The anticipated stable, rules-based world order after the Cold War has unraveled, leading to fragmentation, volatility, and unclear power dynamics, reflecting deeper structural shifts in the global system beyond isolated crises or regional conflicts. The paper analyses the structural, geopolitical, and strategic reasons of the modern instability in the international system and evaluates the character of the power struggle in the 21st century. The new order is being defined by these cross-cutting flashpoints, decentralised conflict patterns and ambiguous rules that damage traditional mechanisms of governance, deterrence and crisis management, contrary to the traditional assumptions of binary great-power rivalry. Power today relies on economic strength, technology, and information control, affecting flashpoints in Eastern Europe, Indo-Pacific, Middle East, and Africa, where conflicts and non-state actors intensify security challenges. These arenas are labs of new types of strategic competition where escalation is usually controlled, ambiguous, and calculated restrained instead of overt or absolute. Focus is given to shifting U.S. global influence, China's strategic rise, Russia's revisionist actions, and middle powers navigating increasingly flexible, transactional alliances in a changing international landscape. These dynamics, when combined, are an indicator of redistribution of power which is uneven, contested, and negotiated, as opposed to being transferred cleanly. Technological advances, economic ties, and ideological fragmentation have merged traditional boundaries between peace and conflict. Consequently, international competition is progressively operating in the long grey-zone ranges, neither open war nor ordinary diplomacy, but infiltrated with coercion, pressure, and influence that is applied continuously and not in spurts.

Human trafficking is a serious crime and is considered a violation of basic human rights. It is also one of the fastest-growing illegal trades, which has affected the developing countries of South Asia. This paper suggests two different borders in the eastern Himalayas that have addressed border activities differently. First, the India-Nepal border has been prone to Human Trafficking due to its porous border, where there is no formal agreement. Secondly, the India and Myanmar border has a specific agreement to prevent human trafficking and has recently ended the Free Movement Regime due to cross-border activities. This paper uses snowball methods to collect data with its narrative to provide a picture of the day-to-day activities. It studies the collaborative effort of state and non-state actors and their success and failure in those two different borders.

The modern Middle East remains a region where acute local hostilities persist, from the confrontation in the Gaza Strip to instability in Yemen and Iraq. At the same time, along with traditional wars, hybrid and proxy conflicts are actively unfolding here. These forms of confrontation are particularly pronounced in the relations between Israel, Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as around the actions of the United States and its partners in Syria and the Persian Gulf in the context of rivalry between regional powers using military, information and cyber tools to achieve their goals. The article analyzes the key mechanisms of hybrid conflicts in the region, from the interaction of regular armies with paramilitary groups to the use of digital technologies and disinformation companies. Special attention is paid to the role of foreign powers, which, through the support of proxy groups, pursue their own interests, contributing to the persistence of instability and fragmentation of the region. The study is based on an analysis of the dynamics of hybrid and proxy wars in the Middle East, in particular between Iran and Saudi Arabia and Israel, as well as with the participation of the United States and its partners in Syria and the Persian Gulf. These conflicts reflect a complex interweaving of global and regional interests, where State and non-State actors use military, economic, information, and cyber tools to achieve strategic goals. The hybrid nature of such wars is transforming traditional notions of sovereignty, security, and forms of violence in the region. In conclusion, it is emphasized that the “invisible fronts” will go beyond the scope of conventional military operations to a greater extent. The information space, energy infrastructure, and networks of political and economic influence are highlighted as key areas of strategic competition. Mastering and systematically understanding the logic of the functioning of these “invisible fronts” seems to be a prerequisite for the formation of comprehensive international security strategies aimed at preventing the escalation of conflicts and ensuring the stability of the regional and global system of international relations.

This article evaluates the use of lethal force by state and non-state political actors, a practice that found one of its clearest expressions in the phrase ‘shot while trying to escape,’ a pretext for extra-legal killing that emerged during the Weimar period in the actions of police and nationalist paramilitaries; however, the use of summary execution became an established institutional practice among SS and police forces under the Nazi regime, and extended to the Wehrmacht with the start of the war. Without doubt, Adolf Hitler’s intervention in creating a parallel legal code through his personal edicts proved decisive in the transformation of killing under the pretext of alleged escape attempts into an accepted and routine bureaucratic practice. Further, Reich Leader of the SS and Chief of the German Police Heinrich Himmler and the SS and police forces under his command provided the means by which the Führer’s conceptions of crime and punishment advanced legal fiction into recognised legal terror in which summary murder became a bureaucratic prerogative.

The wider region of the Black Sea can be used as a case study for comprehending the intricacy of Multilevel Governance. Examining the key features of state and non-state actors and their interactions can aid Romania in strengthening its position in the area.

Тheoretical framework for peace agreements represents a paradigmatic shift in understanding their nature, function, and impact in conflict resolution theory and peacebuilding practice. Moving beyond viewing agreements as mere endpoints or procedural instruments, Bell conceptualizes them as dynamic, constitutive, and inherently legal-political processes that fundamentally reshape conflict landscapes and state-society relations, often acting as de facto constitutions that generate a unique hybrid legal order—the lex pacificatoria. This paper critically analyzes Bell’s core theoretical propositions, highlighting their profound relevance for reframing scholarly understanding and transforming practice. It examines her concepts of peace agreements as constitutional moments, lex pacificatoria, process dynamics , and so on.phase constitutionalism. The paper then analyses the theory’s impact on conflict resolution scholarship, challenging liberal assumptions about peace and reframing the role of law, as well as its transformative impact on peacebuilding practice, particularly in relation to the design, implementation and inclusiveness of agreements. In a critical engagement section , the paper addresses significant limitations, including state-centrism, elitist bias, normative ambiguity within the lex pacificatoria, challenges to phase constitutionalism, gender-related blind spots and operational complexity. The paper concludes by acknowledging Bell’s contribution, and arguing for its continued refinement and contextual adaptation, particularly in relation to non-state actors , local action, digital mediation, climate conflicts and shifts in global power. The extended list of references includes scholars who deal with and criticize the theoretical Bell’s frame.

This study analyzes how Thailand uses Muay Thai as a soft power tool in sports diplomacy, specifically in its efforts to secure Muay Thai's official Olympic status. Using a qualitative case study approach, this study examines the strategies and policies implemented by state and non-state actors to promote Muay Thai globally. Joseph Nye’s soft power theoretical framework and the concept of sports diplomacy provide a foundation for understanding how local culture can be used to enhance a country’s international image and influence. The findings show that Thailand actively uses Muay Thai not only as a national cultural heritage but also as a diplomatic instrument through international training, global competitions, and collaborations with world sports organizations. These efforts strengthen Thailand’s position on the international stage and support its aspirations to include Muay Thai in the Olympic Games. From this, it can answer the question: how does Thailand use Muay Thai as a soft power tool in sports diplomacy to encourage its recognition as an Olympic sport?

Characterization of ‘transnational armed conflicts’ as non-international armed conflicts [“NIAC”] or international armed conflicts [“IAC”] often makes more for an interesting oxonian corridor debate, especially when you’ve been taught by Prof. Dapo Akande and Judge Theodor Meron. For the purposes of international humanitarian law, I argue that transnational armed conflicts may be characterized as a classic NIAC. The factual model that I examine is as follows: A belligerent state [B] uses force against a non-state actor [N] on the territory of a territorial state [T]. Armed forces of T are not involved in the conflict and actions of N are not attributable to T. This argument hinges on four grounds: (1) Interpretation of the Geneva Conventions; (2) Rationale for separate legal regimes; (3) Consequential Reasons; and (4) Examination of counter-arguments.

Abstract To this day, the Antarctic Treaty is only open for accession by States, to the exclusion of any other actors in the international field lacking the quality of statehood; the Protocol for Environmental Protection has followed suit. States Parties, while equally bound by the Treaty, are divided into Consultative and Non-Consultative, with different levels of participation rights. The exception to this approach is the CAMLR Convention, which allows for the membership of regional economic integration organisations ( REIO s). Nevertheless, an evolution in the participation of actors other-than-Consultative Parties can be identified. This contribution focuses on the figures of Non-Consultative Parties, Observers and Experts to the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meetings, addressing their incorporation and evolution in the System, as well as describing their characteristics and how they compare to the more general institution of “observership” in International Law.

In an era in which digital technologies profoundly shape access to and dissemination of information, disinformation is one of the most insidious threats to democratic societies. This contribution aims to analyse the contemporary mechanisms of creation and dissemination of disinformation online, with a particular focus on the risks arising from social media, the current functioning of their algorithms and deepfake technology. The article examines the strategies through which state and non-state actors use manipulated content to shape public opinion, erode trust in institutions, polarize public discourse and influence electoral processes. Through an interdisciplinary approach, the text offers an overview of the new forms of digital propaganda and their historical evolution, underlining the continuity between ancient practices of manipulation and modern disinformation technologies. Particular attention is paid to the concept of parasocial opinion leaders, a central figure in new digital ecosystems, and to the role of algorithms in reinforcing cognitive biases and radicalization phenomena. Finally, some reflections are offered on tools and strategies to combat disinformation, from the regulation of platforms to the strengthening of media education, with the aim of promoting critical and resilient citizenship. The article thus intends to contribute to the academic debate on disinformation as a geopolitical, social and epistemological challenge, proposing a theoretical framework useful for further research and effective policies.

Studies on civilian reactions to war, violence, and criminality offer valuable insights into how individuals and groups assess and cope with danger, but they rarely consider reactions to simultaneous challenges from control by armed groups and common crime. Moreover, they have rarely been analyzed in the context of living under a dictatorship. Drawing insights from 114 in- depth interviews from war-torn Myanmar/Burma in the wake of the 2021 military coup, we argue that civilian responses to various forms of insecurity and threats against their physical survival vary depending on whether they reside in areas controlled by the military junta or contested among different state and non-state actors. We find that in junta-controlled areas, citizen responses tend to be primarily individual, while collective efforts to mitigate violence are scarce, and if they exist, tend to focus on religious and cultural activities and socioeconomic survival. Yet, relatively lower levels of violence and higher political stability allow people to engage in long-term planning, which permits a small number of individuals to engage in limited forms of "quiet" or strategic support for resistance. By contrast, in contested areas, citizens engage in a wider range of responses, including more collective organization to mitigate violence or resist the junta. Yet, given relatively higher levels of violence, individuals are forced to react to constant short-term threats to security in ways that erode organizational and social bonds. Across both types of control, people face increasing common crime, fear, and erosion of social trust, which make taking precautionary measures for protection a prevalent response regardless of levels of armed control. This study contributes to the literature by analyzing actions that are often examined separately (daily individual responses to threats and collective efforts of resistance/adaptation), demonstrating the nuanced and sometimes contradictory ways people cope with threats to their survival.

Unpacking the role of non-state actors' discourses in enhancing climate justice in Uganda's extractive industries

The nature and activities of non-state actors disrupting construction projects: South African construction mafias vs Nigerian Omo Onile

ABSTRACT Authoritarian regimes have increasingly co-opted non-state actors such as celebrities and fans to extend the reach of state propaganda in fragmented digital environments. Despite this growing trend, there remains limited understanding of how fans in authoritarian contexts respond to such efforts. This paper identified a novel phenomenon, performative propaganda engagement, to explain why and how celebrity fans in informational autocracies engage with state propaganda. Combining quantitative analysis of fan engagement with People’s Daily on Weibo and qualitative interviews with celebrity fans in China, this exploratory research finds that celebrity fans actively incorporate the promotion of state propaganda into their daily activities, aiming to enhance the visibility and reputation of their celebrities. Fans primarily engage with celebrity-signaling propaganda, and some of this engagement is instrumental. This research contributes to political communication theory by offering an alternative view of the downstream effects of digital propaganda in authoritarian contexts. The findings shed light on how non-state actors are strategically incorporated into state communication efforts and how fans may behave under a compliance-based logic shaped by political constraints and platform incentives, bridging scholarship on authoritarian information control, fandom politics, and algorithmic media environments.

The article examines the dynamics of Polish machinery exports to Türkiye between 2015 and 2021, using Complex Interdependence Theory as the analytical framework. It highlights the historical, political, and economic context of Polish-Turkish relations, emphasising the role of non-state actors, trade institutions, and market mechanisms in shaping bilateral trade. Special attention is given to the case study of Fabryka Wentylatorów FAWENT S.A., a Polish industrial fan manufacturer, whose long-standing engagement with Turkish power plants and mines illustrates how industrial cooperation develops beyond traditional political or military concerns. The study demonstrates that despite geopolitical uncertainties and economic fluctuations, trade between Poland and Türkiye has shown resilience and potential for growth. The complementary industrial structures of both countries – particularly in the machinery, automotive, and energy sectors – facilitate mutual benefits and future opportunities for deepening cooperation. Findings confirm that Polish exports, driven by competitiveness and adaptability, are an important component of strengthening interdependence and expanding economic diplomacy in the Middle East region.

ABSTRACT Violent non-state actors (VNSAs) aligned with state interests have become prominent yet conceptually fragmented actors within contemporary security dynamics. Despite their growing importance in conflicts worldwide, scholarly and policy literature lack a coherent typology that systematically distinguishes among diverse forms of state-aligned VNSAs. This article addresses this gap by developing a new typology based on an inductive analysis of 100 empirically documented cases active between 2015 and 2025 across multiple world regions. Drawing on seven analytical dimensions including: origin, organisational structure, degree of state control, funding, functional role, motivation, and legal status, seven ideal types are identified: paramilitary units, pro-government militias, loosely state-sponsored VNSAs, auxiliary forces, state-backed self-defence groups, proxy forces, and quasi-state military companies. The typology clarifies conceptual ambiguities by integrating structural and functional variation and provides a valuable tool for comparative analysis, policy formulation, and normative assessment of state-aligned violence.

Funding problems are increasingly affecting major international organizations (IOs). From the World Food Programme (WFP) to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), many IOs are today forced to rely on closely earmarked and unpredictable sources of funds, with negative implications for their functioning. However, these challenges are neither unprecedented nor uniform in their causes and consequences. Drawing on literature on delegation, performance, and the earmarked funding of IOs, we propose a sequential process whereby preference heterogeneity among an IO’s stakeholders leads to heightened donor control through funding, which, in turn, reduces IO autonomy and performance. Empirically, we illustrate how major state and non-state actors have often used money as a control mechanism in the absence of influence via weighted voting or formal voting rights. With a longitudinal case study of international health institutions spanning from the 1920s to the 2010s, we examine—drawing from primary including archival sources—how the League of Nations Health Organisation (LNHO) and the World Health Organization (WHO) have repeatedly had to contend with irregular and conditional funding. We also investigate how this has undermined their autonomy and to what extent it has impaired their performance. The article contributes to the literature by offering a clearer understanding of the causes and consequences of IO funding practices, providing an in-depth, longitudinal analysis of IO funding in global health, and elucidating the sustained impact of non-state actors as influential sources of funding.

ABSTRACT This study examines disability governance in a rentier state context, to determine whether it sustains institutionalization or advances deinstitutionalization. Employing the meso-level Policy Arrangement Approach, the study explores four dimensions – discourse, actors, resources, and rules. Using a corpus of 427 coded text segments analysed through qualitative and computational (R-based) methods, the findings reveal a hybrid governance model – controlled neo-corporatism – where the state retains centralized authority while permitting structured roles for non-state actors in service delivery. The findings identify a “controlled neo-corporatist” model that paradoxically combines state dominance in agenda-setting and resource allocation with structured non-state participation in service delivery and advocacy. This model partially aligns with rights-based framework, but is constrained by institutional resilience. The study rejects the hypothesis of persistent centralized control, supporting instead a transition to hybrid governance driven by global norms and modernization, though full deinstitutionalization remains limited by state-centric priorities. This contributes to comparative disability studies by highlighting unique governance dynamics in rentier states, bridging macro-level policy with micro-level exclusionary outcomes.

ABSTRACT This article discusses how security becomes socio-spatially reorganised through governance networks that aim to improve resilience in peripheral areas. The empirical focus is on northeastern Finland. The article argues that even though security governance networks are rationalised in many ways, the rationalities are not uniformly executed in practice, leading to tensions between actors and spatial scales. The views of rural actors about the real security situation may be disregarded, producing experiences of neglect reflecting the relationship between the state's peripheries and centres. The article concludes that supporting rural living conditions can increase national resilience by producing satisfaction towards the state.

This article examines how digital sovereignty emerges not solely through state mandates but via unpredictable alignments of infrastructures, institutions, and imaginaries. Drawing on Science & Technology Studies (STS), it conceptualizes digital sovereignty as a hybrid black box —a provisional assemblage of technical, legal, and cultural components that stabilize sovereign claims in the digital realm. Through a case study of Threema, a privacy-focused messaging app headquartered in Switzerland, the article analyzes how the platform co-produces digital sovereignty in interaction with Swiss public institutions. Using semi-structured interviews and document analysis, it identifies three frictional dynamics—privacy, seclusion, and territorialism—that periodically destabilize the hybrid black box, revealing how sovereignty is negotiated and reconfigured in response to competing legal, infrastructural, and geopolitical pressures. The analysis is rooted in grounded theory coding and builds on literature in infrastructural media studies and post-traditional sovereignty theory. In doing so, the article contributes to current debates on digital sovereignty by showing how non-state actors, like secure messaging platforms, can enact infrastructural practices that perform sovereign functions, thereby reshaping the contours of statehood and autonomy in the digital age.