Non-party Members Research Articles

More transparency, more trust: Evidence from anti‐corruption campaign in China

AbstractA large body of literature has emphasized the importance of trust in the process of modernization and marketization due to its key role in reducing transaction cost, coordinating interpersonal relationships, and maintaining social harmony, limited attentions have been paid to the political setting. To address this research gap, our study empirically examines the relationship between governmental anti‐corruption effort and individual's trust. The anti‐corruption campaign since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China can serve as an excellent quasi‐natural‐experiment in this study to measure the extent to which governments devotes themselves to control corruption. Using the trace dataset of China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) surveys over the period 2012 to 2016, we find that there is a positive relationship between exposure to anti‐corruption campaign and personal political and social trust. Furthermore, our results suggest that this positive effect will be more pronounced when people are nonparty members and affiliated with rural communities, while more salient for those located in east region of China. This study contributes to the literature on spillover of government corruption by linking anti‐corruption campaign and individual‐level trust. Moreover, we also add values in the literature on the determinants of personal trust by providing political explanation.

Do Mixed Religions Make Families More Generous? An Empirical Analysis Based on a Large-Scale Survey of Chinese Families

This study focuses on the relationship between mixed religions and family donations in China as the object of analysis, where individual donations are primarily in the form of family contributions. Although there is considerable research on the relationship between religion and individual donations, the academic community has yet to clarify the connection between mixed religions and family donations. Based on the large-scale survey data from the 2020 China Family Panel Studies, this study employs econometric models such as probit and tobit models to examine the relationship. To mitigate endogeneity and enhance the robustness of the conclusions, this research also conducts instrumental variable analysis and robustness analysis. The study finds that the influence of mixed religions on family donations is greater than that of non-mixed religions, but this influence is more pronounced in families with higher donation levels. Heterogeneity analysis reveals that mixed religions have a greater impact on donations in families headed by individuals aged 41–59, females, those with no religious affiliation, residents of urban areas, and families in the western and northeastern regions. Furthermore, the impact of mixed religions on family donations is higher only when there is a combination of one or three religions. Additional analysis indicates that households with lower educational attainment, non-Party members, individuals suffering from illnesses, and unmarried females are more likely to choose mixed religions.

Attitudinal Legacies of Dictatorship

What are the longer-term consequences of premigratory experiences on the political attitudes of those who migrate out of extremely authoritarian regimes? In this paper, using data from an original survey of North Korean defectors in South Korea conducted in 2022, we examine whether attitudes on executive power, self-sacrifice for the sake of the national community (postmigration), state ownership, and the duty to participate politically, vary among North Korean defectors, and whether those attitudes are based on their individual experiences in North Korea. Although we find little evidence that defectors express a greater willingness to sacrifice for the nation, former members (especially male members) of the Workers’ Party of Korea are significantly more likely than nonparty members to express support for a strong unchecked leader. Some other indicators of elite status (such as higher education and organizational leadership) also suggest that defectors who were elites are more likely than defectors with less elite backgrounds to retain elements of the authoritarian socialization they experienced in North Korea.

Soviet Sounds, Communist Pedagogy: Lessons for Today’s Musicians, Organisers, Educators

ABSTRACT Interventions in the field of music by the Soviet All-Union Communist Party have been read variously as personal interference by the ‘deranged despot’ Joseph Stalin, as the individuality of artists subsumed under totalitarian control, and as the mechanism by which socialism itself was constructed. The first two arguments are refuted by examining (1) the subjective roles of the Party and of both Party and non-Party members in the Union of Soviet Composers in these interventions and (2) the objective conditions present during the years of Stalin’s Party leadership that related to the process of the development of music policy. Soviet music policy was formulated through vigorous, sometimes vicious struggle. This contest between a communist social force, and reactionary, anticommunist forces, remained alive as a ‘background hum’. The formulation and implementation of Soviet music policy was a pedagogical process carried out by workers with leadership from the Party. Non-Party workers were involved through participation in their Union, which used its independence and power to interpretively implement Party decrees. The way Soviet musicians fought to create a diverse, equitable, and inclusive society in practice, beyond the realm of slogans, is worth understanding as a pedagogical model for today’s communists.

E-participation in contemporary China: A comparison with conventional offline participation

Drawing on the resource theory of political participation, we compare the determinants of Internet-based e-participation and conventional offline political participation in China by employing data from an original survey conducted in 2013. We find that e-government and other online platforms provide more equal participation opportunities to Chinese citizens traditionally lacking political resources. Although non-party members and non-elites are disadvantaged in conventional offline participation, they are not in e-participation, especially through using e-government systems. Internet/computer access and Internet skills push individuals away from conventional offline participation, and frequent social media users are more likely to engage in e-participation. Taken together, these results suggest that e-government and other online platforms offer the genuine potential to expand the scope of participation and empowers those traditionally disadvantaged in China.

Political Strategy of Nahdlatul Ulama Party in Cirebon Regency during 1952-1967

At the 1952 Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Congress in Palembang, 1952, NU officially broke away from Masyumi and declared itself a political party. From then on, NU emerged as a growing force in both local and national political scenes. In the 1955 elections in Cirebon, the NU party emerged as the winner and the only branch in West Java that received the most votes. The political strategy of the NU Party in Cirebonin the run-up to the 1955 general election was based on the instructions of the Nahdlatul Ulama Executive Board (PBNU) to immediately organize party activities; among others by recruiting non-party members and preparing funding. The emergence of local kiai (religious leaders) who had extensive networks in the villages and Islamic boarding schools also contributed to the NU party’s victory. After the 1955 elections, the Cirebon NU Party highlighted unilateral actions by the PKI. During the September 30, 1965 Movement (Gestapu), mass killings broke out in Central Java and East Java but similar violence did not occur in Cirebon, though there was small outbreaks of violence. In response to the political situation in Indonesia and considering the situation at the local level, PBNU held its 24th Congress in Bandung 1967. By employing the historical method, this study discusses the political strategy of the NU party in Cirebon Regency before and after the 1955 election.

Volunteer Service and Well-Being of Older People in China.

PurposeThe social support theory suggested that involving older people in social activities could increase their level of social participation and interaction, which in turn improved their well-being. However, there has been a heated controversy about whether participating in volunteer services could enhance the well-being of older people, especially for the Chinese sample.MethodBased on the data from the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS) in 2013, this paper used an ordered probit model to examine the impact of older people's participation in volunteer services on their well-being, as well as the differences in the impact across groups and the specific transmission mechanism.ResultThe empirical study found that Chinese older people's participation in volunteerism significantly enhanced their well-being, which remained robust after eliminating the possible effects of self-selection. Further heterogeneity analysis revealed that for female, non-party members and older adults with good economic status, participation in volunteerism has a higher increase in well-being. The mediating effect test indicated that older people's participation in volunteerism affected well-being mainly through enhancing positive emotions.ConclusionIt is necessary to promote the participation of older people in volunteer services and to clarify the role of government support and advocacy. Proper guidance is given to change the role of older people as care recipients to that of service providers and caregivers, and to continuously enrich the programmes and content of volunteer service to safeguard the well-being of older people.

Party membership and charitable giving in China: the mediating role of resources, networks, prosocial values and making compulsory donations

Previous studies suggest that Communist Party members in China are more likely to give and give more to charity than non-Party members, but why this is remains unclear. Using the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS, 2012), this article develops and tests hypotheses about the potential mechanisms that influence the relationship between Party membership and charitable giving. Uniquely, total charitable giving in China includes both voluntary and compulsory donations. Generalised structural equation modelling results indicate that Party members donate more overall, because they have higher levels of human resources, larger formal networks and higher prosocial values and are more likely to make compulsory donations than non-Party members. Interestingly, our results show that making compulsory donations crowds out voluntary giving. Therefore, Party members donate only marginally more than non-Party members in terms of voluntary giving.

Impact of work ethic on proactive work behaviors: The moderating roles of education and party affiliation in China

This study examined the relationship between work ethic and proactive work behaviors by focusing on the moderating roles of education and party affiliation. The theoretical model was tested using data collected from employees in China. Analyses of 746 usable questionnaires collected at two phrases were used to empirically test the relationship between the work ethic and proactive work behaviors. The relationship between work ethic and proactive work behaviors was more pronounced for those with lower education. It was also founded that the work ethic had a significantly stronger positive influence on proactive work behaviors among non-Party members than among the Chinese Communist Party members. Finally, we discussed the theoretical and practical implications of this study, future research directions and limitations at the end of this article.

Evaluation of Employment Competitiveness of City-based and Application-oriented College Graduates and a Comparative Analysis of Their Differences—A Case Study of Beijing Union University

As a city-based and application-oriented college, Beijing Union University focuses on cultivating application-oriented talents to meet the needs of city development. In recent years, the number of college graduates has increased, the demand for talents has become increasingly high, and the employment situation for graduates has become increasingly grim. This paper takes the 2019 graduates of Beijing Union University as the objects of investigation, and conducts research on the employment competitiveness of graduates through questionnaires and interviews. It is found that in terms of environment adaptability and the concept of employment, there are significant differences among graduates from different registered permanent residences and habitual residences; Party members and females have significantly higher levels of professionalism and foreign language proficiency than those of non-Party members and males; and the family income of graduates from Beijing and who live in cities is relatively better. Based on the existing research results, some suggestions have been made for both individual college graduates and higher education institutions.

Talking to the System: Imre Mikó, 1911–1977

Taking a cue from an intelligence file produced by the Romanian political police on Transylvanian Hungarian intellectual Imre Mikó (Cluj, 1911–1977), the article analyzes the various patterns of accomodation with the political system, which represents a key to the understanding of how social legitimacy was built and maintained by the communist regimes of Eastern Europe. The framework in which this story takes place is especially interesting due to the Romanian context. On the one hand, the analysis of an unconventional collaboration established during the 1970s between the security organs of a national communist system and a prominent conservative intellectual stimulates us to rethink the state-society relationship in Ceaușescu’s Romania in more dynamic terms. Among the multiple reasons that led Mikó to accept the role of informer, one finds the communitarian ideology of “serving the people”, but also his belief that cooperation with the state security on relevant issues to the Transylvanian Hungarian community did not represent a betrayal of national ideals but the only way to achieve certain political goals, such as informing the Western public opinion on the worsening condition of the Hungarian minority. The case of Mikó can be compared with other files unveiled in Romania during the last years, and shows that often uncritically accepted definition of “collaboration” require serious conceptual reshaping. During the last decades of the communist regimes, significant parts of the formerly persecuted elite came to work together with the state security organs. They did not “talk to the system” with the purpose of spying on fellow citizens, but seeked to push forward their own cause with the infrastructural support of the state security, in a context where non-party members had been denied any access to the political sphere, and they regarded personal contact with a high-raking state security officer as a counterbalance of their marginality.

The Quality of College Student Party Members in the Perspective of Scholarship

The quality of college student party member is the core task work of development about college student party member, and will affect the future development of the Communist Party of China directly. In this paper, Dalian University of Technology student members is the object of study, and based on the scholarship, it analyzes the status quo of student party members in six aspects: academic achievement, spiritual civilization, social work, social practice, scientific and technological innovation and cultural and sports activities. It is shows that Party members get a higher proportion of scholarships than non-party members. The article also analyzes the difference of the quality of college student party members from three aspects: subject background, gender and grade. It shows great theoretical and practical significance to understand and master the quality of college student party members.

Party Campaigners or Citizen Campaigners? How Social Media Deepen and Broaden Party-Related Engagement

Digital media are often blamed for accelerating the decline of political parties as channels for citizen participation. By contrast, we show that political engagement on social media may revitalize party activities because these platforms are means for both party members and ordinary citizens to discuss politics and engage with and around political parties. Using online surveys conducted in Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom, we find that party members engage in a wider variety of party-related activities than average respondents, but the same can also be said of nonparty members who informally discuss politics on social media. Moreover, the strength of the relationship between party membership and engagement decreases as the intensity of political discussion on social media increases. This suggests that political discussions on social media can narrow the divide in party-related engagement between members and nonmembers, and to some extent flatten rather than reinforce existing political hierarchies. Finally, we find that the correlation between party membership and engagement is stronger in Germany, where party organizations are more robust, than in Italy and the United Kingdom, highlighting the role of party organizational legacies in the digital age.

A survey of voluntary activities in medical graduates

Objective To get a view of the participation, motivation and barrier of voluntary activities in medical graduates, and to provide valuable advices for improving such behaviors. Methods The convenience sample method was used in medical graduates in 2014 and the total sample was 348. The data of voluntary service were collected by self-designed questionnaire, including whether participating in voluntary service, times, types, motivations and barriers. SPSS 20.0 were used in statistic analysis and data were processed by description analysis and x2 test. Results The effective response rate is 80.7% (281). The proportion of the post graduated students participation in voluntary activities is 65.8% (185), however, only 13.4% (28) claimed such activities more than 3 times. The proportion of participation in male, student leaders and party members were higher than those female, non-student leaders and non-party members, the different is statistically significant (P＜0.05). The proportion of medical related voluntary activities is 52.6%. The primary motivation of voluntary behaviors is social responsibility (30.1%), while the primary obstacle is lack of medium (39.50%) and limitation of personal time and energy (30.0%). Conclusions The participation and persistence of voluntary activity in graduated students are not high enough. The colleges need to strength the organization and management of voluntary activities and focus on social responsible education, inspire and guide the postgraduate students to participate in voluntary activities persistently by using their specialties. Key words: Medical students; Graduate students; Volunteers; Voluntary activities

Impact of Job Involvement on Organizational Citizenship Behaviors in China

This study examined the relationship between job involvement and the five dimensions of organizational citizenship behaviors (OCBs, altruism, courtesy, sportsmanship, conscientiousness, and civil virtue), using a sample of 1,110 from the People Republic of China. Results showed that job involvement related positively to all dimensions of OCBs. In addition, gender moderated the relationship between job involvement and three dimensions of OCBs (altruism, courtesy, sportsmanship), with males having a stronger, positive relationship between these constructs than females. The results further showed that party affiliation moderated the relationship between job involvement and three dimensions of OCBs (altruism, courtesy, and civil virtue), with party members having a strong, positive relationship between these constructs than non-party members. The results are interpreted in light of the literature both on job involvement and OCBs, and limitations of this study are discussed.

Members are Not the Only Fruit: Volunteer Activity in British Political Parties at the 2010 General Election

Research Highlights and Abstract This article shows: The importance of non-party members (supporters) in election campaigns. Party evolution rather than self-evident decline. How parties cope with falling membership to staff campaigns. The extent to which supporter activities complement and supplement those of members. Existing research on volunteer activity in political parties has tended to focus on party membership, both in terms of numbers and activities undertaken. Recent developments in British political parties suggest however, an increasing role for party supporters—supporters of parties who are not formal members. Using data collected through surveys of election agents at the 2010 general election, this article examines the extent of supporter activity in constituency (district-level) campaigns, the extent to which active local parties stimulate supporter activity, the correlates of supporter and member activity, and whether supporter activity makes a positive and independent contribution to parties' constituency campaigns. The article provides an important opportunity to question whether the evolution of party organisations suggests that formal members may be less important than has been previously assumed in the conduct of election campaigns and the extent to which supporter activity complements that of members.

Conformity, political participation, and economic rewards: The case of Chinese private entrepreneurs

Using institutional and resource dependence theories as the conceptual framework, this study identifies three forms of conformity—political, economic, and social—that can affect the level of private entrepreneurs’ formal political participation in a transition economy. Data from a 2004 national-wide survey of 3,012 private firms in China show that political conformity (indicated by membership in the ruling party), economic conformity (amount of taxes paid), and social conformity (amount of charity donated) are each antecedents to private entrepreneurs’ formal political participation. Moreover, political conformity negatively moderates the relationship between social conformity and private entrepreneurs’ formal political participation—for party members, a lesser amount of charity is associated with higher levels of political position as compared to non-party members. We also found that the rewards of formal political participation have institutional boundaries: political participation can indeed bring private entrepreneurs economic rewards such as a greater amount of loans from state banks but not from shareholding and underground banks.

Linkages between Parliamentary and Ministerial Careers in Germany, 1949–2008: The Bundestag as Recruitment Pool

Delegation theory assumes strong direct links between the parliamentary majority and the government in parliamentary democracies. Based on a data set of career characteristics for all federal cabinet ministers in Germany 1949 to 2008, we test whether the Bundestag serves as the dominant recruitment pool throughout the period, whether party membership of ministers is a sine qua non, and whether non-party members and/or non-MPs seek membership as soon as possible after their selection for a cabinet post. We find confirmation for all three hypotheses, although in more recent times an increasing number of ministers are level-switchers, i.e. are recruited from the ranks of Länder executives.

Paint-by-Numbers Democracy: The Stakes, Structure, and Results of the 2007 Vietnamese National Assembly Election

The 2007 National Assembly (NA) election in Vietnam inspired the imagination of observers. New electoral procedures boded well for increased competition and representation. This article probes this outcome, providing a detailed account of how the Vietnamese electoral process works in practice. It concludes that despite well-publicized institutional changes, the composition of the post-election NA still reflects a preplanned script and even possesses slightly smaller shares of non-party members and self-nominated candidates than in previous years. Nevertheless, the authors found some room for optimism in the unprecedented rejection of central nominees, primarily in wealthy, donor provinces.

Factors Influencing the Decision of the Young Politically Engaged To Join a Political Party

Situated in the literature concerning the decline of party members, and the dearth of young party members, this article considers the factors that influence the decision of a politically engaged young person to join, or not join, a political party. Making use of a unique dataset, we examine the attitudes and socialization of a large group of politically active young Canadians, a group that includes a significant number of both party members and non-party members. The article finds significant attitudinal differences towards political parties, with non-members highly suspicious of parties in terms of their general democratic performance, their efficacy in achieving social and political change and in the ability of grassroots members to influence party decision-making. We also find important socialization effects, the most significant being that young party members are considerably more likely than non-members to have a parent who is a party member. Recruitment through family members appears to be a principal path to party membership for young voters.