermeneutic document analysis of UN archival sources and collective biography/prosopography of 799 individual journalists and information officers.FindingsIt finds that the League's conceptualisations of the public sphere and open diplomacy were fluent and ambivalent. They developed in the interplay of diverse actors' collectives in Geneva. The involved roles of information officers, journalists and diplomats were permeable, heterogenous and – not least from a normative perspective – conflictive.Originality/valueThe subject remains under-researched, especially from the perspective of communication studies. The study is the first to approach it with the described research framework.

Anglicizmi u japanskom jeziku i njihov kulturološki kontekst

This study aims to show the historical and cultural context of English loanwords in Japanese, the process of domestication, and the functions performed by English loanwords. The orthographic, phonetic, morphological, semantic, and syntactic modifications of borrowed words have helped their assimilation. However, linguistic and cultural loanwords have, to a certain extent, remained separated from the Japanese language and culture, which resulted in the westernization of the Japanese life and language. As a result of the economic, political, and cultural influence of Great Britain and the United States and the imposition of English as the international language, a number of world languages have adopted foreign words from English, most notably in the 20th century. There are thousands of such loanwords in the Japanese language. Many of them are well-established in the language and in everyday use. The Japanese isolation from the West was interrupted by the arrival of the US war ships at the Tokyo port in the mid-19th century. The nation was urged to accept American requests to open trade routes and diplomacy, which had further affected linguistic changes and the enrichment of the Japanese language with numerous foreign words. In the 1930s, the Japanese government was against the introduction of foreign cultures; thus, leading to the elimination of foreign words from the language during the war. However, during the six-year US occupation, the Americans oversaw and greatly influenced the rebuilding of the Japanese society. Once again, Japan invested tremendous effort to westernize its society. The eliminated words again returned to the language, and the "boom" of foreign culture adoption was restored, which has remained the case until today. The study "nihon no sankoutosho", Reference books of Japan, published by Nihon toshoukan kyoukai (Japan Association of Libraries 1980) shows that, , aided by the spread of mass media, over a half of the 25,000 borrowed words in the Kadokawa's Loanword Dictionary entered the Japanese language after World War II and most of them are taken from English. When the elements of one foreign culture and language are lent to another language, they adapt to its new cultural and linguistic context. The majority of loanwords in Japanese exhibit an orthographic, phonological, structural or semantic connection with the linguistic system of the language from which they are taken. The need to add vowels to English words to fit into the syllabic structure of the Japanese language resulted in very long loanwords. Borrowed words are often abbreviated either upon or after entering the language. This usually involves cutting off the end of a word that is left out. Blending has also occurred - it is obtained by a combination of abbreviated words which results in new expressions that do not exist in English.

Open source preventive diplomacy and complexity

ABSTRACTLimits of intelligence services in identifying opportunities for preventive diplomacy are identified. These limits are then used to suggest an open source preventive diplomacy wiki strategy for armed conflict prevention. A complexity theory analysis lays a foundation for arguing that a good theory of preventive diplomacy is less useful than a good meta theory. In a complex world of diplomacy it is wrong to argue that there is nothing as practical as a good theory; but a good meta theory may be a practical path to saving lives. A responsive theory of peacebuilding is proposed that layers and sequences preventive strategies.

Modern Foreign Correspondents after World War I: The New York Evening Post's David Lawrence and Simeon Strunsky

In the aftermath of World War I and the Peace Conference of 1919, the American public's interest in foreign affairs increased. The Wilson administration's wartime program, the New Diplomacy, contributed to this interest. It called for open diplomacy among statesmen and diplomats in the settlement of international conflicts, and press access to and publicity of their deliberations. The goal was an internationalized public opinion that would aid both concepts. With the prospect of an enlarged role for the United States in foreign affairs, prominent newspaper publishers and editors supported a robust coverage of foreign news, marked by a modern narrative consisting of the facts and an interpretation of their meaning. The New York Evening Post's David Lawrence and Simeon Strunsky promoted the New Diplomacy and explained its ramifications for American foreign policy and press relations.

European Integration and Business Enviroment in Georgia

Abstract Paper analyzes the impact that the process of Georgia’s European integration have had on country’s business environment. A significant changes have occurred in Georgia in the last decade, which had an influence on the status of the current business environment. Especially, it is worth to mention the aspiration of the country for European Integration. Georgia has carried out a number of recommendations and requirements set by the European Union, on the way to this goal, which has changed the country's business environment.The negotiations between the EU and Georgia about the “Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA)” was officially opened on 28th February, 2012. Prior to the opening discussions about “DCFTA”, the European Commission singled out four main areas of country’s economy, where conducted fundamental reforms became precondition to open diplomacy. These sectors were: technical barriers related to the EU trade regulations, sanitary and phytosanitary measures, intellectual property rights and competition policy. In addition, the European Commission together with the International Labour Organization asked for changing of the Labour Code and directly linked implemented reforms to progress, which should be reached during the talks with Europe about “DCFTA”. Key words: Business environment, European integration, DCFTA, reforms.

English

The Multilateral Trading System (MTS) has faced challenges in streamlining the flow of goods and services around the world. The World Trade Organization (WTO) has aimed, as had its forerunner, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), to create a rules-based forum that oversees global trade. The WTO governance structure, which is based on some basic principles and rules, including the adoption of decisions by consensus (capacity of any Member to veto a deal), the rule of “One Nation, One Voice” (although voting has never been resorted to in the WTO), the fact of being a member-driven organization, the use of the variable geometry, the concept of single undertaking, have been considered. The objectives of this article are twofold: first, to understand the strategies developed and implemented by WTO members to achieve their trade policy objectives; second, to analyze the participation of the Sub-Saharan African countries in WTO negotiations and in general in the MTS.  In that regard, a distinction was drawn between WTO Open Diplomacy and the WTO Hidden Diplomacy with a view to identifying tools used by countries in trade negotiations. Given the absence of any coherent diplomatic approach to the WTO negotiations and the lack of information on the models developed by countries and groups, a model of assessment and audit of the economic diplomacy. The conclusions drawn have enabled empirical work to be undertaken. For any country, the strategies of negotiation developed in the WTO are the reflections of the nature of its external trade and the level of its Economic Diplomacy. Thus, countries advocate their interests and build negotiating systems composed of at least 2 structures: a Back Office Negotiation (BON, in their Capital) and a Front Office Negotiation (FON that leads the negotiations in Geneva). The organization functioning and communication between these 2 structures have direct impacts in WTO negotiations. However, the range of the products and the size of a country's market could also have a bearing on WTO negotiations. Key words: Negotiation, economic diplomacy, WTO, GATT, GATS, game theory, strategy, variable geometry, single undertaking, Africa, trade.

Kōzō Izumi and the Soviet Breach of Imperial Japanese Diplomatic Codes

Japan's diplomatic codes were broken by the Soviet Union in the late 1930s. This was due to Kōzō Izumi (1890–1956), a Japanese diplomat and Soviet specialist stationed in Eastern Europe, who provided Japan's code books and keys to the Soviet secret police. Married to a Muscovite of noble origin working for the Soviet Foreign Intelligence, Izumi was entrapped and ultimately chose love over country. He thus led an unwitting Japan to conduct ‘open diplomacy’ towards the Soviet Union.

Insights from Global Environmental Governance

Transparency is a widely used concept in debates on international politics, from transnational anti-corruption campaigns to renewed requests for greater disclosure on health, finance, or even security issues. Calls for transparency date back at least to the League of Nations, when internationalists demanded open diplomacy. Yet, it is in the subfield of GEG, and its developments on nonstate actors as a key research topic (see introduction), where the practice and theory of transparency has made the most profound inroads (Gupta 2010a). GEG has been a particularly fertile ground for the development of informational governance (Mol 2008) and the rise of numerous transparency initiatives which have been analyzed in a rapidly developing literature. Importantly, current GEG research is also highly relevant for other IR subfields. For one, recent GEG research can help IR scholars to further refine the concept of transparency and to increase conceptual clarity and sophistication. Second, research on GEG has improved our understanding of the factors that determine the effectiveness of transparency as a governance tool in international politics.

Vladimir (Ze'ev) Jabotinsky, Hillel Kook-Peter Bergson, and the Campaign for a Jewish Army

Viewed within the larger context of Zionist ideology and Zionist politics, the story of the campaign for a Jewish Army in World War II must begin with Vladimir (Ze’ev) Jabotinsky. As early as 1923, the founder of the Jewish Legion in World War I and of the first Hagana units in Jerusalem against Arab attack in 1920, respectfully analyzing adamant Arab opposition to Zionist aspirations, advocated the only solution to be a Jewish majority with a formidable army in an independent Jewish state on both sides of the Jordan. The thesis of this pioneering essay, ‘‘The Iron Wall,’’ was reiterated in the right-wing political platform of Jabotinsky’s World Union of Zionist Revisionists two years later. 1 Jabotinsky was not, at the same time, prepared to embrace the maximalist trend in Revisionism, spearheaded in the early l930s by Abba Ahimeir, Yehoshua Yeivin, and poet Uri Zvi Greenberg. While Greenberg had already called in 1923 for ‘‘biryonim’’ (ruffians) who dreamt of ‘‘the Kingdom of Israel’’ and in 1928 for a Jewish armed force to conquer Palestine, and Yeivin blasted the World Zionist Organization (WZO) executive for relying on the British mandatory power, Ahimeir urged Jabotinsky to become Zionism’s authoritarian Duce a la Mussolini. Ahimeir also called on Revisionist Betar youth to become the fighting avant-garde for Jewry’s national liberation and, with Yeivin, even raised the possibility of political terror. Jabotinsky applauded Ahimeir’s personal example of imprisonment, but his own abiding faith in British parliamentarianism, in liberal values, and in open diplomacy precluded the revolt demanded by Ahimeir’s small Brit HaBiryonim circle; he refused to resign from the WZO. After the 1929 Arab riots, Jabotinsky pressed for a renewal of the Jewish Legion in Palestine, all the while preferring that a Jewish commonwealth become part of Britain’s dominions as advocated by Josiah Wedgwood, M.P. 2 Ahimeir’s influence extended to young Revisionists within the El-Al fraternity at the Hebrew University, who responded to his call

Inter-Korean Relations in the Absence of a U.S.-ROK Alliance

In exploring how inter-Korean relations would evolve in the absence of a U.S.-ROK alliance, this essay focuses on three areas: preferences of the South Korean public and elite regarding how best to deal with North Korea, whether North Korea might pull back on its hesitant moves toward economic reform and a more open diplomacy, and how Chinese foreign policy toward the Korean Peninsula might evolve.

The Forgotten Prophet: Tom Paine's Cosmopolitanism and International Relations

The recent questions about the viability of political realism highlight a need for alternative theoretical frameworks to guide international relations research. These alternatives, however, have been slow to emerge, due in part to the field's traditional neglect of political theory. In this essay I present an alternative based on a survey of Paine's international thought. Sir Michael Howard referred to Paine as the most important internationalist writer of all time, but his contributions have been largely ignored by students of international relations. Paine was a classic second image theorist who first posited how democratic governance would promote a peaceful world. Paine's works leave us with all the features of cosmopolitan thinking in international relations: Faith in reason and progress, the evils of authoritarian regimes, the democratic peace, the peaceful effect of trade, nonprovocative defense policies, open diplomacy, obsolescence of conquest, the universal respect for human rights, and the democratic propensity to engage in messianic interventionism. I conclude with a comparison of Kant and Paine where I argue that Paine is the more faithful representative of the Enlightenment for students of international relations.

Media Coverage of International Negotiation: A Taxonomy of Levels and Effects

AbstractThis article offers an analytical framework to investigate levels of media coverage and effective international negotiation. The framework includes three theoretical models based on the degree to which officials and negotiators allow diplomatic negotiations to be exposed to the media and public opinion. In the secret diplomacy model, the media and the public are totally excluded from negotiations, while in closed-door diplomacy they are partially excluded. In the open diplomacy model, negotiations are much more open to the media and coverage is more extensive. The framework helps to explore fundamental theoretical and professional implications of each model for government officials and negotiators, journalists and public opinion. This article demonstrates the analytical usefulness of the models through applications to various examples and case studies of significant contemporary diplomatic processes.

Primary Sources on the Soviet Practice of International Law: A Breviary

The Soviet passion for secrecy is by now proverbial. Anybody who has ever worked on a topic related to Soviet diplomacy has had occasion to bemoan the incompleteness and unreliability of the factual record. The situation smacks of rare irony when one remembers that the Soviet leadership first made a mark on the international scene by its vociferous advocacy of open diplomacy. In a dramatic gesture, the revolutionary directorate proceeded then to denounce the former tsarist regime and its bourgeois confederates for constantly dabbling in secret machinations aimed at deceiving the international community as well as their own people and to publish scores of confidential documents drawn from the tsarist archives to demonstrate the gross inequities of the imperialist system.

The Future of the Carter Policy Toward Southern Africa

Judging by public tone, style, and ideological emphasis alone, the casual observer of U.S. foreign policy is impressed by the novelty of the Carter Administration’s approach toward Southern Africa. Kissinger had stressed America’s tangible interests, sought alliances with ideological “enemies” to advance or at least to protect those interests, and operated a clever, manipulative and secretive diplomacy with calculated ambiguity. The Carter Administration now seems to espouse once more American ideals and principles, open diplomacy for announced clearly-stated objectives, and decision-making by consent. But what is really involved is a reversion to the active use of ideology and salesmanship to manage its political and economic interests. It is of a piece with “helping our little brown brothers” in Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Philippines, making the world “safe for democracy” and saving Vietnam from Communism.

The Future of the Carter Policy Toward Southern Africa

Judging by public tone, style, and ideological emphasis alone, the casual observer of U.S. foreign policy is impressed by the novelty of the Carter Administration’s approach toward Southern Africa. Kissinger had stressed America’s tangible interests, sought alliances with ideological “enemies” to advance or at least to protect those interests, and operated a clever, manipulative and secretive diplomacy with calculated ambiguity. The Carter Administration now seems to espouse once more American ideals and principles, open diplomacy for announced clearly-stated objectives, and decision-making by consent. But what is really involved is a reversion to the active use of ideology and salesmanship to manage its political and economic interests. It is of a piece with “helping our little brown brothers” in Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Philippines, making the world “safe for democracy” and saving Vietnam from Communism.

Open Diplomacy (Comment on Birn and Singer, CSSH 12: 3)

Open diplomacy, negotiation under the scrutiny of the public, has long fascinated students.1 Conference diplomacy is one form, though not the only one, of open diplomacy, and to its study Professor Birn made a contribution in CSSH for July 1970; as appropriate in this journal, his essay was accompanied by comments from Professor Singer. Enlightening though both essays are, these remarks are provoked by the belief that their main point is not established. Professor Singer's, while in form a comment on Professor Birn's, made little reference to it. Indeed it had comparatively little to say about conference diplomacy at all. Rather it was a restatement of what some students of public opinion believe that the effect of public opinion on the conduct of foreign policy has been. There are few areas in which large and unsupported generalizations are more freely advanced. Neither in Professor Birn's paper, nor in the history of modern international relations, is there evidence to substantiate them. Before we can consider the effect of public opinion, we need some general model of conference diplomacy. The term 'conference', as commonly used, is applied to a meeting of a group of nations. One might have a conference of two, but one would hardly describe it as such. Now specific issues in international affairs are not usually of primary concern to more than two parties. Therefore they are not dealt with in conferences. When a dispute between two states over a specific issue is coming to a head, they are not able to take part in a conference, least of all a disarmament conference; they are arming. In their very nature, the subjects of conferences are general-disarmament, monetary arrangements, the law of the sea, or the like.2 Yet if every state in the world were content with the international situation, we may reasonably suppose that the level of armaments would give no cause for concern. A disarmament conference is possible, and offers 1 Elaborate notes are out of place in a short analytical piece such as this. Many of my citations would be those listed by Professor Singer. General references would take us no further; more specific comment would take me too far afield. 2 The peace conference after a general war is clearly a special case. It seems likely that its character as a conference, given to it by the fact that there are several participants, will dominate its character as a settlement between victors and vanquished.

India and Nepal: An Exercise in Open Diplomacy. By Shriman Narayan. Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1970. xii, 172 pp. Illustrations, Appendices, Bibliography, Index. Rs. 28.00.

India and Nepal: An Exercise in Open Diplomacy. By Shriman Narayan. Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1970. xii, 172 pp. Illustrations, Appendices, Bibliography, Index. Rs. 28.00.