Relevance . In a context where the peasantry constituted the absolute majority of the population, the attempt to forcefully build communism through total nationalization and the violent confiscation of products led to a systemic crisis, culminating in mass uprisings and famine. Studying this historical experience allows us to understand the underlying causes of the failure of this social experiment and its catastrophic consequences. The purpose of the article − based on the analysis of the doctrinal principles of Bolshevism and the practical measures of the policy of “war communism”, is to identify the key contradictions between the ideological utopia and the peasant reality that predetermined the collapse of this policy. Objectives : analyzing the theoretical foundations of "War Communism" in the works of V.I. Lenin, N.I. Bukharin, and L.D. Trotsky; studying key policy instruments (food dictatorship, food tax collection, poor peasant committees, and labor service); and assessing the peasantry's response and the consequences of this policy for the agricultural sector and the country as a whole. Methodology . This article utilizes historiographical, comparative historical, and problem-chronological methods to analyze the policy of "War Communism" and its consequences. Results . The study established that the policy of "war communism" was not only a necessary measure during the Civil War, but also a deliberate attempt to implement the Marxist doctrine of an immediate transition to a communist social structure based on the complete rejection of market relations. It was revealed that its key instrumentswere aimed at breaking the peasantry as a class of smallholders. Historical analysis revealed that the peasantry's reaction (reduced crop yields, passive sabotage, and armed uprisings) was a rational response to the dismantling of economic incentives. The policy of "war communism" led to the collapse of agricultural production, mass famine, and brought the Soviet regime to the brink of disaster. Conclusions . the policy of "war communism" represented a failed attempt to mechanically transfer a speculative Marxist doctrine to Russian agrarian soil. The Bolshevik leadership's inability to reconcile its ideology with the fundamental interests of the peasantry led to a profound socioeconomic crisis and provoked a large-scale peasant war, forcing the architects of the experiment to radically change course and transition to the New Economic Policy (NEP).

This article examines the development of the handmade felted footwear craft within an agrarian region. The novelty of this study lies in its interdisciplinary approach and its analysis of an extensive timeframe encompassing the late Imperial era, the period of War Communism, and the years of the New Economic Policy (NEP). The research draws upon a diverse source base, including regional archival documents, the authors’ own field archive of oral histories, published statistical data, administrative records, and contemporary periodicals. The study demonstrates that during the late Imperial period, the work of felters was predominantly subsistence-based, with cottage industries only beginning to emerge in areas with a high concentration of artisans. It is reported that the mechanization of production progressed at a slow pace. Furthermore, the authors conclude that the rapid development of trade cooperatives among felters during War Communism was driven by the demands of the military front. The article also pays particular attention to explaining the reasons for the decline in the number of these trade cooperatives during the NEP. Finally, it is emphasized that the concurrent use of dialectal and literary lexicon related to the professional domain within the same locality not only reflects a deep-seated cognitive framework for labor but also underscores the significance of specific types of work and the value of artisanal skill.

The Implementation, Coordination, and Evaluation Unit (ICU) was established under the New Economic Policy (NEP) of 1971. ICU developed as the main body in charge of managing the effort to eradicate poverty, generally referred to as the people's welfare program. ICU has also been expanded to the state and district levels under the name State Development Office (SDO). Therefore, the goal of this study was to ascertain the relationship between the effectiveness and role of SDO and the Terengganu poverty eradication program. In order to meet the aims of the study, a questionnaire was used to collect primary data and secondary sources were collected from government publications, books, journals, newspapers, research reports, and the Internet. Purposive sampling was used to select the respondents from among the poor people in Terengganu. All things considered, this study can assist SDO in carrying out its responsibility as the principal organization in implementing policies aimed at eliminating poverty, which is consistent with the government's objective of attaining zero absolute poverty by 2025. Indeed, the percentage of Terengganu's hardcore poor can be decreased, and this study can offer recommendations for ways to address the problems of poverty eradication.

The article examines the evolution of the views and forecasts of P.N. Milyukov, a prominent Russian politician, historian, and representative of Russian left-wing liberalism, regarding Russia's development in the 1920s and 1930s, based on publications in the Parisian newspaper “Latest News”. It is revealed that he predicted the inevitable demise of the Bolshevik regime due to the contradictions between the New Economic Policy (NEP) and the socioeconomic model. However, I.V. Stalin and the elite did not wait for popular uprisings to sweep away the ruling regime; instead, they began to create an isolated economic system based on the enslavement of the Russian peasantry. The Soviet economy in the 1930s operated outside all economic laws and was unprofitable, costly, and ineffective. The Bolshevik regime gradually degenerated into Stalinist despotism. According to P.N. Milyukov, the emerging society had nothing in common with the social ideal of V.I. Lenin. Nevertheless, the researcher did not deny the gigantic civilizational shift in Russian industry and agriculture and called this society socialist, despite all its contradictions. The analysis conducted by P.N. Milyukov in the 1920s and 1930s remains relevant in the first quarter of the 21st century.

This report analyses the 1991 Indian economic liberalisation, arguing that it was a reactive response to a severe balance of payments crisis, rather than a proactive ideological shift. The analysis first details the structural weaknesses of the pre-1991 "Licence Raj" economy, highlighting its inefficiencies stemming from state control, import substitution industrialisation policies, and unsustainable debt-fuelled growth during the 1980s. The confluence of external shocks (the Gulf War and the collapse of the Soviet Union) and internal vulnerabilities precipitated a catastrophic depletion of foreign exchange reserves, pushing the nation to the brink of sovereign default. The government's desperate measures, including pledging gold reserves, underscore the lack of viable alternatives. The report emphasises the direct causal link between the stringent conditionalities imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank bailout package and the specific reforms implemented under the New Economic Policy (NEP). The NEP's key features—devaluation, trade liberalisation, industrial deregulation, foreign investment liberalisation, and public sector reform—directly correspond to the IMF/World Bank's Structural Adjustment Program. While acknowledging the existence of prior reformist ideas and the growth of the 1980s, the report concludes that the crisis was the indispensable catalyst that transformed desirable but politically impossible reforms into a necessary reality, demonstrating that India's liberalisation was fundamentally a paradigm shift by decree driven by economic necessity.

Reflecting upon Malaysia’s sovereignty since 1957, this research dissects the kind of Malaysian’s that has been prescribed Chinese Malaysians through language policies. In Malaysia, a multi-ethnic country, there is a government policy for the official language: Bahasa Malaysia (the specific kind of Malay used in the country); this is intended to promote national integration. Yet this policy would also sow discord, particularly amongst the Chinese Malaysian community who felt their language and customs were being side-lined. This paper examines the evolution of Malaysia’s language policies through 3 major periods: the nation-building phase from independence to the 1970s, a period of equity and standardization during Malaysia's New Economic Policy (NEP) from 1970s to 1990s, and an era that started in the mid-1990s but is still ongoing characterized by the move towards more pluralism. These stages echo the manner in which the policies evolved as politics, economics and society changed over time reflecting efforts to accommodate national solidarity with ethnic complexity. The study demonstrates how these language-in-education policies have had major implications on Chinese Malaysian nationalism as a shift is noted from ethnocentrism to a more civic nationalism that the Government has sought to inculcate. The Chinese community initially identified itself through its ethnic language and culture but Bahasa Malaysia was increasingly visible, while English meant involvement in schools leading to a more encompassing nationality now cantered on citizenship and involvement in national life. The research also look at the function that have been played by Chinese-medium schools as important platforms of cultural preservation, but also sites of tension, manifestations of conflict between ethnic identity and national integration. This study shows that socio-linguistic change may result in the confluence of language, ethnicity and national identity from one perspective, while from another point of view; language policies may bring about further division between the various communities in Malaysia. It recognizes the necessity of an inclusive language politics which respects ethnic diversity, yet bolsters national identity.

The aim of this research is to identify the specific characteristics of private trade during its formation in the Irkutsk Governorate in the initial period of the New Economic Policy (NEP). The article identifies the main stages in the development of private trade, examines the measures taken by the gubernatorial authorities to organize and regulate this process, analyzes the subjective and objective factors shaping the specificity of private trade in the Irkutsk Governorate, and presents quantitative and qualitative indicators that are used to examine the dynamics of private trade. The scientific novelty is determined by the insufficient study of this topic, as well as the introduction into scholarly discourse of previously unused archival documents, statistical compendia, and periodical materials. As a result, it was found that the process of establishing private trade in the Irkutsk Governorate in 1921-1923 proceeded quite actively and was defined by local regional specifics.

The formation and strengthening of local Soviets in the autonomous regions of the North Caucasus is an important but little-studied aspect of the new economic policy in the region. Therefore, the article is devoted to clarifying the trends in the development of local Soviets in the autonomous regions of the North Caucasus Region in 1924–1929. The study reveals the organizational and personnel strengthening of local Soviets, their formation through elections and relationships with citizens’ gatherings. The basis of the research is a historical new institutionalism, which makes it possible to determine the interaction of formal and informal structures of society, and the practices of policy participants. The transition from appointed revolutionary committees to elected Soviets took place gradually in the autonomous regions of the North Caucasus, from 1921 to 1924 (faster in North Ossetia and Adygea, slower in Chechnya). The organizational and personnel weakness of the village and district Soviets by the mid-1920s is established. The chairmen and secretaries of village Soviets often became undesirable persons for the Communist Party – officials of the tsarist era, clergymen, disloyal intellectuals. Documents in Russian were not well understood by the population. Rural gatherings replaced village Soviets, and often made decisions at the will of the well-to-do strata. There were practices of “dual power” at the local government level. The policy of “reviving the Soviets” (1924–1929) in the autonomous regions of the North Caucasus had peculiar tasks: organizational and financial strengthening of local Soviets; translating office work into regional languages and eliminating the illiteracy of deputies; ensuring a politically loyal core of Soviets’staff from among farmhands and the poor peasants, workers; eliminating the political influence of rural gatherings and well-to-do stratas of society. The transition from NEP to collectivization qualitatively changed the functions of local Soviets, making the primary task of managing the modernization of the economy.

This article explores the economic development, arms race, and diplomatic relations of the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s. At the beginning of the 20th century, the Soviet Union experienced revolution and civil war, and its economy almost collapsed, but it later achieved recovery through the New Economic Policy (NEP). In the mid-1920s, after Stalin came to power, the Soviet Union began implementing a five-year plan with the goal of rapid industrialization and agricultural collectivization. During this period, the Soviet economy underwent fundamental changes. In terms of military affairs, the Soviet Union accelerated its military construction to respond to domestic and international security threats, and began to participate in the international arms race. In diplomacy, the Soviet Union attempted to expand its influence and export revolution. The international hostile situation has intensified its confrontation with the West.

This study discusses the role of the National Corporation (PERNAS) in improving Malay economic participation through business and equity ownership from 1969 to 1990. The research problem centres on the question on the extent of PERNAS’ effectiveness in implementing the objectives of the New Economic Policy (NEP), particularly in expanding Bumiputera participation in the corporate and business sectors that had previously been dominated by non-Bumiputera and foreign companies, as well as increasing Bumiputera equity through share ownership. This study employs a qualitative method based on the historical approach, with an emphasis on documentary and primary source analysis. The research materials were obtained from the National Archives, PERNAS annual reports, and parliamentary hansard reports. The study also refers to secondary sources such as academic books, journals, and magazines related to economic policies and Bumiputera development. Content analysis techniques are used to evaluate the implementation of PERNAS’ strategies and their effectiveness in achieving the goals of the NEP. The findings show that PERNAS played a significant role as an agent in implementing government policy by establishing various Bumiputera-owned companies, acquiring interests in multinational corporations, and building up a network of Malay entrepreneurs through training and franchise programmes. Despite facing challenges in policy implementation and relying on government support, PERNAS remained a key instrument in the socio-economic transformation of the Malays by the late 1980s. The study concludes that PERNAS has made significant contributions in Bumiputera economic development during the period under review.

This article explores the economic development, arms race, and diplomatic relations of the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s. At the beginning of the 20th century, the Soviet Union experienced revolution and civil war, and its economy almost collapsed, but it later achieved recovery through the New Economic Policy (NEP). In the mid-1920s, after Stalin came to power, the Soviet Union began implementing a five-year plan with the goal of rapid industrialization and agricultural collectivization. During this period, the Soviet economy underwent fundamental changes. In terms of military affairs, the Soviet Union accelerated its military construction to respond to domestic and international security threats, and began to participate in the international arms race. In diplomacy, the Soviet Union attempted to expand its influence and export revolution. The international hostile situation has intensified its confrontation with the West.

The article is devoted to the magazine “Islam Majallasy” (1924–1928), which was actually a body of the clergy of the Central Spiritual Administration of Muslims (TsDUM). The magazine gives a holistic view of the development of the Ummah of European Russia during the period of relative religious tolerance during the time of the New Economic Policy (NEP). Under the editorship of Kashshafetdin Tarjemani, “Islam Majallasy” largely continued the traditions of pre-revolutionary theological magazines, especially “Ad-Din wa al-Adab”. The main topic of the magazine was devoted to the theological justification of the reforms of the New Time and the ways of evolution of Muslims in the conditions of the Soviet regime. In this magazine, the official chronicle of the activities of the TsDUM occupies an important place. The periodical reports on Soviet legislation and analyzes the experience of Muslims interacting with Soviet authorities in the Center and regions (especially the Tatar and Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR)). A special feature of the magazine was the presence of a column devoted to women’s issues, in which, under the leadership of Mukhlisa Bubi, the principles of the development and preservation of Muslim female identity in Soviet Russia were developed.

This article examines the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in the Tatar Republic, Ulyanovsk, Samara, and Saratov provinces. The institutional principles governing the organization of the internal market, developed within the framework of Lenin’s project, are identified as the foundation of economic activity. The results of a comparative analysis of the regional network are presented. It is established that the rapid growth of trade was driven by the dynamics of absolute indicators in the private sector and the strengthening positions of state and cooperative sectors. It is emphasized that while there was a shift towards state entities in provincial trade turn-over, a balanced ratio of trading competitors with an advantage for private capital was observed in the Tatar Republic. The study argues that the revival of market conditions, influenced by prior experience, initiated an evolutionary direction for the policies being implemented. It is shown that regulation reflected a measured approach by authorities towards private competition and their desire to critically assess their actions regarding cooperation. However, instances of incompetence and simplified solutions to pressing issues suggest that the legitimization of arbitrary state power to interfere in the recovery process is merely a matter of time. The author concludes that the counterbalance to the destructive force of class hatred can only be found in the constructive potential of social partnership, which builds an economy based on compromise.

This scientific article examines the historical aspects of tax policy, as well as the organizational and tactical fea-tures involved in the reconstruction and establishment of the practice of direct taxation within the taxation sys-tem of the Soviet state during the initial period of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in the country. The replace-ment of the food and raw material requisitioning system with a natural tax was the state’s response to the dis-content expressed by workers and peasants regarding the prevailing economic policies. The Soviet state builds its taxation system primarily on the introduction of direct taxes. At the initial stage, the direct taxation system comprised a multitude of taxes levied by various authorities. The multiplicity of taxes, the difficulty in calculating tax rates, and the shortage of qualified personnel in the fiscal apparatus were features of the initial period of restoration of the direct taxation system. Some examples from the practice of fiscal activity in the Nizhny Nov-gorod province are given.

The article examines the changes in the legal status of the special services in the context of the country's transition from war to peace, from the policy of war communism to the New Economic Policy (NEP). When analyzing changes, the authors strive to identify the influence of notonly internal factors, but also external ones. At the same time, they take into account the inconsistency and uncertainty of the era of the 1920 s, which inevitably required a compromise between the opposing sides, strengthening the general social (universal) orientation in the activities of various state structures. At the same time, such a subjective factor as the inertia of the methods of civil war in the activities of the ruling party, the severity of internal social contradictions, the threat of new intervention put the struggle for stability in the first place, countering destructive, destructive elements that threaten the security of the state, that is, manifestations of the class approach.

This article provides significant addition related to the history of book publishing in the Saratov province in 1918–1928. According to the study, the number of books and brochures published in Saratov province from 1918 to 1928 was at least 2294. Among them, there were popular science books. However, their role and significance in the regional book publishing of the first Soviet decade have not received adequate coverage to date. Therefore, it seems important not only to establish quantitative indicators of output, but also to identify the factors that determined the appearance of this type of books, their subject matter, dynamics, features, analyze the book repertoire, the composition of authors and publishers. The study identified 173 titles of popular science literature published in the region in 1918–1928 by three dozen publishing houses and publishing organizations. Among the above-mentioned publishing organizations were scientific institutes and organizations, as well as cooperative, state and even private enterprises. The authors included many well-known scientists and practitioners in the province, university professors. Reacting to the problems of the region, they tried to provide information on modernization of agriculture in the arid Volga region; countering epidemics and diseases that threatened the province in the 1920s; strengthening women’s health; civil defense, on the development of a new metric system of measures, etc. A number of authors and publishing organizations stimulated the interest of the local community in technical creativity and promoted general science, local history and other education-related spheres. The highest rise in the output of popular science literature, recorded in 1924–1926, was largely associated with the activities of the Moscow publishing house Novaya Derevnya. It was placed in the province for printing books and brochures created by both Saratov and metropolitan authors under the conditions of the NEP (New Economic Policy).

This article examines the experience of regional cooperative development during the New Economic Policy (NEP) years. It focuses on the specifics of the unification of primary fisheries cooperatives into district and provincial unions. The author identifies two stages in this process: 1) from 1921 to 1924, when fisheries cooperatives had their own specialized unions; 2) from 1924 to 1928, when fisheries cooperation became part of mixed unions. The article presents data on the composition and number of cooperatives involved in the activities of these unions. It analyzes the functioning of the unions against the backdrop of changing realities, including the transition from War Communism to NEP, reduction of the province’s territory, the resolutions of the XIV All-Union Conference of the AllUnion Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and the III All-Union Congress of Soviets, as well as the adoption of a course towards industrialization. In conclusion, it is asserted that the gradual disappearance of specialized unions had a detrimental effect on cooperative development in the province. Most projects and initiatives developed and organized by the leadership of specialized unions were not fully realized. In mixed unions, attention to fisheries cooperation was given only as an afterthought.

This article is an analysis of the evolution and changes that occurred in public procurement in Malaysia from two eras, namely the era of British colonialism and the era of the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP). The targeted objective is to examine the changes that occurred in public procurement during the period, analyze the reasons and factors why those changes occurred and then the impact that was left behind. This is important because the public procurement policy in those two periods has become the basis of the government procurement system in Malaysia today. Political and the direction of the government were found to play a role in shaping the form of public procurement in both eras and it was systematically legitimized. The British have made public spending run according to their mold and direction even though the sultan is still the supreme ruler of a state. Through the term “advising” versus “directing” in managing the administration, the British established the Federal Assembly as a legitimate control tool to govern and dominate the financial administration in their colonial states. Crown agents played an important role in public procurement representing the supreme British government in London and this continued until after independence. NEP which was launched in 1971 witnessed an important transition where there was a clear role for the government by being more actively involved in the national development agenda through public procurement. This happens through affirmative policies in the form of legislation, bureaucratic frameworks and quota systems. This has had an impact on the country’s public procurement policy until now.

This article explores the issue of university autonomy and academic freedom in Soviet universities during the 1920s–1950s. In the years 1917–1922, Bolsheviks established a new type of university based on the higher education system of the Russian Empire – the democratic-enlightenment university, contrasting with the pre-revolutionary imperial university. It was open to the lower classes of society, primarily proletarians, did not award diplomas upon completion, was not integrated into the civil service system like the imperial university, and focused on training personnel for the economic and social spheres and mass education. Its complete subordination to Narkompros was accompanied by relaxation in the realm of academic freedoms. This university was characterized by pedagogical experiments, the application of cutting-edge teaching technologies for that time, and an emphasis on independent and creative student work. Following the end of the New Economic Policy (NEP) and the country’s shift towards industrialization and cultural revolution, there arose a need for specialists in the national economy, teachers, and medical professionals. The universities of the 1920s were unable to meet these transformations, leading to Stalin’s reform of higher education. This reform aimed at pragmatizing higher education and significantly impacted universities. As a result, universities became integrated into the higher education system as institutions preparing personnel for science and the education system. Practices reminiscent of pre-revolutionary universities, including their focus on elite reproduction, were revived. The new regulations further restricted their autonomy; however, remnants of university autonomy crucial for training scientific personnel persisted in Soviet universities.

The purpose of research is to study the life and work of the first Soviet writer Vladimir Yakovlevich Zazubrin. His biography is described in detail and a brief description of his works is given. It is shown that the life of this person was full of bright and dynamic events. Zazubrin managed to be an underground revolutionary, a participant in the Civil War on both sides, a political worker and a Soviet writer. Impressed by the events of the Civil War, Zazubrin published his first novel, “Two Worlds,” which immediately gained popularity among Red Army soldiers, workers and peasants. After this, the writer becomes the editor of the Sibirskie Ogni (Siberian Lights) magazine and heads the Simbirsk Writers Union. However, in his works the writer tried to raise pressing problems of our time and, being a convinced communist, he remained an artist, trying to capture and show the unsightly picture of Soviet reality during the NEP (New Economic Policy) period. Many of his works, such as Shchepka (Sliver) and Blednaia Pravda (Pale Truth) raised the question of the appropriateness of revolutionary terror, the problem of unresolved social problems after the revolution, as well as the place and role of man in a post-revolutionary society. Unfortunately, the realistic picture of the post-revolutionary world by V.Ya. Zazubrin was negatively perceived by many Soviet party leaders, writers and literary critics. This became the reason for constant attacks on the writer’s work. In addition, in 1928, Zazubrin became a victim of group intrigues in the writing community and the beginning of the fight against the opposition, because of which he lost his post as editor of the Sibirskie Ogni (Siberian Lights) magazine and was expelled from the party. In all subsequent years, Vladimir Yakovlevich tried to rehabilitate his name before the party. Thanks to the intercession of M. Gorky, he managed to become a member of the USSR Writers' Union and publish his novel Gory (Mountains) about collectivization. However, despite his efforts, Zazubrin was never able to fit organically into the Soviet system, and then was crushed by it as an alien element.