Norwegian Foreign Policy Research Articles

Bringing Realism to the Idealism of Small States: Norway and Atrocity Prevention at the UN Security Council

ABSTRACT This article examines Norway’s approach to the responsibility to protect (R2P) norm and atrocity prevention during its term on the UN Security Council (2021–22). Because it is a small state with high ambitions for its international human rights and humanitarian profile, one might expect Norway to be a strong defender of the R2P norm, in line with the idea that small states are often norm entrepreneurs. However, this article argues that prioritizing R2P and atrocity prevention norms in the Security Council may conflict with other Norwegian foreign policy interests such as peace diplomacy and consensus building. Indeed, in its approach to its Security Council seat, Norway prioritised agendas that fit a neutral, diplomatic approach to conflict prevention and civilian protection. Taking a pragmatic approach to problem solving in the Council was a strategy that served Norwegian interests. In a time when extremely tense global relations hamper the Security Council’s work, small states may not find it in their interest to take strong and outspoken positions on the gravest human rights abuses. Advocates of the R2P norm should look to other institutions to secure international involvement in atrocity prevention and promote R2P.

PEACE FACILITATION POLICY AS KEY ELEMENT OF NORWAY’S INTERNATIONAL POSITIONING

The article analyzes the basic principles of Norway’s peace facilitation policy. Norway’s foreign policy is based on the understanding of its special role in achieving peace, which is an integral part of its positioning as a "good state". The aim of the article is to analyze the basic principles and features of the implementation of Norway’s foreign policy to promote peace. The article delves into historical aspects of the existence of the tradition of peace in Norway and suggests that Norway’s peace facilitation policy is based on historical self-awareness as a state of peace that adheres to liberal values. The article focuses on the peculiarities and institutional principles of peace facilitation policy as an integer vector of Norwegian foreign policy. It emphasizes the importance of diplomacy of values in Norway’s foreign policy strategy. The "Norwegian model" of peace facilitation policy is based on the peaceful nature of the state, a combination of peace promotion efforts with long-term humanitarian aid, and a flexible mix of actions of government and non-government actors. The article underscores the peculiarities of the “Norwegian model” which ensures confidence in Norway as a reliable and impartial facilitator and interlocutor. The article outlines the main directions of Norway’s participation in conflict resolution and concludes by characterizing Norway’s approach to the peace process as long-term and result-oriented with a pragmatic focus on its efforts to achieve maximum effectiveness in facilitating peace.

Otrazhenie transformacii norvezhskoj vneshnej politiki i peregovorov po sozdaniyu skandinavskogo oboronitel'nogo soyuza v sovetskoj presse (1947—1948 gg.)

The article examines the transformation of Norwegian foreign policy in 1947-1948 and Soviet-Norwegian interstate relations in the context of fundamental changes in the system of world politics and international relations. The authors pays special attention to the peculiarities of the formation and transformation of the image of Norway in the Soviet press during this period and analyzes the reflection of the Soviet-Norwegian relations by the central press. The research is based on the concept of myth (generalized view of reality).

Pro-gender Norms in Norwegian Peace Engagement: Balancing Experiences, Values, and Interests

AbstractThe national self-image of Norway is as a gender-equal and peace-promoting nation. Norwegian gender equality policies grew out of a strong social and political civil society engagement from below combined with equal rights laws as well as quota systems implemented from above by the state. In this paper, we explore the intersection of pro-gender norms and peace engagement in Norwegian foreign policy. While gender mainstreaming has been on the agenda of Norwegian development cooperation for decades, the introduction of pro-gender norms in peace engagement is a more recent phenomenon. How are gender equality norms and concerns understood and promoted by Norwegian peace facilitators in practice. And how are pro-gender experiences, values, and norms balanced in Norwegian peace engagement?

German pressure: Spy films and political censorship in Norway, 1914–40

This article explores the relationship between spy films, political censorship and Norwegian foreign policy during the period from 1914 to 1940. Espionage was a popular topic in Norway during this era, both in the news media and as a theme in fictional dramas. Based on a survey of the vetting of 57 spy films, both silent and sound, by the state censorship board, the article focuses on the Norwegian government’s hidden role in political film censorship throughout the period. While Norway’s Constitution and film censorship statutes provided no legal foundation for political censorship, there is nonetheless ample evidence that it took place. The article concludes with an in-depth analysis of the process of banning the US film Confessions of a Nazi Spy in July 1939, the German involvement in that process, and the subsequent effort to change the censorship law to reflect what was happening in practice.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF THE FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY OF THE KINGDOM OF NORWAY

The article analyzes the conceptual foundations of the foreign policy strategy of theKingdomofNorway. It is noted that the influence of the state and the ability to achieve its goals in the foreign policy arena are largely associated with the country's strategic priorities. The approaches to the definition of the concept of “strategy” are described, which describe the behavioral motives for choosing strategic objectives and priorities. When choosing a strategy, it is necessary to assess the value of available resources and choose the most important goal, the achievement of which will be directed to further efforts, taking into account their usefulness for the country. The article explores the evolution of the Norwegian foreign policy discourse. It is noted that Norway’s foreign policy discourse as a sovereign state is based on a combination of two areas - Norway’s vulnerable position in the international arena as a small country and the need for political elites to reach consensus on foreign policy. The development of foreign policy ofNorwaytook place within the framework of three paradigms - neutralism, moralism and internationalism, which were formed due to the specifics of the identity ofNorwayas a small country. Scientists note that the coexistence of the three paradigms in the foreign policy ofNorwaywas the result of the so-called bifurcation between the security policy and diplomacy of values. It is noted that the main interests of Norway since the 90s began to concentrate in the field of transnational economic activity, promoting the idea of global governance; Norway's new foreign policy priority has become an “engagement policy,” which was based on foreign policy efforts to overcome development problems, provide humanitarian assistance, maintain peace, and mitigate the effects of climate change. It is concluded thatNorwayimplements a foreign policy strategy based on the principle of “coherence,” which implies the relationship betweenNorway’s security policy and world political stability in general.

Local and National Memories of WWII in a Transnational Age: the Case of Norway

This article discusses how the “unbound” and “multidirectional” memory of the Holocaust has contested, challenged, and reformed existing frames of memorialization of WWII in Norway. Through an analysis of the discussion on restitution, on Norwegian collaboration, on the establishment of Holocaust memorials and memorial sites, as well as an analysis of commemorative speeches, I show how the transnational memory of the Holocaust has transformed existing remembrance practices, however, without erasing or lifting national memory frames. For more than 50 years, Norway suffered from a “national consensus syndrome” in which the memory of the heroic Norwegian resistance during the 5 years of German occupation played a hegemonic role in Norwegian memory politics. The “global memory” of the Holocaust and the establishment of transnational memory networks such as the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), however, have contested national memory practices, pushed to uncover Norwegian participation in the crimes of the past and for the incorporation of Holocaust remembrance into a wider concept of fighting for democracy and human rights. The site of the Akershus harbor and nearby fortress in Oslo is a striking example of that, as this article demonstrates. Moreover, adopting the transnational memory of the Holocaust and the universalistic perspectives of human rights and democratic values was not only a matter of memory politics. Adopting Holocaust memory and transforming existing remembrance practices became an essential part of Norwegian foreign policy and a legitimation of Norway’s moral integrity as an international actor.

The Realisation of Human Rights Education in Norway

ABSTRACTNorway is a model for other nations – a successful, rich and ‘virtuous’ country with a stable political system. A majority of Norwegians are very proud of their country and regard the Norwegian culture as superior to that of others. This article discuss the Norwegian state's commitment and efforts to realise human rights education (HRE). In a nutshell, one might say that the Norwegian legal commitment is like a fine-looking Ferrari, that looks strong and good on the surface, but there is no engine, no real commitment under the hood. In reality Norwegian authorities define ‘Christian and humanistic heritage’ as all-encompassing normative values for education, and these norms are regarded as a prerequisite and a foundation for human rights. Thus, human rights education is not really seen as necessary in itself. The government has not adopted any national plan of action and has refused to do so, because it is not considered ‘the optimal measure at this point in time’. On the other hand, the government of Norway define human rights as ‘the hearth’ of Norwegian foreign policy, and they are very annoyed when other states declare that their commitment only applies within the framework of their own national values and traditions.

Championing human rights close to home and far away: human rights education in light of national identity construction and foreign policy in Norway

Human rights education (HRE) has been recognised in international educational discourses as a sustainable practice to develop active citizenship and protect human dignity. However, such education has not been fully explored in a broader political context. In addition to contributing to empowering citizens to resist human rights violations, HRE plays several roles in society, contributing to both national identity and international image-building. The article explores possible relations between national identity construction, foreign policy and HRE in Norway through the following research question: What interplay occurs between Norwegian foreign policy and national identity in relation to human rights, and, within this context, what is the role of HRE? The article presents a qualitative analysis of Norwegian policy documents and reports, arguing that HRE is a component of Norwegian national identity as well as political currency in foreign relations.

Too big to fault? Effects of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize on Norwegian exports to China and foreign policy

In October 2010, the Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo. The Chinese Government responded by freezing political and economic relations with Norway, introducing sanctions on imports of fish and other products, and limiting diplomatic interaction. Using a synthetic control approach, we estimate the effect of Chinese sanctions on Norwegian exports to China and on Norwegian foreign policy. We find that the sanctions reduced direct exports of fish to China by between 125 and 176 million US$ in the period 2011–2013, and direct total exports from Norway to China by between 780 and 1300 million US$. Moreover, immediately following the peace prize, Norwegian agreement with Chinese voting on UN human rights resolutions increased. The results suggest that the Chinese Government can effectively use economic sanctions to affect the foreign policy positions of democratic governments, with potentially chilling effects for international progress on human rights.

Need to have or nice to have? Nordic cooperation, NATO and the EU in Norwegian foreign, security and defence policy

ABSTRACTNordic-ness and Nordic values clearly are embedded in Norway's conception of its foreign policy role. Nordic cooperation is also important for seeking information about EU policies for non-EU country Norway. While supporting and participating in Nordic Defence Cooperation, Norway's NATO-membership has trumped its relations with the Nordic countries as well as with the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy. A stronger policy of self-interest facilitated by its petroleum economy has also moved Norway further away from traditional Nordic peacekeeping and towards status seeking vis-à-vis key European allies. To what extent may recent global and regional political and strategic developments forge a Nordic «turn» in Norwegian foreign and security policy? What has Nordic cooperation to offer in terms of security and international status for Norway? The Norwegian case suggests that in the field of security and defence, Nordic cooperation is «nice to have» and more important than earlier but not necessary.

The Soft Power of a Small State: Discursive Constructions and Institutional Practices of Norway's Peace Engagement

Since the end of the Cold War, Norway has widely functioned as facilitator for conflict resolution in interstate conflicts and, thus, constructed Norwegian foreign policy as an international peace promoter. This article provides a critical understanding of the discursive construction and institutional practices of Norwegian peace engagement and the effectiveness of the Norwegian approach in conflict resolution experiences. By utilising valuable insights from international relations theories, this article critically analyses the construction of identity and interests in Norwegian foreign policy discourse, focusing particularly on the balancing act between realist and idealist internationalism in peace engagement.

An Arctic ‘marriage of inconvenience’: Norway and the othering of Russia

ABSTRACTThis article discusses how Norwegian foreign policy toward the Arctic is closely linked to the often vague but central concept of national identity, and the crucial role Russia plays as a ‘significant other’ to Norway in the North. The author draws on an extensive empirical analysis of Norwegian foreign policy in the Arctic since 2005, and combines this with a discussion of discourse and national identity in light of elements from post-structuralist International Relations (IR) theory. The article contributes to a better understanding of how post-structuralist IR theory and the concept of national identity can be understood and operationalized when analyzing Arctic foreign policy, in particular, and International Relations generally.

From the High North to the Low South: bipolar Norway’s Antarctic strategy

Based on a close analysis of the Norwegian Antarctic strategy from 2015, this article seeks to introduce Norway’s main interests and political priorities concerning the Antarctic to an international audience. It should also function as an important contribution to the international relations literature on the region. This article fills out and enriches recent analyses and presentations of old and emerging positions on the Antarctic. Norway is the only truly bipolar state, the only one with territorial claims to areas in both the Arctic and the Antarctic. The first Norwegian Antarctic strategy in nearly 80 years must be read as a clear signal of intent from the Norwegian Government. It is uncommonly comprehensive and detailed, and covers most if not all of Norway’s key foreign policy interests. The similarity to the Norwegian Arctic approach is rather striking. The take-home message is really that one can get a very good idea of how Norwegian foreign policy towards the Antarctic will be like by looking at Norway’s previous policies and actions in the Arctic. There is a clear signal from the government that Norway’s Antarctic competence and experience shall create synergies in the pursuit of national interests in the Antarctic. Norway needs a stage for its foreign policy, and new territories to promote national interests and support the national economy now that the fossil-driven Norwegian fairy tale is approaching its last chapters.

‘Our Entire People are Natural Born Friends of Peace’: The Norwegian Foreign Policy of Peace

AbstractWhat makes a peace nation? In this article it is argued that the Norwegian foreign policy of peace is rooted in an historical self‐understanding of Norway and Norwegians as particularly peaceful, an identity which was first articulated around 1890. Norwegians hold a strong liberal/meliorist belief that the world can become a better place, and that Norway has an important role to play in this process. However, this general belief in peace and a Norwegian peaceful exceptionalism has been expressed in different ways over the last 120 years. Around 1900, the ideal was a passive state and an active people working for peace, while from around 1920 it was accepted that the state needed to take more active part. Where international peace activism was associated in particular with UN peacekeeping during the Cold War, and peace mediation during the 1990's, increasingly a broader panoply of ‘good’ issues have been tied to an ever expanding notion of peace. The last two decades have also seen increased Norwegian participation in offensive military actions, couched at least partly in terms of peace. That the Norwegian attachment to peace remains strong while still allowing for support to military action suggests both that the Norwegian self‐understanding as a peace nation is deeply rooted and that it allows for a self‐righteous understanding of ‘peace through war’.

“Northern Balance” and the Conditions of Norway’s Participation in NATO During the Cold War Era

The article is dedicated to the problem of defining the term “Northern balance” as a factor of stability and interaction in the north of Europe, as well as the balance of Soviet and US interests in this region. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of practical grounds for such a definition, primarily to the peculiarities in the Northern European foreign policy in relation to NATO. Besides, the article focuses on Norwegian foreign policy and the terms of the country’s membership in the North-Atlantic alliance.

The Nobel Peace Prize, 1901–1939: The Decision‐Making Process

This analysis of the decision‐making process involved in Nobel Peace Prizes prior to the Second World War is illustrated with a dozen case studies. An independent Norwegian Nobel Committee chosen by the Storting, or Norwegian parliament, awards prizes. In this period its decisions reflected the dynamics among its members and advisers, all of whom were prominent political figures, some closely tied to the popular peace movement in Norway and abroad. Representatives of the Liberal party dominated the committee, although it also responded to the contesting views of other elements in the Storting. Nobel awards generally paralleled the orientation of Norwegian foreign policy, with its traditional bias toward peace.

History of Norwegian Foreign Policy

History of Norwegian Foreign Policy

A Moveable Feast: On the History of Norwegian Foreign Policy

Norsk utenrikspolitikks historie (‘The History of Norwegian Foreign Policy’), 6 vols. (Universitetsforlaget, 1995–7), NOK 298 – per volume ISBN 8–200–22639–5.Volume I: Narve Bjørgo, Øystein Rian and Alf Kaardtvedt: Selvstendighet og union. Fra middelalderen til 1905 (1995), 416 pp., ISBN 8–200–22393–0.Volume II: Roald Berg: Norge på egen hånd 1905–1920 (1995), 401 pp., ISBN 8–200–22394–9.Volume III: Odd-Bjørn Fure: Mellomkrigstid 1920–1940 (1996), 434 pp., ISBN 2–200–22534–8.Volume IV: Jakob Sverdrup: Inn i storpolitiken 1940–1949 (1996), 389 pp., ISBN 8–200–22531–3.Volume V: Knut Einar Eriksen and Helge Ø. Pharo: Kald krig og internasjonalisering 1949–1965 (1997), 505 pp., ISBN 8–200–22894–0.Volume VI: Rolf Tamnes: Oljealder 1965–1995 (1997), 568 pp., ISBN 8–200–22893–2.It is a tempting thought that there is a contrast between, on the one hand, this voluminous, painstakingly thorough and admirably documented publication and, on the other hand, the size of its subject. A foreign policy history is a prestigious project that is traditionally associated with the great and powerful states of Europe. The Norwegian Foreign Ministry has approached the project with no less austere a mind than the authorities of more populous European states. Well financed, well led and with stunningly generous access to even contemporary archive materials – up till 1995 – this particular foreign policy history might even be the one with the best official backing to date. Moreover, of the Scandinavian countries Norway is the one with the strongest tradition of international history, and most of the best minds in the field have been members of the team of authors. But why then, some would cry, throw this impressive weight into a history of one of Europe's smallest states, 4.5 million souls, placed at the outskirts of the European continent, not a member of the European Union and with fewer than 100 years of independent foreign policy at that?

Norway and a major international crisis: Suez ‐ the very difficult case

This article reviews Norway's policy during the Suez crisis in 1956, how the policy was formed and how it can be explained. Emphasis is put on the decision‐making process and on the role of the powerful Norwegian Shipowners’ Association. It also discusses Norway's most important interests and considerations in policy formation, and how they were balanced. Norway's Suez policy is seen in connection with the close relations with Israel, which could be viewed as in conflict with the protection of Norway's NATO membership and vital economic interests, represented by the powerful shipowners. In the end, Norway's Suez policy is put in the context of the change in Norwegian foreign and security policy in general, a shift in emphasis from being Britain's close ally and friend to being under the protective umbrella of the US, the new superpower.