Non-state Entities Research Articles

Normativno uređenje upravljanja kontinuitetom poslovanja u Republici Srbiji

The problem addressed in this paper concerns business continuity, that is, business continuity management. Business continuity management can be understood as one of the basic functions of any organization, the establishment and realization of which is necessary to ensure the continuation of business and at the same time the functioning of the organization in the event of any disruption caused by a potentially harmful event. On the other hand, it is not wrong to understand this function as an integral part of corporate security. This paper started from the research question of whether there is an adequate normative framework for business continuity management in the Republic of Serbia. In the paper, the author researched whether the business continuity management process is normatively regulated in a satisfactory manner, specifically, the legal regulations of the Republic of Serbia, standards in this area, but also regulations at the level of the European Union, in order to determine the relevant provisions that are missing in the legislation of the Republic of Serbia. The expected result is that, on the basis of a comprehensive analysis of the content of the documents that regulate business continuity management for the Republic of Serbia, and then on a level that goes beyond the borders of the state - for the international community in the field of business continuity created by state and non-state entities that aim to have a more comprehensive understanding and applying the business continuity concept. The author uses everything presented so far in order to point out the normative regulation of the subject area in the Republic of Serbia, but also more broadly, the importance of the entire area of business continuity, as well as the importance of greater involvement of the state in the regulation of issues of this type.

Military Interventions in International Law and Practices: Objectives, Legality and Legitimacy

Military intervention is defined as forcible meddling in state affairs. This intervention can take many different forms, including political or military action, as well as direct or indirect intervention. International law is largely concerned with the prohibition of dictatorial or coercive meddling in state affairs. Military intervention has piqued scholarly attention since the Cold War's conclusion, and it has been proven that various cases of the usage of force or the menace to apply force were lawful in the lack of a Security Council resolution. Nonetheless, since the Cold War's end, issues of dominance and non-intervention have been called into question by the emerging human rights rhetoric, which has used the benefit of the big powers to engage in the concerns of weaker nations. Through the Charter of the UN, it is clear that the international military intervention under Chapter VII is not an advantage to the Security Council Rather; it is a legal obligation subject to international law to attain safety and harmony for all the peoples in this world. Through the Charter of the UN also, must respect the aims and rules of international law when deciding military intervention against a state or entity in the international community away from the political objectives that achieve the interests of powerful countries. The decision to engage in military intervention against a non-state entity or another state is a tough and complex one that involves a plethora of moral, political, legal, economical, and logistical concerns for a state to measure. Therefore, this research focused on the military intervention in international law and practices, study provided a comprehensive and specialized legal study on military intervention subject, in which study provides analysis on the historical background, types, objectives, legality and legitimacy of military intervention in international law comparable with international practice and make proposals to develop a clear legal framework for military intervention to ensure the realization of the main objectives of military intervention that set in UN Charter and international law away from the influence of the majors' powers that aim to achieve their own goals through military intervention within the framework of the UNSC. Keywords: Military Intervention, International Law, International Practice, UN Charter, International Peace and Security. DOI: 10.7176/JLPG/117-04 Publication date: January 31 st 2022

Role of non-governmental organizations in poverty reduction in the global South: evidence from world vision Ghana, Kintampo South district.

Poverty is a global issue, particularly in the Global South. This has made its reduction vital, although official efforts have yielded modest results. As a result, non-state entities such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) arose to supplement the government’s poverty reduction initiatives. Even though there have been studies on the role of NGOs in poverty reduction in the Global South, the results remain inconclusive. As such, this study investigates World Vision Ghana’s (WVG) impact on poverty reduction. The study employed an after-only design. The sample size was 384 people, and the data were collected utilizing questionnaires and an interview guide. Descriptive statistics, parametric and non-parametric analysis, and thematic analysis were used to analyze the data. It was discovered that WVG used both demand-side and supply side approaches to poverty reduction, which helped increase earnings, acceptable food consumption, access to potable water and toilet facilities, human capital development, and understanding of children's rights. However, WVG’s operation is hampered by low literacy among clients, an uncertain rainfall pattern, insufficient funding, and loan non-payment. WVG’s interventions largely contributed to poverty reduction. As a result, the promotion of demand and supply side approaches to poverty reduction, the establishment of literacy programs, and the sensitization of recipients on the need for loan repayment are critical in boosting the success of WVG’s interventions and ensuring sustainability of outcomes.

Policy networks in refugee education

This paper presents a social network analysis of partnerships in refugee education and shows how relationships between organisations change in response to multiple crises, including political and economic crises, disaster, and COVID-19. We draw insights from an original database of 440 state and nonstate entities engaged in Syria refugee education in Lebanon (2018–2021). We find that partnerships in refugee education comprise a complex web of global, national, and local actors. The policy network arising from these partnerships reflects power inequities wherein international organisations hold most influence. Moreover, crises impact the network, which expands to include new private actors. While the COVID-19 pandemic is thought to accelerate localisation, our analysis suggests the durability of global power hierarchies in refugee education response.

ИММАНЕНТНЫЕ ПУБЛИЧНЫЕ ФУНКЦИИ СУВЕРЕНИТЕТА В МЕЖДУНАРОДНОМ ПРАВЕ

The review presents the debatable positions of scientists on meaning of sovereignty and of inherently public legal capacity of state in international law. The review describes delegation of public rights of state to non-state entities and its limits. The author reveals theoretical problems of strengthening of states sovereignty.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization towards the war in Syria 2011-2015

The conflict in Syria that started in 2011 has quickly evolved from a local uprising inspired by the events of the so-called “Arab Spring” into a multidimensional and complicated conflict of a civil war character, with many diverse participants and a very significant religious factor apart from political and socioeconomic reasons. Furthermore, the conflict has become internationalized: more and more external parties have gotten involved in it with a view to furthering or safeguarding their own interests. A vast majority of these actors were states (as far as legal entities are concerned). In the context of their activity, operations of non-state entities, such as international organizations, were rather limited and focused on social and humanitarian issues. This also pertains to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Evolving from a typical defensive alliance towards a security organization and, since the end of the Cold War, consistently operating outside the area covered by the Treaty (understood as the territories of member states), NATO as an autonomous entity has not taken any consistent, coordinated, or decisive actions during the first years of the Syrian conflict. This is due to both the specific features of this international organization and the determinants of the international environment with their dynamics.

China-Taiwan Threats of Force and the Paradox of the ‘Nuclear Weapons Principle’

Abstract The People’s Republic of China (‘China’) has adopted legislation threatening to invade the Republic of China (‘Taiwan’) if the latter declares independence. Threats of force are prohibited by the UN Charter Article 2(4) and equivalent customary international law. This article proceeds along two apparently contradictory strands. On the one hand, the prohibition probably does not apply to non-State entities such as the Republic of China. One the other hand, the ICJ stated in the Nuclear Weapons opinion that ‘if the use of force itself in a given case is illegal […] the threat to use such force will likewise be illegal’. If the Republic of China declares independence it will become a State, making a PRC invasion illegal. Therefore, the PRC’s current threats should also be illegal. The best way to resolve this apparent paradox is to say that the ICJ’s ‘Nuclear Weapons principle’ must be nuanced.

The EU as a global negotiator? The advancement of the EU’s role in multilateral negotiations at the UN General Assembly

This paper aims to account for the EU’s role in multilateral negotiations at the UNGA by looking at the negotiations on the enhanced observer status. During the negotiation process, the EU experienced significant opposition and had to accept an intermediate setback in form of a postponement of the vote. Despite this, the EU’s enhanced observer status was adopted by the UNGA in May 2011 as resolution 65/276. This research contributes to the understanding of the EU as an actor in multilateral negotiations and the interaction between state and non-state actors. I argue that the EU is in the process of establishing itself as an active and recognized actor at the UN and determining its role as a highly integrated regional organization and non-state entity in the state-centric environment of the UNGA. I analyse the negotiation process and the final agreement through the lenses of a bargaining approach and as an alternative, mutual recognition as global justice.

Outer space law

Given that sudden breakthroughs in conquering the cosmos are expected, some basic questions about the law governing relations in respect to outer space and in it can be expected to be triggered, starting already with the issue how one has to call that law and what is its real content. The first part of the paper deals with the naming of this branch of law and concludes that for the time being the term outer space law is the best and widely accepted. In the second part, the author states that many scientific papers and even official documents, do not define outer space law at all. There are even opinions that the outer space is a phenomenon which cannot be defined at all, suggesting that it is not possible to define a cosmic right either. The author considers that a distinction should be made between national space law of states and international space law (space law in the narrow sense a branch of international law containing legal rules governing relations in respect to the space and in the space, and in particular the regime of that space and celestial bodies it contains, exploration and exploitation of the space, the regime of navigation in the space, the legal position of the astronauts and space objects, international legal liability for damage caused by space activities, etc.). When so is clearly stated, one can also speak of space law in a broad sense, which, in addition to the norms of space law in the narrow sense, would include norms that are part of soft law, agreements and legal customs between states and non-state entities, and even at some point so-called. metalaw (law that may one day govern relations between humanity and creatures of other worlds).

Pandemics in Cyberspace – Empire in Search of a Sovereign?

Abstract Traditionally, the idea of a sovereign is being connected either with an absolutist ruler (later replaced by “the people”) at the national level, or the nation-state at the international level – at least in the conditions of the Westphalian system created in 1648. Today, on the contrary, we are witnessing a “post-” situation in many respects – post-modernism, post-positivism, but also post-statism – basically being a sort of return to the pre-Westphalian system (see Ondrej Hamuľák, “Lessons from the ‘Constitutional Mythology’ or How to Reconcile the Concept of State Sovereignty with European Integration,” DANUBE: Law, Economics and Social Issues Review Vol. 6, No. 2 (2015); or Danuta Kabat-Rudnicka, “Autonomy or Sovereignty: the Case of the European Union,” International and Comparative Law Review Vol. 20, No. 2 (2020)). However, paternalistic views, prevailing especially in times of crisis and uncertainty, desperately search for a sovereign to lead us from the crises. With regard to cyberattacks and insecurity in the cyberspace this means an effort to subordinate cyberspace to state sovereignty. Still, given the limitations of traditional state-based monopolies of power and legislation, the state as an “analogue sovereign” shrinks in the digital cyberspace rather to a co-sovereign, co-ordinator, or in feudal terms a “senior” vis-à-vis their vassals. The actual ensuring of the tasks of state as a “digital sovereign” is namely often being entrusted to non-state (essentially private-owned) entities, under the threat of legal sanctions. The current situation of constructing “digital sovereignty” of traditional states or of the EU is thus marked by the necessity of cooperation between the state power and those non-state entities which are falling under its analogue jurisdiction.

Influencing Factors and Future Trends of Global Climate Governance Pattern and China’s Responsive Measures

Since the 1990s, the global climate governance pattern has kept evolving from the initial two camps of developed and developing countries to the current pattern of multi-polarity, featuring the withdrawal and return of Paris Agreement by the United States, the declining leadership of the EU, the coalition of BASIC countries, and the rise of the least developed countries and small island developing states as newly emerging forces. This evolution mainly results from the combined effects of three factors: (i) The changes in the carbon emission pattern driven by population, economic growth, and technological progress; (ii) the stronger influences and power of discourse of the least developed countries and small island developing states as derived from the impacts of and vulnerability to climate change; and (iii) the impacts brought about by uncertain factors such as the uncertainties in terms of science, politics, and technological progress. These factors will still affect the trend of global climate governance in the future. The carbon emissions of developed countries will continue to take a less share in the world’s total, while the proportion of India and the least developed countries in this respect will rise rapidly, which will make global climate governance face a dilemma. Technological progress and the positive actions of non-state entities indicate that the international climate system needs reform and innovation. The rapid development of China over the past three decades has been synchronized with the evolution of the global governance structure, and has naturally become one of the internal factors driving the evolution of climate governance pattern. In the face of various pressure and challenges, China has been pushed to the forefront of global climate governance. China should observe the general trends within and outside the country, and respond to them rationally: (i) Set the proper role of China in the new pattern of global climate governance, i.e. a cooperation leader who should make positive contributions and avoid premature advance; (ii) innovate the concept and institutional system of global climate governance, and study and put forward the Chinese approach that is positive, pragmatic, and operable; (iii) help low-income countries cope with climate change by virtue of renewable energy technology and industrial cooperation, and achieve a win–win situation by encouraging Chinese enterprises to “go out” and helping low-income countries effectively control carbon emissions; and (iv) strengthen the climate cooperation with non-state actors, give play to their special role, and promote China’s comprehensive reform and opening-up.

SELECTED ADVANCED CYBER ESPIONAGE OPERATIONS

The article presents examples of highly advanced cyber espionage operations aimed atthe structures of states and non-state entities with high impact on the economic activity.The attacks took place between 2003 and 2017. The article presents the steps ofOperation Titan Rain and Operation Gh0stNet and also one of the longest espionageoperations revealed to the public, which is Operation The Night Dragon. Anotheroperation is a series of cyber attacks identified by McAfee - Operation Shady RAT. Theyears 2009-2010 belong to Operation Aurora, whose victims were dozens oforganizations, including Google. One of the described attacks is Operation Nitro,targeting entities mostly located in the United States, Bangladesh and Great Britain. Thecourse of Project Raven was based on a Reuters investigation. The spy campaigntargeting various victims around the world, monitored by a team of BlackBerryResearch and Intelligence specialists, was named as CostaRicto.

Polish smart power in terms of NGOs activity and intersections between development aid and public diplomacy

Intersections and links between public diplomacy and development aid have so far seldom been a subject of scientific analysis. Development aid as a component of niche diplomacy in the case of medium-sized countries, such as Poland, was eventually noticed by researchers of public diplomacy, and considered in terms of a state’s power. This article presents the results of a study whose goals were to find out in which areas Polish development aid and public diplomacy had common points, what the NGOs’ participation in both fields was, and whether the participation of the non-governmental sector in the implementation of development aid could itself be treated as public diplomacy. Subsequently, the study aimed to establish to what extent those possible common points, supported by NGOs’ activities, could become a Polish specialty, a niche that could be used by Poland in building its smart power. I claimed that public diplomacy is a form of political communication, used in the implementation of foreign policy, in cooperation with non-state actors, and in two contexts: building the image of the state and building its relationships with the international community; Whereas I understand development aid as the entire activity of the donor’s government for supporting developing countries, including humanitarian aid. The aid initiatives are carried out with non-state entities involvement; and the global education as a part of development cooperation is included here too. Referring my study’s assumptions to the concept of J. Pamment concerning three levels of intersections between public diplomacy and development aid, I divided Polish activity into development, humanitarian, and voluntary projects; branding, marketing, promotional and global education activities, and finally the discourse on projects and communication activities. Both public diplomacy and development aid were considered in terms of power. However in the case of development aid, both soft and hard resources were noticed, whereas in public diplomacy—only the soft ones. It prompted me to analyse both areas in terms of smart power, which—according to J.S. Nye’s concept—is understood here as the combination of hard and soft resources. To achieve that I found the methods such as foreign policy analysis (documents content analysis, institutional analysis), case study, desk research, as well as participant observation, to be very useful. It turned out that many areas in which Poland, after joining the European Union in 2004, could build its international social relationships within its smart power have already been taken over by more developed countries. Nevertheless, the results of the study proved that between 2004 and 2012 a successful transformation and democracy promotion became components of Poland’s narrative as a country of smart democratic changes, and Polish NGOs’ significantly participated these processes. Additionally, as a result of my study I proposed the possibility of examining both areas based on NGOs’ activity in terms of Polish smart power, also in the future.

The Governance of Global Labor Migration: Literature Review

This paper focuses on the past 10 years of major scholarship on the governance of external labor migration. It also centers on migration that is voluntary and regular, recognizing that rules governing lowskilled migration are often formed to control irregular migration [5]. Scholars of migrant labor identify four major categories: low-skilled temporary (e. g. seasonal workers, service workers), low-skilled permanent (e. g. industrial workers), high-skilled temporary (e. g. student workers, corporate assignees, “expats”), and high-skilled permanent (e. g. medical personnel, technology specialists).
 Discussion on the layers of labor migration governance may give the impression that all initiatives are government-based. However, as some authors mention [12; 30; 17], non-state entities play key governance roles. Multinational corporations (MNCs) are the most influential non-state actors.
 In light of the incoherence of governance in the area of regular labor migration, there is no shortage of knowledge gaps. A preliminary review of contemporary scholarly literature, suggests that case studies to identify best practices in multilateral schemes and public-private partnerships within the regional “layer” of governance, may be a particularly fruitful focus for scholarly research. This conclusion is based on sources that describe immigration politics and policy at the national level as inherently unstable and less likely to yield insights into balancing short vs. long-term economic interests or into the protection of migrant’s rights [24; 29]. The slow pace and relative ineffectiveness of efforts at the global level suggests that scholars may find targeting this “layer” of limited value, particularly if they wish to form actionable, forward-looking policy recommendations. 
 
 

БЕЗПЕКОВИЙ ДИСКУРС У СОЦІОЛІНГВІСТИЧНІЙ ПАРАДИГМІ

Since the need for security is one of the basic human needs, and activities aimed at ensuring security are a necessary component of human life, the investigation of security discourse as a part of the security environment is always relevant. Until now, security discourse has not been studied from the standpoint of discursive sociolinguistics as a discourse of the institutional type, which functions in the course of speech interaction in the security field. The article substantiates that professionally-oriented communication within security institutions is a discourse of institutional type – security discourse. It identifies security spheres in which this discourse functions and state and non-state entities’ activities which it covers. The author describes the activity that determines the communication characteristics in the security field and influences the development of the language for professional purposes. The researcher reveals components of this activity and outlines the main system-forming features of security discourse ‑ the basic concept, purpose and, participants. The study results might be considered as a starting point for further comprehensive research of the security discourse as an institutional one.

Biothreat & One Health: Current scenario & way forward.

There is an increased connectedness among humans, animals, and the environment and the current pandemic has taught the interlinking of the health of humans, animals and the planet. This inter-connectedness and factors like population growth, migration, urbanization, and climate change contribute significantly to the enhanced probability of emergence of previously unknown wildlife source pathogens at any place, any time, and without warning. Lurking in the background is the massive potential for the deliberate use of biological agents as weapons by State or non-State entities. Biological weapons have been used in wars since antiquity, however, newer research and techniques have led to these being real threats with a vast potential of harm to humans, animals, and crops. Over a period, it has become increasingly difficult to differentiate between deliberate and natural biothreat incidents. The response to both types is alike to safeguard lives, livestock, crops and the environment and reduce the consequent socio-economic ramifications. Biothreat may be targeted towards humans, animals, or crops, or all these concurrently. Every country including India is at risk of biothreat. The concept of one health is thus essential for responding to emerging infectious diseases or biothreats. Comprehensive surveillance for early detection, reporting and early concerted action is needed for prevention and blunting the effect of biothreats, which require close coordination and collaboration among various stakeholders within each country as well as globally.

Access to Medicine and TRIPS Agreement: A Mapping of the Tradescape

The tumultuous tradescape, which references the landscape of the trade regime, provides the background for this chapter and hopes to outline a historiographic mapping of the struggles of diverse actors for access to medicine rupturing established global structures over three generations. The historiographic mapping traces the changes in the patent discourse terrain by analyzing the metamorphosis of IP ideology, particularly patents. In doing so, this larger book captures the different sets of actors such as states, transnational business corporations, civil society groups, and the (re)framing of patent discourses within and among these actors. Our intergenerational analyses of the legal issues surrounding the access to medicine question provides an insight into the structures within which the actors have operated along with the dynamic relationship between structures and actors. The term structure refers to the economic system within which various actors operate. The influence of structures over the behavior of actors and in turn, the influence exerted by actors over structures eventually caused generational shifts in the debate on the role of patents, trade, and access to medication. The book examines the influences over established global protocols, national and international agreements, and state and non-state entities. In doing so, we acknowledge that the history of patent harmonization discourse is a story of dynamic actors, whose interactions with established structures continue to shape the global patent regime.

Sud pravde Evropske unije i autonomne restriktivne mere protiv pravnih i fizičkih lica i nedržavnih entiteta u okviru zajedničke spoljne i bezbednosne politike

As a part of its specific policies, the EU creates and implements numerous restrictive measures against different subjects. In recent years, the most interesting ones, especially from the perspective of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), have been the autonomous restrictive measures against natural and legal persons and other non-state entities within the Union`s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). After years of legal wandering in this regard, the Lisbon Treaty finally offered an explicit legal basis for this kind of measures, envisaging, as well, for the first time, the CJEU`s jurisdiction in the field of CFSP in some cases, including the one related to reviewing the legality of decisions providing for restrictive measures against natural or legal persons adopted by the Council of the EU on the basis of Chapter 2 of Title V of the Treaty of the European Union. In this regard, the subject matter of this paper are the activities of the EU courts related to the autonomous restrictive measures against individual subjects, analyzed at several relevant although inseparable levels. The first one considers the intention of the CJEU to "use" the situation regarding the autonomous restrictive measures in order to strengthen its position and competences within the CFSP. The second one is oriented to the efforts of the courts to secure the balance between the effectiveness of the CFSP instruments, on the one hand, and the protection of some of the major principles and values of the EU legal order, on the other hand, such as the rule of law, legal certainty, effective judicial protection or the protection of human rights as guaranteed by the EU Law in general. Thirdly, a very important step in this context has been the jurisprudential identification of the key procedural requirements that the Council`s decisions providing for restrictive measures must fulfill as well (aka the designation criteria, statements of reasons criteria and supporting evidence criteria). By constantly insisting on the fulfillment of these criteria, the EU courts exerted a pressure on the Council to improve its decisions providing restrictive measures in a qualitative manner. Recent jurisprudence, such as the Rosneft or Bank Refah Kargaran cases, shows that there is still enough space for the Court`s interventions in this field, and that some interesting Court`s decisions, related to its position within the CFSP or the general relation between the CFSP and other forms of Union`s external activities, could be expected in the years to come.

Перспективы и проблемы использования морских частных военных компаний “нового облика” в Восточной Африке

In recent decades, some researchers and experts have written a lot about the fact that the monopoly of nation-states on external violence is gradually disappearing, and non-state entities are becoming more and more proactive, challenging the state. Among these actors are criminal groups, underground trade networks, smugglers, slave traders, drug traffickers, gun runners, terrorist groups, pirates. All of them pose so-called non-traditional threats and challenges to states. In the context of the new Cold War, their activities are intensifying. This article is devoted to the analysis of the situation in the coastal waters of East Africa, one of the so-called gray zones, where non-state shadow actors are especially active. The authors investigate the capabilities of the East African states to withstand non-traditional maritime challenges and threats and come to the conclusion that these states are unable to cope on their own. The great powers, on the other hand, are focused on confronting each other and have no capacity to divert forces for operations to maintain order in distant regions. The authors believe that in these conditions, Russia is faced with new opportunities: it can create and send to the region private maritime security companies of a new type, New Order PMSC, which will be financed through a contract with the client state and at the same time will help to strengthen Russia's influence. Unlike ordinary PMSCs, they are not interested in dragging out the conflict, their goal is to eliminate hotbeds of danger and prepare the coast guard forces of client states to deal with potential threats. The activities of these companies will be equally beneficial to the states of East Africa and Russia. The authors propose an approximate composition of such PMSCs, outline the goals and objectives they face, and make certain that with the help of relatively low costs, Russia can improve the effectiveness of its policy in the region.

Problems of ethical regulation of the use of artificial intelligence technologies

The purpose of the article is to analyze the problem of ethical regulation of artificial intelligence technologies in a modern complex socio-cultural environment and active digital transformation of society. In the world today, the practice of private ethical initiatives is very common, associated with the joining of efforts of a number of companies to develop the use of artificial intelligence technologies and consolidate the basic principles of working with such technologies. The research used such scientific methods as dialectical, logical, historical, predictive, systems analysis, content analysis, as well as private scientific methods, such as comparative legal and the method of legal modeling. The study results in proposals for introducing ethical regulators into the general mechanism for regulating digital technologies, obtained on the basis of an analysis of the main directions and approaches to ethical regulation, as well as identifying key problems of ethical regulation in the field of artificial intelligence that have to be solved by society and the state. The authors support the position of researchers and governments of a number of states that normative regulation should take precedence over ethical, the tasks of any state should be to provide normative support for the use of artificial intelligence technologies and protect the rights of citizens. The novelty of the work lies in the conclusion that at the level of the Government of the Russian Federation today it is advisable to develop Model Rules for the use of artificial intelligence technologies in government and local authorities, as well as in their subordinate organizations. The rules can enshrine ethical principles and norms based on the provisions of acts of international organizations and recommendations of the professional expert community. The rules can also reflect recommendations for their use by non-state legal entities, individual citizens. It is concluded that such an approach would eliminate the possibility of numerous ethical codes and regulations from both the public and commercial sectors and would not be redundant.