Evidence from the NSOPF: 93 Introduction Part-time faculty have long played an important role U.S. postsecondary Jacobs (1998) relates that beginning the late Middle Ages, priests visited colleges and universities to pursue scholarly interests and to collaborate with other researchers. Following the Civil War, professionals began to teach part-time, providing expertise unavailable among full-time faculty. During the 1900s, institutions began to recruit temporary in residence artists and political figures. As Jacobs observes: These three categories--visiting, clinical, and in-residence--include some of the most creative and effective uses of part-time faculty. In every sense the arrangements are mutually beneficial. The institutions benefit from having practitioners who bring their knowledge and skill to the classrooms and laboratories, while the practitioners have access to resources and a forum which their work can be pursued and their ideas expressed. (1998, P. 11) Many part-time faculty labor under conditions consistent with the historical use of part-time faculty described by Jacobs (1998). Institutions hire others response to temporary enrollment increases or as replacements for full-time faculty who are on leave. These situations are typically considered to be appropriate uses of part-time faculty (American Association of University Professors, 1992; National Education Association, 1988). In recent decades, however, part-time faculty have increasingly been hired as permanent substitutes for full-time faculty (Jacobs, 1998; Langenberg, 1998; Leslie, 1998a, 1998b). Leslie (1998b) identifies increasing student enrollments at two-year colleges, driven large part by increases the number of two-year colleges, and the leveling off of state subsidies as reasons for the increasing use of part-time faculty. The percentage of part-time faculty has fluctuated considerably over time, declining from 35% of all faculty 1960-61 to 22% during the 1970s, then rising to 42% by 1992 (Bowen & Schuster, 1986; Kirshstein, Matheson, Jing, & Zimbler, 1997). Variations the use of part-time faculty are evident across institutional types and academic fields, although with few exceptions, the percentage of part-time faculty has increased for all institutional types and academic disciplines (Benjamin, 1998; Kirshstein et al., 1997). Although part-time faculty are often used ways that are beneficial both to institutions and to individual faculty members, their growing numbers represent a marked change the nature of higher education and the conditions of employment for faculty. While part-time faculty are often portrayed as being marginalized contingent workers who are poorly paid and comprise a lower caste of faculty (Barker 1998), research shows that this description fits some, but not all part-time faculty (Gappa & Leslie, 1993; Tuckman, 1978; Tuckman & Pickerill, 1988). Concern for those who do labor under exploitive conditions has brought criticism from several professional organizations (Chronicle of Higher Education, 1998; Farrell, 1992; Franklin, Laurence, & Denham, 1988; Leatherman, 1997; Ramusack, 1998). Indeed, the National Education Association (1988, p. 27) describes the misuse and abuse of part-time, temporary, and nontenure track faculty... [as] one of the most serious problems confronting American higher education. Because women are heavily concentrated part-time positions, the increasing use of part-time faculty also raises concerns about potential gender inequities employment opportunities and earnings (Kirshstein et al., 1997). Our research addresses a number of questions about preferences for part-time work, the relative earnings and satisfaction levels of part-time and full-time faculty, and the role that gender may play these aspects of academic employment. Specifically, we ask: (1) Are women more likely than men to prefer part-time faculty positions, and if so, does this difference account for the higher proportion of women part-time positions? …
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