Unpacking the role of non-state actors' discourses in enhancing climate justice in Uganda's extractive industries

ABSTRACT Authoritarian regimes have increasingly co-opted non-state actors such as celebrities and fans to extend the reach of state propaganda in fragmented digital environments. Despite this growing trend, there remains limited understanding of how fans in authoritarian contexts respond to such efforts. This paper identified a novel phenomenon, performative propaganda engagement, to explain why and how celebrity fans in informational autocracies engage with state propaganda. Combining quantitative analysis of fan engagement with People’s Daily on Weibo and qualitative interviews with celebrity fans in China, this exploratory research finds that celebrity fans actively incorporate the promotion of state propaganda into their daily activities, aiming to enhance the visibility and reputation of their celebrities. Fans primarily engage with celebrity-signaling propaganda, and some of this engagement is instrumental. This research contributes to political communication theory by offering an alternative view of the downstream effects of digital propaganda in authoritarian contexts. The findings shed light on how non-state actors are strategically incorporated into state communication efforts and how fans may behave under a compliance-based logic shaped by political constraints and platform incentives, bridging scholarship on authoritarian information control, fandom politics, and algorithmic media environments.

ABSTRACT Violent non-state actors (VNSAs) aligned with state interests have become prominent yet conceptually fragmented actors within contemporary security dynamics. Despite their growing importance in conflicts worldwide, scholarly and policy literature lack a coherent typology that systematically distinguishes among diverse forms of state-aligned VNSAs. This article addresses this gap by developing a new typology based on an inductive analysis of 100 empirically documented cases active between 2015 and 2025 across multiple world regions. Drawing on seven analytical dimensions including: origin, organisational structure, degree of state control, funding, functional role, motivation, and legal status, seven ideal types are identified: paramilitary units, pro-government militias, loosely state-sponsored VNSAs, auxiliary forces, state-backed self-defence groups, proxy forces, and quasi-state military companies. The typology clarifies conceptual ambiguities by integrating structural and functional variation and provides a valuable tool for comparative analysis, policy formulation, and normative assessment of state-aligned violence.

ABSTRACT This article discusses how security becomes socio-spatially reorganised through governance networks that aim to improve resilience in peripheral areas. The empirical focus is on northeastern Finland. The article argues that even though security governance networks are rationalised in many ways, the rationalities are not uniformly executed in practice, leading to tensions between actors and spatial scales. The views of rural actors about the real security situation may be disregarded, producing experiences of neglect reflecting the relationship between the state's peripheries and centres. The article concludes that supporting rural living conditions can increase national resilience by producing satisfaction towards the state.

This article examines how digital sovereignty emerges not solely through state mandates but via unpredictable alignments of infrastructures, institutions, and imaginaries. Drawing on Science & Technology Studies (STS), it conceptualizes digital sovereignty as a hybrid black box —a provisional assemblage of technical, legal, and cultural components that stabilize sovereign claims in the digital realm. Through a case study of Threema, a privacy-focused messaging app headquartered in Switzerland, the article analyzes how the platform co-produces digital sovereignty in interaction with Swiss public institutions. Using semi-structured interviews and document analysis, it identifies three frictional dynamics—privacy, seclusion, and territorialism—that periodically destabilize the hybrid black box, revealing how sovereignty is negotiated and reconfigured in response to competing legal, infrastructural, and geopolitical pressures. The analysis is rooted in grounded theory coding and builds on literature in infrastructural media studies and post-traditional sovereignty theory. In doing so, the article contributes to current debates on digital sovereignty by showing how non-state actors, like secure messaging platforms, can enact infrastructural practices that perform sovereign functions, thereby reshaping the contours of statehood and autonomy in the digital age.

The article dwells on the evolution of Russia’s international scientific and technological cooperation in relation to foreign policy factors. It focuses on aerospace cooperation: civil aviation, hypersonic technologies, missiles, and space activities. The study examines theoretical approaches to scientific and technical, military and technological cooperation, including the proliferation of advanced military and dual-use technologies, as well as the forms and mechanisms of cooperation. Particular attention is paid to export control and its transformation from the gradual expansion of non-proliferation regimes to “friendly proliferation” among allies. The first part of the paper examines the structure and dynamics of Russia’s scientific and technical cooperation through general statistical indicators. The descriptive analysis is based on the data on arms and military equipment exports. The second part of the article analyzes specific projects in the context of the changing political environment. It also focuses on the transformation of Russia’s scientific and technological system after 2014 and 2022: the curtailment of cooperation with Western countries and the intensification of interaction with non-Western partners. Sanctions, import substitution, and technology localization are also scrutinized, as well as the dynamics of Russia’s military and technical cooperation in the aerospace sector. The article notes the increasing role of non-state actors and cooperation within BRICS. The conclusion is made about the significant influence of world politics on the implementation of international high-tech projects, as well as the dynamic nature of changes in such projects. Further research directions are outlined.

The Malay-Patani ethnonationalism conflict in Southern Thailand reflects the complex dynamics between identity construction, violence, and the violation of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). The background to the conflict is rooted in the political, cultural, and religious marginalization of the Malay-Muslim community by a Thai state that emphasizes the homogeneity of the Thai-Buddhist national identity. The suppression of the Malay language, religious institutions, and collective historical memory led to armed resistance and escalation of violence in the region. This research aims to analyze in depth how the construction of the Malay-Patani identity contributes to violence and forms of violation of the basic principles of IHL, such as distinction, proportionality, and necessity. This study used a descriptive qualitative method with a case study approach. Data were obtained through literature studies, reports from international organizations (International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch), and critical discourse analysis of identity narratives and violence. The results show that the construction of identity suppressed by state policy results in the legitimization of violence by separatist groups, while the state also responds with repressive actions that violate international humanitarian norms. Both state and non-state actors have been involved in systematic violations of IHL, including attacks on civilians, torture, and the use of banned weapons.

The Iran-Israel War of 2025, which coincides with the ongoing Israeli war on Gaza, has forced us to rethink our national security in an increasingly interconnected world. This war started with the Israeli attack on Iran involving complex military intelligence and political operations. It clarified the limits of traditional security methods. We now know that things other than military strength matter for national security. The war revealed how vulnerable countries are when faced with non-physical threats. These hazardous threats can infiltrate our systems, disrupt our information networks, and even cause a schism in our society. This research paper examines the aforementioned events using Realism, Liberalism, Critical Security Studies, and Human Security, all tools that can help us understand modern conflict better. These debates about the shrinking demarcation between state and non-state actors, the growing role of private corporations in espionage and cyber warfare, changing nature of international partnerships, and the necessity of a nation to be strong and united. As per the report, to have actual national security in the 21st century, we should not limit ourselves to military defence only. It needs a bigger plan that provides solid cyber intelligence, credible information warfare, strong community ties, and efforts at technological independence. This way of doing things is not only smart, it's necessary. Vulnerabilities in modern systems can spread quickly and a flaw that occurs in one part of security rarely stays in that area. Most of the time, security flaws quickly travel from one area to the other, making the whole security weak. A large cyber-attack, for example, can damage trust and halt economic activity quite rapidly, meaning that the stability of a state can be affected from within. The close relationship necessitates a security policy that harmonizes and coordinates the efforts of all governmental and social branches. Lawmakers should eliminate departmental barriers and create policies that recognize and respond to these connections. A disunited people or an inadequate digital infrastructure cannot be compensated by even a mighty military, they should realize. The objective of this study is to generate a better and more robust definition of national security, drawing important lessons from this conflict. This will contribute to the development of a framework for adaptable and successful governance in a world full of uncertainties.

The cross-border armed conflict between Saudi Arabia and Yemen since 2015 has triggered the worst humanitarian crisis of this century, with hundreds of thousands of civilians being killed. International Humanitarian Law (IHL) normatively guarantees civilian protection through the principles of distinction, proportionality, military necessity, and humanity. However, the reality shows systematic violations in the form of airstrikes on civilian facilities, blockades resulting in mass starvation, and the indiscriminate use of weapons. This research uses a normative-critical method with a study of primary documents (the 1949 Geneva Conventions, Additional Protocols I & II, UN reports, the ICRC, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch) and a case study of the Saudi-Yemeni conflict. The analysis shows that the limitations of IHL are primarily due to the absence of effective enforcement mechanisms, the politicization of the UN Security Council, the asymmetry between state and non-state actors, and the ambiguity of the classification of international and non-international conflicts. In conclusion, although IHL norms are legally strong, their implementation remains weak due to subordination to political and military interests. Therefore, strengthening enforcement mechanisms, reforming international governance, and adapting norms to hybrid conflicts are necessary to strengthen civilian protection in modern armed conflicts.

The process of composite budgeting necessitates the integration of all financial plans and initiatives from dispersed agencies or units into the district, municipal, and metropolitan assembly budgets (MMDAs). To maintain uniformity, the planning, budgeting, financial reporting, and auditing processes are done for all the units to ensure harmony. The causes, consequences, and difficulties of composite budgeting in Ghana are investigated in this study. The study chose 90 respondents from the Tamale Metro Assembly. Data were collected using questionnaires, in-depth interviews, a systematic review of the Assembly's expenditures, budget allocations, auditor reports from 2013 to 2019, and observations. The study found that the expertise, age, transparency, and inclusivity of stakeholders affect their involvement in the budgeting process. Two-thirds of the expenses were recurring costs. Social services, income generation, and empowerment receive the least amount. Even though composite budgeting is mandated by law, non-state actors' influence and contribution—such as women's organizations and non-technical groups—are not given enough weight. The challenges to composite budgeting, include apathy, lack of information, partisanship and politicization of the process, and insufficient funding. To maintain trust and objectivity in budgeting, the study recommends rigorous adherence to composite budgeting procedures and minimizing partisanship in the processes.

ABSTRACT Bureaucratic encounters are often beset with administrative burdens that hinder access to government services, particularly for vulnerable groups. Consequently, efforts have been made to reduce them as part of a broader thrust recognized as administrative burden reduction (ABR). Research indicates that ‘people’ (e.g. bureaucrats, politicians, and even clients themselves) are viable sources of ABR. The current study builds on this research agenda and probes whether non-state actors, such as Non-Profit Organization workers, qualify as viable sources of ABR. A welfare-based experiment is conducted with 663 U.S. residents, manipulating burden intensity and fraud-reducing functions, to assess intentions toward ABR. Findings indicate that Non-Profit workers are among the ‘people’ who contribute to ABR as they are more likely to assist vulnerable clients in unburdening themselves. Non-Profit workers’ inclination to assist is contingent on the burden intensity and the motivation behind the burdens, though the role of efficacy as a factor is less pronounced.

In the international context, there is a prevailing perception that conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) did not occur during the ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland (NI), commonly referred to as the 'Troubles.' This systematic review shows that CRSV did occur and was widespread and systemic. The review focused on women and girls of all ages in NI during the Troubles. It excluded CRSV outside NI. We searched PyschInfo, EMBASE, and APA Physcarticles (via OVID); PUBMED, CINAHL Ultimate, Criminal justice abstracts, Medline, peace research abstracts, and women's study international (via EBSCOHost); the ProQuest social sciences premium collection (25 databases including the National Criminal Justice Reference Service Abstracts); the Cochrane Library; Scopus; Web of Science; the first 10 pages of Google Scholar; and specialist websites (notably of Amnesty International, the UK Ministry of Justice, the NI Department of Justice, and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights [OHCHR]). Of 4,061 database results, 300 Google Scholar results, and 5,187 'reference list checking' searches, 47 publications met the inclusion criteria. Fourteen publications were identified through database searches, 8 publications through Google Scholar, and 25 publications through reference searches. The publications illuminate the experiences of women and girls in NI who suffered conflict-related sexual, physical, verbal, and psychological harassment, perpetrated by state or non-state actors, in community or criminal justice settings. Available accounts and testimonies show that violence was pervasive, widespread, and created intense fear and vulnerability.

ABSTRACT On 7 October 2023, Hamas dealt a severe blow to Israel’s deterrence by launching a multi-front incursion that killed more than a thousand Israelis and captured hundreds. Prevailing commentary frames the attack as an Israeli intelligence debacle; this study instead interrogates Hamas’s intelligence success. Drawing on strategic deception, the intelligence-cycle model and asymmetric warfare scholarship, it analyses how a resource-starved non-state actor concealed intentions. Process-traced evidence from investigative reporting, declassified Israeli documents, and interviews 1 the author conducted with Hamas’s leadership, members and analysts reveals four enabling pillars: meticulous operational security, systematic open-source and cyber intelligence collection (OSINT), insider human intelligence (HUMINT) and a professionalised intelligence apparatus shaped by decades of counter-espionage practice and external tutoring. The findings underscore adversary agency and expose the fragility of technological superiority for advanced militaries.

ABSTRACT This article examines how religious leaders in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), as non-state actors in a post-conflict setting, construct their perceptions of the European society as an out-group in the context of European Union (EU) integration. Drawing on Social Identity Theory (SIT), this study investigates how religious and socio-political identities intersect to shape attitudes towards EU enlargement. Building on recent research that emphasizes identity flexibility, this study expands SIT by exploring how the in-group actively perceives the European society as a superior, yet compatible and aspirational, out-group. Through social comparison, Bosnian religious leaders articulate favorable perceptions of the European society grounded in a shared Christian heritage, common European geography, and a lived tradition of pluralism. Based on 26 semi-structured interviews across Bosnia’s three major religious traditions, this study offers new insights into how post-conflict identity negotiations enable inclusive narratives of belonging. It contributes to debates on identity politics in EU enlargement by demonstrating how religious leaders foster positive out-group perceptions. These findings provide a nuanced understanding of how perceptions of the European society are socially constructed and offer insights into EU integration strategies, particularly by showing how local religious actors can align narratives of belonging with European values and traditions.

Abstract Environmental protection is widely considered a core function of the state. Yet more than 210 million people currently live under the control of armed non-state actors (ANSAs), many of whom exercise state-like authority over vast, environmentally important territories. Despite growing legal and political science scholarship on ANSAs, their role in environmental protection remains largely unexplored. International law, shaped by conflict-centric frameworks, often fails to account for ANSAs’ non-military dimensions – especially those related to environmental service provision. Similarly, theories of rebel governance have yet to meaningfully incorporate environmental service provision as a governance facet. The article addresses this gap by examining the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC-EP) in Colombia, drawing on documentary analysis and interviews with former combatants. It shifts the limited ecological perspective on war, arguing that the FARC-EP’s environmental practices amounted to a form of rebel environmental governance – structured, intentional and legally plural. Through this case study, the article challenges dominant narratives that view ANSAs solely as environmental spoilers or incidental protectors and instead advocates for a more comprehensive understanding of their impact as environmental service providers and lawmakers. In doing so, the paper reframes ANSAs as socio-legal actors whose environmental practices merit scholarly attention – particularly in ongoing debates around accountability and transitional justice in conflict-affected regions.

Based on a wide range of documentary sources, the article presents a historical dynamics of regionalization processes in Northern Europe as well as identifies their strategic and ideological-political foundations. The theoretical framework of the study is the synthesis of the concepts of old and new regionalism, since regionalization, which began in the mid-20th century, has evolved over time and gradually spread to geographically remote territories. Along with states, non-state actors became active subjects of region-building. The research determined that the historical background to regionalization in Northern Europe was formed during the 15th – mid-20th centuries. The process of region-building itself began in the mid-20th century, with the establishment of the Nordic Council in 1952, and went through three periods (1952–1990, 1990–2013, and 2014 – present). At the first stage, regionalization in Northern Europe was based on the concept of old regionalism and was primarily aimed at preserving regional identity. Starting from the 1990s, the region has been shaped according to the concept of new regionalism, involving the Baltic countries, Russia and geographically remote Arctic states. In 1990–2013, the major goal of these processes was to spread Northern European values to the Baltic, Barents (Euro-Arctic) and Arctic regions; supranational (European Union) and subnational structures as well as a number of non-state actors were involved in Northern European regionalization. The third period, which began in 2014, is characterized by attempts to brand the Northern European region in the global space in order to enhance the region’s image in the world and gain the benefits and advantages of globalization.

This paper investigates the geographic expansion of militias in West Africa since the early 2010s. Is the increase of violence observed in West Africa politically motivated, or is it driven by identity factors, such as ethnicity and religion? To address this question, we examine the geography of political militias and identity militias from 2011 to 2024, using Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED). Political militias are motivated to further their political objectives through violent means, while identity militias are organized around community, ethnicity, region, religion or livelihood. This research assesses three critical dimensions: (1) changes in the intensity of violent events, (2) shifts in the spatial concentration of these events, and (3) differences in spatial patterns between political and identity militias over time. The analysis concentrates on seven countries where armed conflict has significantly escalated from the Central Sahel (Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger) to the Gulf of Guinea’s coastal nations (Benin, Togo, Ghana, and Côte d’Ivoire). Intensity measures reveal whether these conflicts have escalated in frequency or lethality, while spatial analyses assess whether violence has become more geographically clustered or dispersed within and between countries. The findings in this paper offer insights into the dynamic behavior of militia violence, exploring how these violent actors may be adapting their geographic footprint and levels of violence. By evaluating the evolving intensity, concentration, and patterns of militia activity, this research provides a critical understanding of how non-state actors influence the regional security landscape in West Africa.

Abstract International organizations (IOs) face growing resource constraints amid increasing scrutiny and legitimacy challenges from member states. In response, many IOs are seeking to diversify their funding sources by appealing to non-state actors, including individual donors. Yet, little is known about what motivates the public to contribute financially to IOs. This study investigates whether IOs’ efforts at self-legitimation influence donation behavior, distinguishing among three forms of legitimacy: (a) procedural, (b) performance-based, and (c) mandate-based. We examine the effects of legitimacy messaging on public donations to UNICEF through a series of pre-registered survey, field, and survey-based field experiments involving over 22 million Facebook users across five countries—Brazil, Egypt, India, Saudi Arabia, and the United Kingdom. Our findings indicate that legitimacy appeals have limited impact on individuals’ willingness or actual decisions to donate. These results suggest a need for further research into the practical implications of legitimacy in global governance.

The study examines the historical farmer/herder confrontation that recently spelt into multi-layered banditry activities that suddenly dotted all around Zamfara rural areas like a wild fire. The explosive growth of this menace had posed a formidable threat to sustainace of agro-pastoral occupations. Forces many farmers to desert their farmlands and made it very difficult task for animals’ husbandry. Although, banditry precedents and other effects of this social conflict were previously informed in various intellectual pieces, but still it seems that, there were dearths of studies on what made Zamfara agro-pastoral conflict to defy solutions. Therefore, this article seeks to deftly explore and expose the remote and immediate factors spining the wheel of this growing circle of killings, which virtually engulfed many Zamfara rural communities. The study highlights the roles played by the perceived drivers of banditry acts, despite the state and central government efforts taken to address the problem. Which include, but not limited to fallout of long-standing frustration with annexation of grazing reserves to farmland, presence of many ungovern spaces, illicit gold mining, circulation of weapons among non-state actors and emergent ethnic fissures between zamfara agro-pastoralists. Through review of the extant literatures, this paper discovered that at the core of the unrest were grievances linked to sustenance of social injustices, accentuated by the roles played by criminal outlaws, which further amplified the wide spread of abject poverty, unemployment and espionage of the locale informants amongst others. The data obtained were thematically analyzed and discussed by adopting historical and analytical research design as methodological components, employed to in-depthly analysed this rural conflict. Also, the study adopted Frustration Aggressions model, as its theoretical framework. Amongst the recommendations proffered to stem the tides of Zamfara banditry includes: all inclusive community engagement; a wholesome / tactical synergy amongst policing agencies, liasing with telecoms providers in tracking criminals and other non-kinetics measures.

This study aims to analyze the collaborative governance model in the empowerment of underprivileged female customers by Bank BTPN Syariah. The main focus of the study is to examine how collaboration between state and non-state actors is established in collaborative-based empowerment programs and to assess the challenges and effectiveness of this model. The research method used is a descriptive qualitative approach with data collection techniques through literature studies, documentation, and analysis of official documents and institutional practices. The results of the study show that the collaborative model implemented by BTPN Syariah reflects the principles of collaborative governance, such as multi-stakeholder participation, structured role sharing, and a common goal to improve customer welfare. However, several challenges were identified, such as disparities in access to resources and knowledge, limitations in the distribution of accountability, and the continued dominance of one actor. The conclusion of this study indicates that although collaboration has been successful, improvements in transparency, governance, and coordination model innovation are still needed. Recommendations are provided for academics and policymakers to help foster a more equitable and sustainable collaborative ecosystem in empowering underprivileged communities.